»  v  i  ; 


Ittfi 

HISTORY 


OP 


THE  WAR, 


BETWEEN  THE 

UNITED  STATES  ^JV 

WHICH  COMMENCED  IN  JUNE,   1812,  AND  CLOSED  IN  FEBRUARY,  1815; 

CON  PAINING 

THE  CORRESPONDENCE  WHICH  PAS&fcD  BETWEEN  THE  TWO  GOVERNMENTS, 

XMMKOIVTELY  PRLCfcDING,  A.ND  ftlNCE  UOS  t  iillltS  COMiMENCLD  J    THE 

DECLARATION  OP  WAR,  AND  THE  OFFICIAL,  RfcPORTo  OF  i*AND 

AND  NAVAL,  ENGAGEMENTS. 


COMPILED  CHIEFLY  FROM 

PUBLIC  DOCUMENTS. 


WITH  AN 


•Appendix, 


CONTAINING 

THE  CORRESPONDENCE  WHICH  PASSED  BETWEEN  OUR  COMMISSIONERS^ 
AND  THOSE  APPOINTED  BY  GREAT-BRITAIN  IN  TREATING  FoR  PEACE. 

TO  WHICH  IS  ADDED, 

THE  TREATY  OF  PEACE, 

• 

AND  A  LIST  OP  VESSELS  TAKEN  FROM  GREAT-BRITAIN 
DURING  THE  WAR. 


COMPILED 
BY  J.  RUSSELL,  JR. 


HARTFORD : 

AND  PUBLISHED  BY  B.  ^  J.  RUSSEL& 

State-Street. 

1814 


District  of  Connecticut.  $3. 

Xv — ~%.  BE  IT  REMEMBERED,  That  on  the  tenth  day  of  July, 
\  L.S.  \  in  tiie  Fortieth  year  oj  the  Independence  of  the  Umled  States 
;rf  «**<»**<£  of  America,  tt  <Jy  J  Russell,  of  the  said  District,  dt posited 

hi  this  office  the  title  of  a  Book,  the  right  whereof  they  claim  as  Kroprie- 

iors*  in  the  yvordsfidlowtngi  to  wit. 

1  The  History  of  the  War  between  the  United  Slates  and  Great  f'-ritain, 

{  which  commenced  in  June,  1 8 1 2  and  closed  in  Feb    18(5,  containing  the 

'  correspondence  nhich  passed  between  the  two  Governments   immediately 

*  preceding  and  since   hostilities  commenced  •  the  declaration  of  \\  ar  and 

*  the  official  reports  of  land  and  naval  engagements,  compiled  chiefly  front 
1  public  documents      With  an    appendix,   containing  I  he.   correspondence 
( which  passed  between  our  Commissioners  and  those  appointed  by  Great- 
'Britain  in  treating  for  peace.      To  which  is  added  the  Treaty  oj   Peace, 
1  and  a  fist  of  vessels  taken  from  Great  Brilain  during  the  war.     Compiled 
*byJ  RUSSELL.  Jr  ' 

In  conjormity  to  the  Act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  entitled  "  An 
fi  act  for  the  encouragement  of  learning,  by  securing  the  copies  of  Maps, 
"  Charts,  and  Books  to  the.  authors  and  proprietors  of  such  copies,  during 
"  the  times  therein  mentioned.J) 

HENRY  W.  EDWARDS, 
Clerk  of  the  District  of  Connecticut . 
A  (rue  copy  of  Record,  examined  and  sealed  by  me, 
H.  W.  Edwards, 

Clerk  of  the.  District  of Connecticut i 


INTRODUCTION. 


An  history  of  recent  transactions,  must  always  be  exe 
cuted  under  many,  and  great  disadvantages. 

In  a  time  of  war,  many  important  occurrences  are  but 
imperfectly  known,  till  the  truth  i*  eiic  ted  by  legal  in 
vestigation  ;  and,  in  addition  to  this,  the  feelings  of  men 
are  so  ardent,  that  an  author  cannot  be  expected  to  be  wholly 
impartial,  when  recounting  those  events,  in  which  himself, 
or  his  friends,  have  acted  a  conspicuous  part. 

The  publishers  were,  therefore,  of  opinion,  that  at  the 
present  time,  the  rfiost  useful  History  of  the  War,  would 
be  a  faithful  collection  of  Official  State  Papers,  and  accounts 
of  Military  operations.  Such  a  work  cannot  be  ta\ed 
with  partiality  ;  and,  it  is  presumed,  will  be  perused  with 
interest  by  every  American,  who  values  his  national 
rights,  and  whose  bosom  glows,  at  the  recital  of  those  deeds 
oi  vaior,  which  have  exalted  the  honor  of  his  country. 

[f  in  some  instances,  Commanding  Officers  have  seemed 
to  manifest  a  want  of  candour,  it  ought  still  to  be  renum 
bered  by  the  public,  that  they  wrote  in  the  heat  of  the  oc 
casion  ;  and,  often,  while  agonizing  under  wounds  receiv-- 
ed  from  an  exasperated  enemy.  Modern  Histories  of 
Campaigns,  are  not,  to  say  the  least,  more  candid,  and  are, 
surely,  less  entitled  to  apology.  This  collection  of  Docu 
ments  can  never  become  a  useless  volume  ;  for,  besides  fur 
nishing  the  best  evidence  ot  fact  to  the  inquisitive  reader, 
and  future  historian,  it  is  a  ready  manuel,  by  which  every 
enquirer  after  truth,  can  at  once  adduce  the  best  evidence 
on  questions  which  affect  the  character  of  the  American 
nation,  relative  to  her  military  prowess.  Our  readers  will 
feel  satisfied,  after  its  perusal,  th:*t  they  possess  ail  the 
Official  information,  which  can  be  obtained,  relative  to  the 
military  movements,  arid  bravery  and  skill  of  our  country 
men  in  the  field  of  battle.  Perhaps,  in  some  instances,  the^ 
losses  a. ul  sufferings  of  the  armies  of  both  nations,  have  not 
been  fully  ascertained  :  so  wide  is  the  tield,  that  it  is  some- 

3 


IV  INTRODUCTION. 

what  difficult  to  collect  all  the  facts.  On  the  water,  where 
\ve  have  been  peculiarly  successful,  the  official  accounts 
more  fully  and  explicitly  state  the  loss,  as  well  as  the  com 
parative  skill  and  bravery  of  the  contending1  parties. 

In  the  list  of  public  and  private  vessels  taken  from  the 
enemy  during  the  war,  we  have  not  given  the  whole  num 
ber  of  men  and  guns,  on  board  of  a  lar^e  proportion  of  the 
merchant  vessels,  as  it  was  never  officially  stated.  In 
every  instance  of  this  kind,  where  we  could  not  obtain  cor 
rect  information,  we  have  left  the  number  blank.  We  are 
sorry  to  say  it  is  wholly  out  of  our  power  to  accompany 
the  list  of  prizes  with  a  correct  list  of  the  vessels  we  have 
lost  ;  the  enemy  never  having  made  a  public  statement  of 
the;r  prizes,  we  could  not  collect  them  from  any  authentic 
source. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  T. 

Page 

Presidents'  Message. 

Mouroe  and  Foster's  Correspondence  relative  to  the  Orders  in  Council, 
Blockades,  aud  Impressment  of  Seamen.  15322,23, 26,27,38,  45, 52, 57 

CHAPTER  II. 

Adjustment  of  the  affair  of  the  Chesapeake  Frigate,  69 

MLmroe  and  Foster's  Correspondence  relative  to  the  Chesapeake 

affair,  60,  61, 62,  63, 

President's  Message,  63 
Monroe  and  Foster's  Correspondence  relative  to  the 

Non-Importation  Act,  63,67 

CHAPTER  IIL 

President's  Manifesto,  71 

Report  of  the  Committee  on  Foregn  Relations,  79 

Declaration  of  War,  91 

Yeas  and  Nays  on  the  bill  declaring  War.  ib. 

President's  Proclamation  Promulgating  the  Declaration  of  War,  9/ 

CHAPTER  IV. 

/     , 

First  Prisoner,  -j- 

First  Prize.  ib 

President's  Message,  ib 
Monroe  and  Foster's  Letters  relative  to  the  Orders  in  Council,  and 

Berlin  and  Milan  Decrees,  94, 97,  99, 

President's  Message,  I  Or 

Mr.  Russell's  Letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  ib. 

Lord  Castlereagh's  Letter  to  Mr.  RusseU,  ib. 

Order  in  Council,  105 
Mr.  Russell's  Letter  to  lord  Castlereagh, 

Loss  of  Gen  Hull's  baggage.  Ill 

Hull's  Proclamation,  to  the  Canadians,  ib. 

Skirmishing,  near  Sandwich,  115 

Canadian  Militia  join  Gen.  Hull,  {li. 
Capture  of  the  Guerrier, 


VI  CONTENTS. 

Orders  in  Council  Revoked,  1  1  5 

Gen.  Hull's  statement  of  his  Capitulation,  117,  H  8, 

Major  Vanhorn's  Defeat,  1:24 

Battle  of  Brownstovvn,  (or  Maguasjo,)  »25 
Articles  of  capitulation  of  Gen.  Huii's  \rrny  and  Michigan  Territory,  127 

Colonels  Cass,  IM'  Arthur,  Kindly,  and  Miller,  remonstrate  against 

Gen   Hull's  conduct.  128 
Gen.  Brock's  Proclamati  n  to  the  Inhabitants  of  Michigan  Territory  134 

A  Card,  from  Col.  Sy  mines  to  Gen.  Brock,  135 

Trial  of  Gen.  Hull.  ib. 

Capture  of  the  Alert,  141 

Capt.  Porter  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  ib. 

Gallant,  Defence  of  Fort  Harris  >n,  142 

Major  Jessup's  corroboratiou  of  Col  Cass'  Statement,  146 

Skirmishing  at  St.  John's  river.  ib. 

Skirmishing  at  Gauauoque,  and  Ogdensburgh,  147 

Affair  at  St.  Reps,  148 

Capture  of  the  Delroit  and  Caledonia,  i". 

Massacre  of  the  Garrison  of  Port  Chicago,  1  0  1 

Coin   Chnuncey's  Battle  in  Kingston  Harbor,  163 

Battle  of  Queeiiston,  1  55 

CHAPTER  V. 

Monroe,  Graham,  Russell,  Castlereagh,  and  Warren's  Letters,  re'a- 

tivefoanaremistice,—  160,  162,  163,  165,  163,  169;  i7i,  1  73,1  74,1  7  6. 

British  Challenge,  and  American  Acceptance,  179 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Capture  of  the  Frolic,  and  Loss  of  the  Wasp,  1  80 
Capture  of  the  Macedonian, 
Capture  of  the  Javy, 
Capture  of  the  Peacock, 


CHAPTER  VIL 


Capture  of  Little  York,  1  89,  1  90,  1  93, 

Capit  ulation  of  York,  *  92 

Gen.  Winchester's  Defeat, 

Massacre  of  G^n.  Winchester's  Army, 

Indian  Expedition, 

l»en.  Smyth's  Expedition, 

Capt.  Forsyth's  Expedition, 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Harries  Battle  at  Lnwer  Sandusky,  200 

Proctor's  demand  for  the  surrender  of  Fort  Meigs,  20- 

Capture  oi'Fort  George,  ib- 


CONTENTS,  Vlt 

Capture  of  Fort  Erie,  203 

Chauncey's  account  of  the  capture  of  Port  George,  204 
Cnauncey's  Letter  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  conTeying  the 

Standards  taken  at  York  and  Fort  George,  266 

Capture  of  the  transport  Lady  Murray,  ib. 

Battle  at  Forty  Mile  Creek,  ib. 

Attack  on  Sackett's  Harbor,  207 

Capture  of  Fourteen  Bi  iiish  Transport  Boats  on  Lake  Ontario,  209 

Major  Crogban's  Victory,  ib. 

Loss  of  the  Frigate  Chesapeake,  211 

Capture  of  Little  York,  the  second  time,  2J2 

Capture  of  the  Doiniiiico,  21^ 

Burning  of  Sodus,  ib. 

Attack  on  Craney  Island,  2 14 
Capture  of  Hampton,                                                                             214,  2  1 5 

Murder  of  John  B  Graves,  216 

Skirmishing  at  Fort  George,  ib. 

Destruction  of  Indian  towns,  217 

Yankee  Trick,  ib. 

Capture  of  the  Boxer,  2 1 8 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Capture  of  the  British  fleet  on  Lake  Erie,  219,  22 1 

Capture  of  Maiden,  221 

Battle  at  the  Moravian  Towns, 

Tecums«'h's  Speech  to  Gen.  Proctor, 

Harrison  and  Perry's  Proclamation,  230 

Capture  of  a  British  Fleet  on  Lake  Ontario, 

Something  Singular,  jv,. 

Com.  Rodger*'  Cruise, 

Col  Clarke's  Expedition,  ^ 

Massacre  at  Fort  Tensaw, 

Wilkinson  and  Hampton's  Expedition, 

CHAPTER  X. 

Jackson,  White,  and  Coffee's  Victories   over  the  Creek  Indians, 

„       „,      „  236,  237,  238,  *39,' 243,  246 

Gen  Floyd's  Victories,  240  242 

Gen.  Claiborne's  Victory, 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Captain  Porter's  Cruise, 

Loss  of  Fort  \iagara,  and  burning  of  Lewistown,  Manchester, 

and  Tuscarora, 
Burning  of  Buffaloe,and  Black  Rock, 

Capt   Holmes' Victory,  2K» 

Capture  of  the  Epervier, 

Battle  at  Stoney  Point,  ' 

Loss  of  the  Frigate  Esse*, 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 

Capture  of  Oswego,  268 

Battle  of  Chippeway,  260 

Capture  of  the  Reindeer,  261 

Ba:tle  at  Queenston,  263 

Battle  of  Erie,  265 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Capitulation  of  Alexandria,  268 

Capture  of  Washington,  269, 271 

Capture  of  the  British  fleet  on  Lake  Champlaitr,  273 

Defeat  of  Gen.  Proctor,  275 

Burning  of  Petipauge,  276 

Attack  on  Stonin^ton,  ib. 

Attack  on  Baltimore,  277 

Defeat  ol  the  British  at  Mobile  Point,  279 

Bat!  le  of  Bridge  water,  280 

Destruction  of  the  Avon,  282 

Expedition  from  Detroit,  283 

CHAPTER  XI Ji 

Capture  of  Pensacola,  284> 

Battle  at  New  Orleans,  28.' 

Defeat  of  the  British  before  New  Orleans,  28 T 
Lieut.  Shields'  Expedition, 

Lieut.  Johnson's  Expedition,  289 

Jackson's  Address  to  his  army,  ib. 

Loss  of  the  Frigate  President,  293 

Capture  of  the  tit.  Lawrence,  295 

Defeat  of  the  British  at.  Great  Satill  river,  29? 

Gun  Boat  No.  1 68,  and  the  Erebus  Frigate,  ib. 

Capture  of  the  Cyane  and  Lev7ant,  oOO 

Capture  of  the  Penguin.  30  f 


APPENDIX, 

Correspondence,  which  passed  between  the  commissioners  of  the  two 
governments,  whilst  treating  for  peace,  transmitted  to  the  Secretary  of 
State,  303,  3*  1.315,  318,  32*,  331,340,  344,352,  369,  363,  365,366, 

Treaty  of  peace, 

List  of  vessels  taken  from  Great  Britain3 


HISTORY 


THE  WAR. 


CHAPTER  I. 


PRESIDENTS  MESSAGE. 

WASHINGTON  CITY,  NOVEMBERS,  1811. 

Fellow-  Citizens  of  the  Senate,  and  of 

the  House  of  Representatives. 

IN  calling  you  together  sooner  than  a  separation  from 
-your  homes  would  otherwise  have  been  required,  I  yielded 
to  considerations  drawn  from  the  posture  of  our  foreign  af 
fairs  ;  and  in  tixing  the  present  for  the  time  of  your  meet 
ing,  regard  was  had  to  the  probability  of  further  develope- 
ments  of  the  policy  of  the  belligerent  powers  towards  this 
country,  which  might  the  more  unite  the  national  councils, 
in  the  measures  to  be  pursued. 

At  the  close  of  the  last  session  of  Congress,  it  was  hoped 
that  the  successive  confirmations  of  the  extinction  of  the 
French  Decrees,  so  far  as  they  violated  our  neutral  com 
merce,  would  have  induced  the  government  of  Great-Bri 
tain  to  repeal  its  Orders  in  Council ;  and  thereby  author 
ize  a  removal  of  the  existing  obstructions  to  her  commerce 
with  the  United  States. 

Instead  of  this  reasonable"  .step  towards  satisfaction  and 
friendship  between  the  two  nations,  the  Orders  were  at  a 
moment  when  least  to  have  been  expected,  put  into  more 
vigorous  execution  ;  and  it  was  communicated  through  the 
British  Envoy,  just  arrived,  that  whilst  the  revocation  ^)f 
the  Edicts  of  France,  as  officially  made  known  to  the  British 
government,  was  denied  to  have  taken  place  ;  it  was  an 


OF  THE  WAR. 

indispensable  condition  of  the  repeal  of  the  British  Orders, 
that  commerce  should  be  restored  to  a  footing-,  that  would 
admit  the  productions  and  manufactures  of  Great-Britain, 
when  owned  by  neutrals,  into  markets  shut  against  them  by 
her  enemy ;  the  United  States  being  given  to  understand 
that,  in  the  mean  time,  a  continuance  of  their  non-impor 
tation  act  would  lead  to  measures  of  retaliation. 

At  a  later  date,  it  has  indeed  appeared,  that  a  commu 
nication  to  the  British  government,  of  fresh  evidence  of  the 
repeal  of  the  Fret.eh  Decrees  against  our  neutral  trade, 
was  followed  by  an  intimation,  that  it  had  been  transmitted 
to  the  British  Plenipotentiary  here  ;  in  order  that  it  might 
receive  full  consideration  in  the  depending  discussions. 
This  communication  appears  not  to  have  been  received  ; 
but  the  transmission  of  it  hither,  instead  of  founding  on  it 
an  actual  repeal  of  the  Orders,  or  assurances  that  the  re 
peal  would  ensue,  will  not  permit  us  to  rely  on  any  effect 
ive  change  in  the  British  cabinet.  To  be  ready  to  meet 
with  cordiality  satisfactory  proofs  of  such  a  change,  and  to 
proceed,  in  the  mean  time,  in  adapting  our  measures  to  the 
views  which  have  been  disclosed  through  that  minister,  will 
best  consult  our  whole  duty. 

Jn  the  unfriendly  spirit  of  those  disclosures,  indemnity 
and  redress  for  other  wrongs  have  continued  to  be  withheld, 
and  our  coasts  and  the  mouths  of  our  harbors  have  again 
witnessed  scenes,  not  less  derogatory  to  the  dearest  of  our 
national  rights,  than  vexatious  to  the  regular  course  of  out' 

O  *  O 

trade. 

Among  the  occurrences  produced  by  the  conduct  of 
British  ships  of  war  hovering  on  our  coasts,  was  an  encoun 
ter  between  one  of  them  and  the  American  frigate  com 
manded  by  Captain  Rogers,  rendered  unavoidable  on  the 
part  of  the  latter,  by  a  fire  commenced  without  cause  by  the 
former  ;  whose  commander  is  therefore,  alone  chargeable 
with  the  blood  unfortuhiteiy  shed  in  maintaining  the  honor 
of  the  American  flag.  The  proceedings  of  a  court  of  en- 
quirv,  requested  by  Captain  Rogers,  are  rommunieated  ; 
together  with  the  correspondence  relating  to  the  occurrence 
between  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  his  Britannic  majesty's 
Envoy.  To  these  are  added,  the  several  correspondences 
which  have  passed  on  the  subject  of -the  British  Orders  hi 
Council  j  and  to  both  the  correspondence  relating  to  the 


IlfSTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  J  I 

FJoridas,  in  which  Congress  will  1>«  made  acquainted  with 
the  interposition  which  the  government  of  Great-Britain 
has  thought  proper  to  make  -against  the  proceedings  of  the 
United  States. 

The  justice,  and  fairness  which  have  been  evinced  on 
the  part  of  the  United  States  towards  France,  both  before 
and  since  the  revocation  of  her  Decrees,  authorised  an  ex 
pectation  that  her  government  would  have  followed  up  that 
measure  by  all  such  others  as  were  due  to  our  reasonable 
claims  as  well  as  dictated  by  its  amicable  professions. 
No  proof,  however,  is  yet  given  of  an  intention  to  repair 
the  other  wrongs  done  to  the  United  States:  and  particu 
larly  to  restore  the  great  amount  of  American  property 
seized  and  condemned  under  Edicts,  \vhieh,  though  not 
affecting  our  neutral  relations,  and  therefore,  not  entering 
into  questions  between  the  United  States  and  other  belli 
gerents,  were  nevertheless  founded  in  such  unjust  princi 
ples,  that  the  reparation  ought  to  have  been  prompt  and 
ample. 

In  addition  to  this,  and  other  demands  of  strict  right,  o;i 
that  nation,  the  United  States  have  much  reason  to  be 
dissatisfied  with  the  rigorous  and  unexpected  restrictions,  to 
which  their  trade  with  the  French  dominions  has  been  sub 
jected  :  and  which,  if  not  discontinued,  will  require  at  least 
corresponding  restrictions  on  importations  from  France  into 
the  United  States. 

On  all  those  subjects  our  Minister  plenipotentiary,  lately 
sent  to  Paris,  has  carried  with  him  the  necessary  instruc 
tions  ;  the  result  of  which  will  be  communicated  to  you, 
and  by  ascertaining  the  ulterior  policy  of  the  French  gov 
ernment  towards  the  United  States,  will  enable  you  to  adapt 
to  it  that  of  the  United  States  towards  France. 

Our  other  foreign  relations  remain  without  unfavorable 
changes.  With  Russia  they  are  on  the  best  footing  of  friend 
ship.  The  ports  of  Sweden  have  afforded  proofs  of  friend 
ly  dispositions  towards  our  commerce,  in  the  councils  of 
that  nation  also.  And  the  information  from  our  special 
Minister  to  Denmark,  shews  that  the  mission  had  been  at 
tended  with  valuable  effects  to  our  citizens,  whose  property 
had  been  so  extensively  violated  ;rnd  endangered  by  crui 
sers  under  the  Danish  flag. 


1&  HISTOKY  OF  THE  WAR. 

Under  the  ominous  indications  which  commanded  atten 
tion,  it  became  a  duty,  to  exert  the  means  committed  to  the 
Executive  Department,  in  providing  for  the  general  securi 
ty.  The  works  of  defence  on  our  maritime  frontier  have 
accordingly  been  prosecuted,  with  an  activity  leaving  little 
to  be  added  for  the  completion  of  the  most  important  ones  ; 
and  as  particularly  suited  for  co-operation  in  emergencies, 
a  portion  of  the  Gun-Boats,  have,  in  particular  harbors, 
been  ordered  into  use.  The  ships  of  war  before  in  commis 
sion,  with  the  addition  of  a  frigate,  have  been  chiefly  em 
ployed,  as  a  cruizing  guard  to  the  rights  of  our  coast.  And 
such  a  disposition  has  been  made  of  our  land  forces,  as  was 
thought  to  promise  the  services  most  appropriate  and  impor 
tant.  In  tliis  disposition  is  included  a  force,  consisting  of 
regulars  and  militia,  embodied  in  the  Indiana  Territory,  and 
marched  towards  our  North-Western  frontier. — This  meas 
ure  was  made  requisite  by  several  murders  and  depreda 
tions  committed  by  Indians  ;  but  more  especially  by  the 
menacing  preparations  and  aspect  of  a  combination  of  them 
on  the  Wabash  under  the  influence  and  direction  of  a  fa 
natic  of  the  Shawanese  tribe.  With  these  exceptions,  the 
Indian  tribes  retain  their  peaceable  dispositions  towards  m 
and  their  usual  pursuits. 

I  must  now  add,  that  the  period  is  arrived  which  claims 
from  the  Legislative  Guardians  of  the  national  rights  a  sys 
tem  of  more  ample  provisions  for  maintaining  them.  JNol- 
withstanding  the  scrupulous  justice,  the  protracted  mode 
ration,  and  the  multiplied  eftbrts  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States,  to  substitute  for  the  accumulating  dangers  to  the 
peace  of  the  two  countries,  all  the  mutual  advantages  of 
re-established  friendship  and  conlidence  ;  we  have  seen  that 
the  British  Cabinet  perseveres  not  only  in  withholding  u 
remedy  for  other  wrongs  so  long  and  so  loudly  calling 
for  it ;  but  in  the  execution  brought  home  to  the  threshold 
of  our  territory,  of  measures  which  under  existing  circum 
stances,  have  the  character,  as  well  as  the  effect  of  war  on. 
our  lawful  commerce. 

With  this  evidence  of  hostile  inflexibility,  in  trampling 
on  rights  which  no  independent  nation  can  relinquish,  Con 
gress  will  feel  the  duty  of  putting  the  United  States  into 
an  armor,  and  an  attitude,  demanded  by  the  crisis,  am- 
corresponding1  with  the  national  spirit  and  expectations. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  1.3 

I  recommend  accordingly,  that  adequate  provision  be 
made  for  tilling  the  ranks  and  prolonging  the  enlistments, 
of  the  regular  troops  :  for  an  auxiliary  force,  to  be  engag 
ed  for  a  more  limited  term  ;  for  the  acceptance  of  volunteer 
corps,  whose  patriotic  ardor  may  court  a  participation  in 
urgent  services  ;  for  detachments,  as  they  may  be  wanted, 
of  other  portions  of  the  militia;  and  for  such  a  prepara 
tion  of  the  great  body,  as  will  proportion  its  usefulness  to 
its  intrinsic  capacities.  IXor  can  the  occasion  fail  to  re 
mind  you  of  the  importance  of  those  military  Seminaries, 
which,  in  every  event,  will  form  a  valuable  and  frugal  part 
of  our  military  establishment. 

The  manufacture  of  cannon  and  small  arms  has  pro 
ceeded  with  due  success,  and  the  stock  and  resources  of  all 
the  necessary  munitions  are  adequate  to  emergencies.  It 
will  not  be  inexpedient,  however,  for  Congress  to  author 
ize  an  enlargement  of  them. 

Your  attention  will  of  course  be  drawn  to  such  provi 
sions,  on  the  subject  of  our  naval  force,  as  may  be  required 
for  the  services  to  which  it  may  be  best  adapted.  I  sub 
mit  to  Congress  the  seasonableness  also,  of  an  authority  to 
augment  the  stock  of  such  materials,  as  are  imperishable  in 
their  nature,  or  may  not  at  once  be  attainable.  .. 

In  contemplating  the  scenes  which  distinguish  this  mo 
mentous  epoch,  and  estimating  their  claims  to  our  attention, 
it  is  impossible  to  overlook  those  developing  themselves 
among  the  great  communities  which  occupy  the  southern 
portion  of  our  own  hemisphere,  and  extend  into  our  neigh 
borhood.  An  enlarged  philanthropy,  and  an  enlighlen- 
ed  forecast,  concur  in  imposing  on  the  National  Councils 
an  obligation  to  take  a  deep  interest  in  their  destinies  :  to 
cherish  reciprocal  sentiments  of  good  will  ;  to  regard  the 
progress  of  events  ;  and  not  to  be  unprepared  for  whatever 
order  of  things  may  be  ultimately  established. 

Under  another  aspect  of  our  situation,  the  early  atten 
tion  of  Congress  will  be  due  to  the  expediency  of  further 
guards  against  evasions  and  infractions  of  our  commer 
cial  laws.  The  practice  of  smuggling,  which  is  odious 
every  where,  and  particularly  criminal  in  free  govern 
ments,  where  the  laws  being  made  by  all,  for  the  good  of  all, 
a  fraud  is  committed  on  every  individual  as  well  as  on  the 
,  attains  its  utmost  guilt,  when  it  blends,  with  a  pur 


14  HIbTORY  OF  THE  VTAU 

suit  of  ignolnimous  gain,  a  treacherous  subserviency  in  the 
transgressors,  to  a  foreign  policy,  adverse  to  that  of  their 
own  country.  It  is  then  that  the  virtuous  indignation  of 
the  public  should  be  enabled  to  manifest  itself,  through  the 
regular  animadversions  of  the  most  competent  laws. 

To  secure  greater  respect  to  our  mercantile  ilag,  and  to 
the  honest  interest  which  it  covers,  it  is  expedient  also,  that 
it  be  made  punishable  in  our  citizens,  to  accept  licences 
from  foreign  governments,  for  a  trade  unlawfully  interdict 
ed  by  them  to  other  American  citizens  ;  <or  to  trade  under 
false  colors  or  papers  of  any  sort. 

A  prohibition  is  equally  called  for,  against  the  accept 
ance,  by  our  citizens  of  special  licences,  to  be  used  in  a 
trade  with  the  United  States  ;  and  against  the  admission 
into  particular  ports  of  the  United  States,  of  vessels 
from  foreign  countries,  authorised  to  trade  with  particular 
ports  onfy. 

Although  other  subjects  will  press  more  immediately  on 
your  deliberations,  a  portion  of  them  cannot  but  be  well  be 
stowed,  on  the  just  and  sound  policy  of  securing  to  our 
manufactures  the  success  they  have  attained,  and  are  still 
attaining,  in  some  degree,  under  the  impulse  of  causes  not 
permanent  ;•  and  to  our  navigation,  the  fair  extent  of  which 
it  is  at  present  abridged  by  the  unequal  regulations  of  for 
eign  governments. 

Besides  the  reasonableness  of  saving  our  manufacturers 
from  sacriiices  which  a  change  of  circumstances  might 
bring  on  them,  the  national  interest  requres,  that,  with  res 
pect  to  such  articles  at  least  as  belong  to  our  defence,  and 
our  primary  wants,  \ve  should  not  be  left  in  unnecessary 
dependence  on  external  supplies.  And  whilst  for 
eign  governments  adhere  to  the  existing  discriminations  in 
their  ports  against  our  navigation,  and  an  equality  or  les 
ser  discrimination  is  enjoyed  by  their  navigation  in  oiu 
ports,  the  effect  cannot  be  mistaken,  because  it  has  been 
seriously  felt  by  our  shipping  interests  ;  and  in  proportion 
ns  this  takes  place,  the  advantages  of  an  independent  con 
veyance  of  our  products  to  foreign  markets,  and  of  a  grow 
ing  body  of  mariners,  trained  by  their  occupations  for  the 
service  of  their  country  in  times  of  danger,  must  be  f 
ished. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  la 

The  receipts  into  the  Treasury,  during  the  year,  ending 
on  the  thirtieth  of  September  last,  have  exceeded  thirteen 
millions  and  a  half  of  dollars,  and  have  enabled  us  to  de 
fray  the  current  expenses,  including-  the  interest  on  the 
public  debt,  and  to  reimburse  more  than  five  millions  of 
dollars  of  the  principal,  without  recurring  to  the  Joan  au 
thorized  by  the  act  of  the  last  session.  The  temporary 
loan  obtained  in  the  latter  end  of  the  year  one  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  ten,  has  also  been  reimbursed,  and  is 
not  included  in  that  amount. 

The  decrease  of  revenue,  arising  from  the  situation  of 
our  commerce  and  the  extraordinary  expences  which  have 
and  may  become  necessary,  must  be  taken  into  view,  in 
making-  commensurate  provisions  for  the  ensuing  year. 
And  I  recommend  to  your  consideration  the  propriety  of 
ensuring  a  sufficiency  of  annual  revenue,  at  least  to  defray 
the  ordinary  expences  of  government,  and  to  pay  the  inter 
est  on  the  public  debt,  including  -that  on  new  loans  which 
may  be  authorized. 

I  cannot  close  this  communication  without  expressing  my 
deep  sense  of  the  crisis  in  which  you  are  assembled  ;  my 
confidence  in  a  wise  and  honorable  result  to  your  deliber 
ations,  and  assurances  of  the  faithful  zeal  with  which  my 
co-operating  duties  will  be  discharged;  invoking  at  the 
same  time,  the  blessing  of  heaven  on  our  beloved  country, 
and  on  all  the  means,  that  may  be  employed  in  vindicating 
ils  rights,  and  advancing  Us  welfare. 

(Signed)  JAMES  MADISON. 

OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE, 

11EFEURUD   TO  IN  THE  PRECEDING  MESSAGE. 

Mr.  Foster  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

WASHINGTON,  July  3,  181 1. 

SIR  —I  have  had  the  honor  of  stating  to  you  verbally  the 
system  of  defence  to  which  his  majesty  has  been  compelled 
io  resort  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  the  maritime  rights 
and  interests  of  his  dominions  against  the  new  description  ot 
warfare  that  has  been  adopted  by  his  enemies.  I  have  pre 
sented  to  \ou  the  grounds  upon  which  his  majesty  finds 
himself  still  obliged  to  continue  that  system,  and  I  conceive 
that  I  shall  best  meet  your  wishes  as  expressed  to  me  this 
morning,  if  in  a  more  formal  shape  I  should  la^  before  you 


10  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

the  whole  extent  of  the  question,  as  it  appears  to  his  niajes" 
ty's  government  to  exist  between  Great-Britain  and  Amer 
ica. 

I  beg  leave  to  call  your  attention,  sir,  to  the  principles  on 
which  his  majesty's  Orders  in  Council  wereongmally^found- 
ed.  The  Decree  of  Berlin  was  directly  and  expressly  an 
act  of  war,  by  which  France  prohibited  all  nations  from 
trade  or  intercourse  with  Great-Britain  under  peril  of  con 
fiscation  of  their  ships  and  merchandize  ;  although  France 
had  not  the  means  of  imposing  an  actual  blockade  in  any 
degree  adequate  to  such  a  purpose.  The  immediate  and 
professed  object  of  this  hostile  Decree  was  the  destruction 
of  all  British  commerce  through  means  entirely  unsanctioned 
by  the  law  of  nations,  and  unauthorised  by  any  received 
doctrine  of  legitimate  blockade. 

This  violation  of  the  established  law  of  civilized  nations 
in  war,  would  have  justified  Great-Britain  in  retaliating 
upon  the  enemy  by  a  similar  interdiction  of  aH  commerce 
with  France,  and  with  such  other  countries  as  might  co-op 
erate  with  France  in  her  system  of  commercial  hostility 
against  Great-Britain. 

The  object  of  Great-Britain  was  not,  however,  the  des 
truction  of  trade,  but  its  preservation  under  such  regula 
tions  as  might  be'compatiblo  with  her  own  security,  at  the 
same  time  that  she  extended  an  indulgence  to  foreign  com 
merce,  which  strict  principles  would  have  entitled  her  to 
withhold.  The  retaliation  of  Great-Britain  was  not  there 
fore  urged  to  the  full  extent  of  her  right  ;  our  prohibition 
of  French  trade  was  not  absolute,  but  modified  ;  and  in  re 
turn  for  the  absolute  prohibition  of  all  trade  with  Great- 
Britain,  we  prohibited  not  all  commerce  with  France,  but 
all  such  commerce  with  Franco  as  should  not  be  carried  on 
through  Great-Britain. 

It  was  evident  that  this  system  must  prove  prejudicial  to 
neutral  nations  ;  this  calamity  was  foreseen,  and  deeply  re 
gretted.  But  the  injury  to  the  neutral  nation  arose  from 
the  aggression  of  France,  which  had  compelled  Great-Bri 
tain  in  her  own  defence  to  resort  to  adequate  retaliatory 
measures  of  war.  The  operation  on  the  American  com 
merce  of  those  precautions,  which  Ihe  conduct  of  France 
had  rendered  indispensable  to  our  security,  is  therefore  to 
!x?.  ascribed  to  the  unwarrantable  aggression  of  France,  and 


HISTORY  OF  THE  AVAR.  17 

not  to  those  proceedings  on  the  part  of  Great-Britain,  which 
that  aggression  had  rendered  necessary  and  just. 

The  object  of  our  system  was  merely  to  counteract  an  at 
tempt  to  crush  the  British  trade  ;  Great-Britain  endeavor 
ed  to  permit  the  continent  to  receire  as  large  a  portion  of 
commerce  as  might  be  practicable,  through  Great-Britain ; 
and  all  her  subsequent  regulations,  and  every  modiiication 
of  her  system  by  new  orders  or  modes  of  granting  or  with 
holding  licences,  have  been  calculated  for  the  purpose  of 
encouraging  the  trade  of  neutrals  through  Great-Britain, 
\vheneversuch  encouragement  might  appear  advantageous 
to  the  general  interests  of  commerce,  and  consistent  with 
the  public  safety  of  the  nation.  The  justification  of  his  ma 
jesty's  Orders  in  Council,  and  the  continuance  of  that  de 
fence,  have  always  been  rested  upon  the  existence  of  the 
Decrees  of  Berlin  and  Milan,  and  on  the  perseverance  of 
the  enemy  in  the  system  of  hostility,  which  has  subverted 
the  rights  of  neutral  commerce  on  the  continent  ;  and  it  has 
always  been  declared  on  the  part  of  his  majesty's  govern 
ment,  that  whenever  France  should  have  effectually  repeal 
ed  the  Decrees  of  Berlin  and  Milan,  and  should  have  re 
stored  neutral  commerce  to  the  condition  in  which  it  stood 
previously  to  the  promulgation  of  those  Decrees,  we  should 
immediately  repeal  our  Orders  in  Council. 

France  has  asserted  that  the  Decree  of  Berlin  was  a 
measure  of  just  retaliation  on  her  part,  occasioned  by  our 
previous  aggression  ;  and  the  French  government  has  in 
sisted  that  our  system  of  blockade,  as  it  existed  previously 
to  the  Decree  of  Berlin,  was  a  manifest  violation  of  the  re 
ceived  law  of  nations  ;  we  must  therefore,  sir,  refer  to  the 
articles  of  the  Berlin  Decree,  to  find  the  principles  of  our 
system  of  blockade,  which  France  considers  to  be  new,  and 
contrary  to  the  law  of  nations. 

By  the  4th  and  8th  articles  it  is  stated  as  a  justification 
of  the  French  Decree,  that  Great-Britain  *  extends  to  unfor 
tified  towns  and  commercial  ports,  to  harbors,  and  to  the 
mouths  of  rivers,  those  rights  of  blockade,  which  by  the  rea 
son  and  the  usage  of  nations,  are  applicable  only  to  fortified 
places  ;  and  that  the  rights  of  blockade  ought  to  be  limit 
ed  to  fortresses  really  invested  by  a  sufficient  force. 

It  is  added  in  the  same  articles  that  Great-Britain  'has 
declared  places  to  bo  in  a  state  of  blockade,  before  which 

0 


IB  HISTORY  OP  THE  WAR. 

she  has  not  a  single  ship  of  war,  and  even  places  which  the 
whole  British  force  would  be  insufficient  to  blockade  ;  en 
tire  coasts,  and  a  whole  empire.7 

Neither  the  practice  of  Great-Britain,  nor  the  law  of  na 
tions,  has  ever  sanctioned  the  rule  now  laid  down  by 
France,  that  no  place  excepting-  fortresses  in  a  complete 
state  of  investiture,  can  be  deemed  lawfully  blockaded  by 
sea. 

If  such  a  rule  were  to  be  admitted,  it  would  become 
nearly  impracticable  for  Great-Britain  to  attempt  the  block 
ade  of  any  port  of  the  continent,  and  our  submission  to  this 
perversion  of  the  law  of  nations,  while  it  would  destroy  one 
of  the  principal  advantages  of  our  naval  superiority,  vvoukl 
sacrifice  the  common  rights  and  interests  of  all  maritime 
states. 

It  was  evident  that  the  blockade  of  May,  1806,  was  the 
principal  pretended  justification  of  the  Decree  of  Berlin, 
though  neither  the  principles  on  which  that  blockade  was 
founded,  nor  its  practical  operation,  afforded  any  color  for 
the  proceedings  of  France. 

In  point  of  date,  the  blockade  of  May,  1800,  preceded 
the  Berlin  Decree ;  but  it  was  a  just  and  legal  blockade 
according  to  the  established  law  of  nations,  because  it  was 
intended  to  be  maintained,  and  was  actually  maintained  bv 
an  adequate  force  appointed  to  guard  the  whole  coast  de 
scribed  in  the  notification,  and  consequently  to  enforce  the 
blockade. 

Great-Britain  has  never  attempted  to  dispute,  that  in  the 
ordinary  course  of  the  law  of  nations,  no  blockade  can  be 
justifiable  or  valid  unless  it  be  supported  by  an  adequate 
force  destined  to  maintain  it,  and  to  expose  to  hazard  all 
vessels  attempting  to  evade  its  operation.  The  blockade 
of  May,  1800,  was  notified  by  Mr.  Secretary  Fox,  on  this 
clear  principle,  nor  was  that  blockade  announced  until  he 
had  satisfied  himself  by  a  communication  with  his  majesty's 
Board  of  Admiralty,  that  the  Admiralty  possessed  the 
means  and  would  employ  them,  of  watching  the  whole 
coast  from  Brest  U)  the  Elbe,  and  of  effectually  enforcing 
the  blockade. 

The  blockade  of  May,  1800,   was  therefore   (according 
to  the  doctrine  maintained  by   Great-Britain)  just  and  law 
ful  in  its  origin,  because  it  was  supported  by  both  in  inten 


I1ISTO11Y  OF  THE  WAR.  19 

tion  and  fact  by  an  adequate  naval  force.  This  was  the 
justification  of  that  blockade,  until  the  period  of  time  when 
the  Orders  in  Council  were  issued. 

The  Orders  in  Council  were  founded  on  a  distinct  prin 
ciple,  that  of  defensive  retaliation.  France  had  declared 
a  blockade  of  all  the  ports  and  coasts  of  Great-Britain,  and 
her  dependencies,  without  assigning,  or  being-  able  to  assign, 
any  force  to  support  that  blockade.  Such  an  act  of  the  en 
emy  would  have  justified  a  declaration  of  the  blockade  of 
the  whole  coast  of  France,  even  without  the  application  of 
any  particular  force  to  that  service.  Since  the  promulga 
tion  of  the  Orders  in  Council,  the  blockade  of  May,  1806, 
has  been  sustained  and  extended  by  the  more  comprehen 
sive  system  of  defensive  retaliation  on  which  those  regula 
tions  are  founded.  But  if  the  Orders  in  Conned  should  be 
abrogated,  the  blockade  of  May,  1806,  could  not  continue 
under  our  construction  of  the  law  of  nations,  unless  that 
blockade  should  be  maintained  by  a  due  application  of  an. 
adequate  naval  force. 

America  appears  to  concur  with  France  in  asserting  that 
Great-Britain  was  the  original  aggressor  in  the  attack  on 
neutral  rights,  and  has  particularly  objected  to  the  blockade 
of  May,  1806,  as  an  obvious  instance  of  that  aggression  on 
the  part  of  Great-Britain. 

Although  the  doctrines  of  the  Berlin  Decree,  respecting 
the  rights  of  blockade,  are  not  directly  asserted  by  the 
American  government,  Mr.  Pinckney's  correspondence 
would  appear  to  countenance  the  principles  on  which  those 
doctrines  are  founded.  The  objection  directly  stated  by 
America  against  the  blockade  of  May,  1806,  rests  on  a 
supposition  that  no  naval  force  which  Great-Britain  pos 
sessed,  or  could  have  employed  for  such  a  purpose,  could 
have  rendered  that  blockade  effectual,  and  that  therefore  it 
was  necessarily  irregular,  and  could  not  possibly  be  main 
tained  in  conformity  to  the  law  of  nations. 

Reviewing  the  course  of  this  statement,  it  will  appear  that 
the  blockade  of  May,  1806,  cannot  be  deemed  contrary  to 
the  law  of  nations,  either  under  the  objections  urged  by  the 
French,  or  under  those  declared  or  insinuated  by  the  Amer 
ican  government,  because  that  blockade  was  maintained 
by  a  sufficient  naval  force;  that  the  Decree  of  Berlin  was 
^ot  therefore  justified  either  under  the  pretext  alledged  by 


20  JIISTOHY  OF  TTTE 

France,  or  under  those  supported  by  America;  that  the  Or 
ders  in  Council  were  founded  on  a  just  principle  of  defensive 
retaliation  against  the  violation  of  the  law  ot  nations  com- 
mitted  by  France  in  the  Decree  of  Berlin  ;  that  the  block 
ade  of  May,  180(3,  is  now  included  in  the  more  extensive 
operation  of  the  Orders  in  Council;  and  lastly,  that  the  Or 
ders  in  Council  will  not  be  continued  beyond  the  effectual 
duration  of  the  hostile  decrees  of  France,  nor  will  the  block 
ade  of  May,  1806,  continue  after  the  repeal  of  the  Orders 
in  Council,  unless  his  majesty's  government  shall  think  tit 
to  sustain  it  by  the  special  application  of  a  sufficient  naval 
force.  This  fact  will  not  be  suffered  to  remain  in  doubt, 
and  if  the  repeal  of  the  Orders  in  Council  should  take  place, 
the  intention  of  his  majesty's  government  respecting  the 
blockade  of  May,  1806,  will  be  notified  at  the  same  time. 

I  need  not  recapitulate  to  you  the  sentiments  of  his  ma 
jesty's  government,  so  often  repeated,  on  the  subject  of  the 
French  Minister's  note  to  General  Armstrong,  dated  the  (>th 
of  last  August.  The  studied  ambiguity  of  that  note  has 
since  been  amply  explained  by  the  conduct  and  language 
of  the  government  of  France,  of  which  one  of  the  most  re 
markable  instances  is  to  be  found  in  the  speech  of  the  chief 
of  the  French  government  on  the  17th  of  last  month  to  cer 
tain  deputies,  from  the  free  cities  of  Hamburgh,  Bremens 
and  Lubeck,  wherein  he  declares  that  the  Berlin  and 
Milan  Decrees  shall  be  the  public  code  of  France  as  long 
as  England  maintains  her  Orders  in  Council  of  1806, 
and  1807.  Thus  pronouncing  as  plainly  as  language  will 
admit,  that  the  system  of  violence  and  injustice  of  which  he 
is  the  founder,  will  be  maintained  by  him  until  the  defen 
sive  measures  of  retaliation  to  which  they  gave  rise  on  the 
part  of  Great-Britain  sjiall  be  abandoned. 

If  other  proofs  w?ere  necessary  to  sho\v  the  continued  ex 
istence  of  those  obnoxious  Decrees,  they  may  be  discover 
ed  in  the  Imperial  Edict  dated  at  Fontainbleau,  October 
19,  1810  ;  that  monstrous  production  of  violence,  in  which 
they  are  made  the  basis  of  a  system  of  general  and  unex 
ampled  tyranny  and  oppression  over  all  countries  subject 
to,  allied  with,  or  within  the  reach  of  the  power  of  France  ; 
in  the  report  of  the  French  minister  for  foreign  affairs  dated 
last  December,  and  in  the  letter  of  the  French  minister  of 
justice  to  the  president  of  the  council  of  prizes,  To  this: 


HISTORY    OP    THE  WAR.  21 

jailer,  sir,  I  would  wish  particularly  to  invite  your  attention  ; 
the  date  is  the  25th  December,  the  authority  it  comes  from 
most  unquestionable,  arid  you  will  there  find,  sir,  the  Duke 
of'  Massa,  in  giving  his  instructions  to  the  council  of  prizes 
in  consequence  of  the  President  of  the  United  States'  proc 
lamation  of  November  3,  most  cautiously  avoiding-  to  assert 
that  the  French  Decrees  were  repealed,  and  ascribing  not 
to  such  repeal,  but  to  the  ambiguous  passage  which  he- 
quotes  at  length  from  M.  Champagnv's  letter  of  August  5, 
the  new  attitude  taken  by  America  ;  and  you  will  also  find 
an  evidence  in  the  same  letter  of  the  continued  capture  of 
American  ships  after  November,  and  under  the  Berlin  and 
Milan  Decrees,  having  been  contemplated  by  the  French 
government,  since  there  is  a  special  direction  given  for 
judgment  on  such  ships  being  suspended  in  consequence  of 
the  American  proclamation,  and  for  their  being  kept  as 
pledges  for  its  enforcement. 

Can  then,  sir,  these  Decrees  be  said  to  have  been  repeal 
ed  at  the  period  when  the  proclamation  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States  appeared,  or  when  America  enforced  her 
non-importation  act  against  Great-Britain  ?  Are  they  so 
at  this  moment  ?  To  the  first  question,  the  state  papers 
which  I  have  referred  to,  appear  to  give  a  sufficient  answer. 
For  even  supposing  that  the  repeal  has  since  taken  place, 
it  is  clear  that  on  November  3,  there  was  no  question  as  to 
that  not  being  then  the  case  ;  the  capture  of  the  ship  New- 
Orleans  Packet  seized  at  Bordeaux,  and  the  Grace-Ann- 
Green,  seized  at  or  carried  into  Marseilles,  being  cases  ari 
sing  under  the  French  Decrees  of  Benin  and  Milan,  as  is 
very  evident.  Great-Britain  might  therefore  complain  of 
being  treated  with  injustice  by  America,  even  supposing 
that  the  conduct  of  France  had  since  been  unequivocal. 

America  contends  that  the  French  Decrees  are  revoked 
ns  it  respects  her  ships  upon  the  high  seas,  and  yon,  sir,  in 
form  me,  that  the  only  two  American  ships  taken  under 
their  maritime  operation,  as  you  are  pleased  to  term  it,  since 
November  1,  have  been  restored  ;  but  may  not  they  have 
been  restored  in  consequence  of  the  satisfaction  felt  in 
France  at  the  passing  of  the  non-importation  act  in  the 
American  Congress,  an  event  so  little  to  be  expected  ;  for 
otherwise,  having  been  captured  in  direct  contradiction  to 
the  revocation,  why  were  they  not  restored  immediately  ? 


22  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

The  fears  of  the  French  navy,  however,  prevent  many 
Cases  of  the  kind  occurring1  on  the  ocean  under  the  Decrees 
of  Berlin  and  Milan  ;  but  the  most  obnoxious  and  destruc 
tive  parts  of  those  Decrees  are  exercised  with  full  violence 
.not  only  in  the  ports  of  France,  but  in  those  of  all  other 
countries  to  which  France  thinks  she  can  commit  injustice 
with  impunity. 

Great-Britain  has  aright  to  complain  that  neutral  nations 
should  overlook  the  very  worst  features  of  these  extraordi 
nary  acts,  and  should  suffer  their  trade  to  be  made  a  medi 
um  of  an  unprecedented,  violent,  and  monstrous  system  of 
attack  upon  her  resources  ;  a  species  of  warfare  un attempt 
ed  by  any  civilized  nation  before  the  present  period.  Not 
only  has  America  suffered  her  trade  to  be  moulded  into  the 
means  of  annoyance  to  Great-Britain  under  the  provisions 
of  the  French  Decrees,  but  as  construing"  those  Decrees  as 
extinct,  upon  a  deceitful  declaration  of  the  French  Cabinet, 
she  has  enforced  her  non-importation  act  against  Great- 
Britain. 

Under  these  circumstances,  I  am  instructed  by  my  gov 
ernment,  to  urge  to  that  of  the  United  States,  the  injustice 
of  thus  enforcing  that  act  against  his  majesty 's  dominions, 
and  I  cannot  but  hope  that  a  spirit  of  justice  will  induce  the 
United  States'  government  to  re-consider  the  line  of  con 
duct  they  have  pursued,  and  at  least  to  re-establish  their 
former  state  of  strict  neutrality. 

I  have  only  to  add,  sir,  that,  on  my  part,  I  shall  ever  be 
ready  to  meet  you  on  any  opening  which  may  seem  to  af 
ford  a  prospect  of  restoring  complete  harmony  between  the 
two  countries,  and  that  it  will  at  all  times  give  me  the  great 
est  satisfaction  to  treat  with  you  on  the  important  concerns 
so  interesting  to  both. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

AUGUSTUS  J.  FOSTER. 

Mr.  Foster  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

WASHINGTON,  July  11, 1811. 

SIR — Inconsequence  of  our  conversation  of  yesterday, 
and  the  observations  which  you  made  respecting  that  part  of 
my  letter  to  you  of  the  3d  inst.  wherein  I  have  alluded  to 
the  principle  on  which  his  majesty's  Orders  in  Council  were 
orierannllv  founded,  T  think  it  right  to  explain  myself,  in  or- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR-  23 

der  to  prevent  any  possible  mistake  as  to  the  present  situa 
tion  of  neutral  trade  with  his  majesty's  enemies. 

It  will  only  be  necessary  tor  me  to  repeat  what  has  al 
ready,  long  since,  been  announced  to  the  American  gov 
ernment,  namely,  that  his  majesty's  Order  in  Council  of 
April  26,  1809,  superceded  those  of  November,  1807,  and 
releived  the  system  of  retaliation  adopted  by  his  majesty 
against  his  enemies  from  what  was  considered  in  this  coun 
try  as  the  most  objectionable  part  of  it ;  the  option  given  to 
neutrals  to  trade  with  the  enemies  of  Great-Britain,  through 
British  ports,  on  payment  of  a  transit  duty. 

This  explanation,  sir,  will,  I  trust,  be  sufficient  to  do  away 
any  impression  that  you  may  have  received  to  the  contrary 
from  my  observations  respecting  the  effects  which  his  ma 
jesty's  Orders  in  Council  originally  had  on  trade  of  neutral 
nations.  Those  observations  were  merely  meant  as  prelim 
inary  to  a  consideration  of  the  question  now  at  issue  between 
the  two  countries. 

1  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  the  highest  consideration  and 
respect,  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

AUGUSTUS  J.  FOSTER 

Mr.  Foster  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

WASHINGTON,  July  14, 1811. 

SIR — His  majesty's  packet  boat  having  been  SD  long 
detained,  and  a  fortnight  having  elapsed  since  my  arrival 
at  this  capital,  his  royal  highness,  the  prince  regent  will  ne 
cessarily  expect  that  I  should  have  to  transmit  to  his  royal 
highness  some  official  communication  as  to  the  line  of  con 
duct  the  American  government  mean  to  pursue.  I  trust 
you  will  excuse  me  therefore,  sir,  if  without  pressing  for  a 
detailed  answer  to  my  note  of  the  3d  inst.  I  anxiously  desire 
to  know  from  you  what  is  the  President's  determination 
with  respect  to  suspending  the  operation  of  the  late  Act  ot 
Congress  prohibiting  all  importation  from  the  British  do 
minions. 

There  have  been  repeated  avowals  lately  made  by  the 
government  of  France,  that  the  Decrees  of  Berlin  and  Mi 
lan  were  still  in. full  force,  and  the  acts  of  that  government 
have  corresponded  with  those  avowals. 

The  measures  of  retaliation  pursued  by  Great-Britain 
against  those  Decrees  are  consequently  to  the  great  regret 
of  his  roval  highness  still  necessarily  continued. 


24  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR, 

I  have  had  the  honor  to  state  to  you  the  light  in  which  his 
royal  highness,  the  prince  regent  viewed  the  Proclamation 
of  the  President  of  last  November,  and  the  surprise  with 
which  he  learnt  the  subsequent  measures  of  Congress  against 
the  British  trade. 

American  ships  siezed  under  his  majesty's  Orders  in 
Council  even  after  that  Proclamation  appeared,  were  nol 
immediately  condemned,  because  it  was  believed  that  the  in 
sidious  professions  of  France  might  have  led  the  American 
government,  and  the  merchants  of  America  into  an  erone- 
ous  construction  of  the  intentions  of  France. 

But  when  the  veil  was  thrown  aside,  and  the  French  ru 
ler  himself  avowed  the  continued  existence  of  his  invariable 
system,  it  was  not  expected  by  his  royal  highness  that  Amer 
ica  would  have  refused  to  retrace  the  steps  she  had  taken. 

Fresh  proofs  have  since  occurred  of  the  resolution  of  the 
French  government  to  cast  away  all  consideration  of  the 
rights  of  nations  in  the  unprecedented  warfare  they  have 
adopted. 

America  however  still  persists  in  her  injurious  measures 
against  the  commerce  of  Great-Britain,  and  his  royal  high 
ness  has  in  consequence  been  obliged  to  look  to  means  of 
retaliation  against  those  measures  which  his  royal  highness 
cannot  but  consider  as  most  unjustifiable. 

How  desirable  would  it  not  be,  sir,  if  a  stop  could  be  put 
to  any  material  progress  in  such  a  system  of  retaliation, 
which,  from  step  to  step  may  lead  to  the  most  unfriendly  sit 
uation  between  the  two  countries  ? 

His  majesty's  government  will  necessarily  be  guided  in  u 
great  degree  by  the  contents  of  my  first  despatches  as  to 
the  conduct  they  must /ulopt  towards  America. 

Allow  me  then,  sir,  to  repeat  my  request  to  learn  from 
you  whether  I  may  not  convey  what  I  know  would  be  most 
grateful  to  his  royal  highness'  feelings,  namely,  the  hope 
that  he  may  be  enabled,  by  the  speedy  retnni  of  America 
from  her  unfriendly  attitude  towards  Great-Britain,  to  for 
get  altogether  that  he  over  was  obliged  to  have  any  other 
object  in  view  besides  that  of  endeavoring  to  promote  the 
best  understanding  possible  between  the  two  countries. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  the  highest  consideration, 
sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

AUGUSTUS  J.  FOSTER. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  2£ 

Mr.  Foster  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

WASHINGTON,  July  16,  1811. 

SIR — I  had  the  honor  to  receive  the  letter  which  you 
addressed  to  me  under  yesterday's  date,  requesting  an  ex 
planation  from  me,  in  consequence  of  my  letters  ot  the  3d 
and  14th  mst,  of  the  precise  extent  in  which  a  repeal  of  the 
French  Decrees  is  by  his  majesty's  government,  made  a 
condition  of  the  repeal  of  the  British  Orders,  and  particu 
larly  whether  the  condition  embraces  the  seizure  of  vessels 
and  merchandize  entering  French  ports  in  contravention  of 
French  regulations,  as  well  as  the  capture  on  the  high  seas, 
of  neutral  vessels  and  their  cargoes,  on  the  mere  allegation 
that  they  are  bound  to  or  from  British  ports,  or  that  they 
have  on  board  British  productions  or  manufactures  ;  as 
also,  stating  that  in  your  view  of  the  French  Decrees,  they 
comprise  regulations  essentially  different  in  their  principles, 
some  of  them  violating  the  neutral  rights  of  the  United 
States,  others  operating  against  Great-Britain  without  any 
such  violation. 

You  will  permit  me,  sir,  for  the  purpose  of  answering 
your  questions  as  clearly  and  concisely  as  possible,  to  bring 
into  view  the  French  Decrees  themselves,  together  with  the 
official  declarations  of  the  French  minister  which  accompa 
nied  them. 

In  the  body  of  those  Decrees,  and  in  the  declarations  al 
luded  to,  you  will  find,  sir,  express  avowals  that  the  princi 
ples  on  which  they  were  founded,  and  provisions  contained 
in  them,  are  wholly  new,  unprecedented,  and  in  direct  con 
tradiction  to  all  ideas  of  justice  and  the  principles  and  usa 
ges  of  all  civilized  nations.  The  French  government  did 
not  pretend  to  say  that  any  one  of  the  regulations  contained 
in  those  Decrees  was  a  regulation  which  France  had  ever 
been  in  the  previous  practice  of. 

They  were  consequently  to  be  considered,  and  were  in 
deed  allowed  by  France  herself  to  be,  all  of  them,  parts  of  a 
new  system  of  warfare,  unauthorised  by  the  established  laws 
of  nations. 

It  is  in  this  light  in  which  France  herself  has  placed  her 
Decrees,  that  Great-Britain  is  obliged  to  consider  them. 

The  submission  of  neutrals  to  any  regulations  made  by 
France,  authorised  by  the  laws  of  nations,  and  practised  in 
former  wars,  will  never  be  complained  of  by  Great-Britain ; 

4 


26  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

but  the  regulations  of  the  Berlin  and  Milan  Decrees  do,  am? 
are  declared  to  violate  the  laws  of  nations,  and  the  rights  of 
neutrals,  for  the  purpose  of  attacking-  through  them  the  re 
sources  of  Great-Britain.  The  ruler  of  France  has  drawn 
no  distinction  between  any  of  them,  nor  has  he  declared  the 
cessation  of  any  one  of  them  in  the  speech  which  he  so 
lately  addressed  to  the  deputation  from  the  free  Imperial 
I  [arise  Towns,  which  was  on  the  contrary  a  confirmation 
of  them  all. 

Not  until  the  French  Decrees  therefore  shall  be  effectu 
ally  repealed,  and  thereby  neutral  commerce  be  restored  to 
the  situation  in  which  it  stood  previously  to  their  promulga 
tion,  can  his  royal  highness  conceive  himself  justified,  con 
sistently  with  what  he  owes  to  the  safety  and  honor  of  Great- 
Britain,  in  foregoing-  the  just  measures  of  retaliation  which 
his  majesty  in  his  defence  was  necessitated  to  adopt  against 
them. 

I  trust,  sir,  that  this  explanation  in  an  SAT  er  to  your  en 
quiries  will  be  considered  by  you  sufficiently  satisfactory  ; 
should  you  require  any  further,  and  which  it  may  be  in  my 
power  to  give,  I  shall  with  the  greatest  cheerful  ness  afford  it. 

I  sincerely  hope,  however,  that  no  further  delay  will  be 
thought  necessary  by  the  President  in  restoring  the  relations 
of  amity  which  should  ever  subsist  between  America  and 
Great-Britain,  as  the  delusions  attempted  by  the  government 
of  France  have  now  been  made  manifest,  mid  the  perfidious 
plans  of  its  ruler  exposed  ;  by  which,  while  he  adds  to,  and 
agravates  his  system  of  violence  against  neutral  trade,  he  en 
deavors  to  throw  all  the  odium  of  his  acts  upon  Great-Bri 
tain  with  a  view  to  engender  discord  between  the  neutral 
countries,  and  the  only  power  which  stands  up  as  a  bulwark 
against  his  efforts  at  universal  tyranny  and  oppression. 

Excuse  me,  sir,  if  I  express  my  wish  as  early  as  possible, 
to  dispatch  his  majesty's  packet  boat  with  the  result  of  our 
communications,  as  his  majesty's  government  will  necessa 
rily  be  most  anxious  to  hear  from  me.  Any  short  period  of 
time,  however,  which  may  appear  to  you  to  be  reasonable,  I 
will  not  hesitate  to  detain  her. 

!  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

AUGUSTUS  J.  FOSTER 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR*  £F 

Mr.  Monroe  to  Mr.  Foster. 
DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  July  23d,  1811. 
— X   have   submitted   to  the    President  your  several 
letters  of  the  3d  and  16th  of  this  month  relative   to  the  Bri 
tish  Orders  in  Council  and  the  blockade  of  May,  1806,  and 
J  have  now  the  honor  to  communicate  to  you  his  sentiments 
on  the  view  which  you  have  presented  of  those  measures  of 
your  government. 

It  was  hoped  that  your  communication  would  have  led 
to  an  immediate  accommodation  of  the  differences  subsis 
ting"  between  our  -countries,  on  the  ground  on  which  alone 
it  is  possible  to  meet  you.  It  is  regretted  that  you  have 
confined  yourself  to  a  vindication  of  the  measures  which 
produced  some  of  them. 

The  United  States  are  as  little  disposed  now,  as  hereto 
fore,  to  enter  into  the  question  concerning' the  priority  of  ag 
gression  by  the  two  belligerents,  which  could  not  be  justi 
fied  by  either,  by  the  priority  of  those  of  the  other.  But  as 
you  bring  forward  Ihat  plea  in  -support  of  the  Orders  in 
Council,  I  must  be  permitted  to  remark  that  you  have  your 
self  furnished  a  conclusive  answer  to  it,  by  admitting  that 
the  blockade  of  May  1806,  which  was  prior  to  the  tirst  of 
the  French  Decrees,  would  not  be  legal,,  unless  supported 
through  the  whole  extent  of  the  coast,  from  the  Elbe  to 
Brest,  by  an  adequate  naval  force.  That  such  a  naval  force 
was  actually  applyed  and  continued  in  the  requisite  strict 
ness  until  that  blockade  was  comprised  in  and  superceded 
by  the  Orders  of  November  of  the  following*  year,  or  even 
until  the  French  Decree  of  the  same  year,  will  not,  I  presume, 
be  alleged. 

But  waving  this  question  of  priority,  can  it  be  seen  with 
out  both  surprise  and  regret,  that  it  is  still  contended,  that 
the  Orders  in  Council  are  justified  by  the  principle  of  retal 
iation,  and  that  this  principle  is  strengthened  by  the  in 
ability  of  France  to  enforce  her  Decrees.  A  retaliation 
is,  in  its  name,  and  its  essential  character,  a  returning 
like  for  like.  Is  the  deadly  blow  of  the  Orders  in  Council 
against  one  half  of  our  commerce.,  a  return  of  like  for  like 
to  an  empty  threat  in  the  French  Decrees,  against  the  other 
half?  It  may  be  a  vindicative  hostility,  as  i'ar  as  its  effect* 
fall  on  the  enemy.  But  when  falling  on  a  neutral,  who  on 
no  pretext  can  be  liable  for  more  than  the  measure  of  iiiju- 


28  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

ry  received  through  such  neutral,  it  would  not  be  a  retalia 
tion,  but  a  positive  wrong-,  by  the  plea  on  which  it  is  founded. 

It  is  to  be  further  remarked  that  the  Orders  in  Council 
went  even  beyond  the  plea,  such  as  this  has  appeared  to  be, 
in  extending' its  operation  against  the  trade  of  the  United 
States,  with  nations  which,  like  Russia,  had  riot  adopted 
the  French  Decrees,  and  with  all  nations  which  had  merely 
excluded  the  British  flag" ;  an  exclusion  resulting  as  a  mat 
ter  of  course  with  respect  to  whatever  nation  Great-Britain 
might  happen  to  be  at  war. 

I  am  far  from  viewing  the  modification  originally  con 
tained  in  these  Orders,  which  permits  neutrals  to  prosecute 
their  trade  with  the  continent,  through  Great- Britain,  in  the 
favorable  light  in  which  you  represent  it.  It  is  impossible 
to  proceed  to  notice  the  effect  of  this  modification  without 
expressing  our  astonishment  at  the  extravagance  of  the  po 
litical  pn  tension  set  up  by  it :  a  pretension  which  is  utterly 
incompatible  with  the  sovreignty  and  independence  of  other 
states.  In  a  commercial  view,  it  is  not  less  objectionable,  a 
it  cannot  fail  to  prove  destructive  to  neutral  commerce. 

As  an  enemy,  Great-Britain  cannot  trade  with  France, 
Nor  does  France  permit  a  neutral  to  come  into  her  ports 
from  Great- Britain,  The  attempt  of  Great-Britain  to  force 
our  trade  through  her  ports,  would  have  therefore  the  com 
mercial  effect  of  depriving  the  United  States  altogether  of 
the  market  of  her  enemy  for  their  productions,  and  «f  de^ 
stroying  their  value  in  her  market  by  a  surcharge  of  it. 
Heretofore  it  has  been  the  usage  of  belligerent  nations  to 
carry  on  their  trade  through  the  intervention  of  neutrals ; 
and  this  had  the  beneficial  effect  of  extending  to  the  former 
the  advantages  of  peace,  while  suffering  under  the  calami 
ties  of  war.  To  reverse  the  rule,  and  to  extend  to  nations 
at  peace,  the  calamities  of  war,  is  a  change  as  novel  and  ex 
traordinary  as  it  is  at  variance  with  justice  and  public  law. 

Against  this  unjust  system,  the  United  States  entered,  at 
an  early  period,  their  solemn  protest.  They  considered  it 
their  duty  to  evince  to  the  world  their  high  disapprobation 
of  it,  and  they  have  done  so  by  such  acts  as  were  deemed 
most  consistent  with  the  rights  and  policy  of  the  nation. 
Remote  from  the  contentious  scene  which  desolates  Europe, 
it  has  been  their  uniform  object  to  avoid  becoming  a  party 
to  the  war. — With  this  view  they  have  endeavored  to  culti- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  \VAii.  29 

vale  friendship  with  both  parties,  by  a  system  of  conduct 
which  ought  to  have  produced  that  effect.  They  have 
done  justice  to  each  party  in  every  transaction  in  which  they 
have  been  separately  engaged  with  it.  They  have  observ 
ed  the  impartiality  which  was  due  to  both,  as  belligerents, 
standing  on  equal  ground,  having  in  no  instance  given  a 
preference  to  either  at  the  expense  ot  the  other.  They  have 
borne,  too,  with  equal  indulgence,  injuries  from  both,  being 
willing  while  it  was  possible,  to  impute  them  to  casualties 
inseparable  from  a  cause  of  war,  and  not  to  a  deliberate  in 
tention  to  violate  their  rights;  and  even  when  that  intention 
could  not  be  mistaken,  they  have  not  lost  sight  of  the  ulti 
mate  object  of  their  policy.  In  the  measures  to  which  they 
have  been  compelled  to  resort,  they  have  in  all  respects 
maintained  pacific  relations  with  both  parties.  The  alter 
native  presented  by  their  late  acts,  was  offered  equally  to 
both,  and  could  operate  on  neither,  no  longer  than  it  should 
persevere  in  its  aggressions  on  our  neutral  rights.  The  em 
bargo  and  non-intercourse,  \\  ere  peaceful  measures.  The 
regulations  which  they  imposed  on  our  trade  were  such 
as  any  nation  might  adopt  in  peace  or  war,  without  offence 
to  any  other  nation.  The  non-importation  is  of  the  same 
character,  and  if  it  makes  a  distinction  at  this  time,  in  its 
operation  between  the  belligerents,  it  necessarily  results  from 
a  compliance  of  one  with  the  offer  made  to  both,  and  which 
is  still  open  to  the  compliance  of  the  other, 

In  the  discussions  which  have  taken  place  on  the  subject 
of  the  Orders  in  Council  and  blockade  of  May,  1806,  the 
British  government  in  conformity  to  the  principle  on  which  the 
Orders  in  Council  are  said  to  be  founded,  declared  that  they 
should  cease  to  operate  as  soon  as  France  revoked  her  Edicts. 
It  was  stated  also,  that  the  British  government  would  pro 
ceed  pari  passu,  with  the  government  of  France,  in  the  re 
vocation  ot  her  Edicts.  I  will  proceed  to  shew  that  the  ob~ 
iigation  on  Great-Britain  to  revoke  her  Orders  is  complete, 
according  to  her  own  engagements,  and  that  the  revocation 
ought  not  to  be  longer  delayed. 

By  the  act  of  May  1st,  1810,  it  is  provided, «  That  if 
either  Great-Britain  or  France  should  cease  to  violate  the 
neutral  commerce  of  the  United  States,  which  fact  the  Pre 
sident  should  declare  by  proclamation,  and  the  other  party 
should  not  within  three  months  thereafter  revoke  or  modify 


£0  HISTORY  OF  THE  AVAK. 

its  Edicts  ill  like  manner,  that  then  certain  sections  in  a. 
former  act  interdicting-  the  commercial  intercourse  between 
the  United  States  and  Great-Britain  and  France  and  their 
dependencies,  should  from  and  after  the  expiration  of  three 
months  from  the  date  of  the  proclamation,  be  revived  and 
have  full  force  against  the  former,  its  colonies  and  depen 
dencies,  a')d  against  all  articles  the  growth,  produce,  or 
manufacture  of  the  same.' 

The  violations  of  neutral  commerce  alluded  to  in  this  act, 
were  such  as  were  committed  on  the  high  seas.  It  was  in 
the  trade  between  the  United  States  and  the  British  domin 
ions,  that  France  had  violated  the  neutral  rights  of  the 
United  States  by  her  blockading1  Edicts.  It  was  with  the 
trade  of  France  and  her  allies  that  Great-Britain  had  com 
mitted  similar  violations  by  similar  Edicts.  It  was  there* 
vocation  ot  those  Edicts,  so  far  as  they  committed  such  vio 
lations,  which  the  United  States  had  in  view,  when  they 
passed  the  law  of  May  1st,  1810.  On  the  5th  of  August, 
Z 8  i,0,  the  French  minister  of  foreign  affairs  addressed  a 
note  to  the  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States 
at  Paris,  informing"  him  that  the  Decrees  of  Berlin  and  Mi 
lan  were  revoked  ;  the  revocation  to  take  effect  on  the  1st 
of  November  following:  that  the  measure  had  been  taken 
by  his  government  in  confidence  that  the  British  govern 
ment  would  revoke  its  Orders,  and  renounce  its  new  prin 
ciples  of  blockade,  or  that  the  United  States  would  cause 
their  rights  to  be  respected,  conformably  to  the  act  of  May 
1st,  1810. 

This  measure  of  the  French  government  was  founded  on 
ilie  law  of  May  1st,  1810,  as  is  expressly  declared  in  the  let 
ter  of  the  Duke  of  Catlore  announcing  it.  The  Edicts  ot 
Great- Britain,  the  revocation  of  which  were  expected  by 
France,  were  those  alluded  to  in  that  act ;  and  the  means 
by  which  the  United  States  should  cause  their  rights  to  be 
respected,  in  case  Great-Britain  should  not  revoke  her 
Edicts,  were  likewise  to  be  found  in  the  same  act.  They 
consisted  merely  in  the  enforcement  of  the  non-importatiou 
*ict  against  Great-Britain,  in  that  unexpected  and  improba 
ble  contingency. 

The  letter  of  the  otii  of  August,  which  announced  the  re 
vocation  of  the  French  Decrees,  was  communicated  to  this 
government,  in  consequence  of  which  the  President  issued 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAtt,  -"if 

a  proclamation  on  the  2d  of  November,  the  day  after  that 
on  \\hich  the  repeal  of  the  French  Decrees  was  to  take  effect 
in  which  he  declared  that  all  restrictions  imposed  by  the  act 
of  May  1st,  1810,  should  cease  and  be  discontinued  in  re 
lation  to  France  and  her  dependencies.  It  was  a  necessary 
consequence  of  this  proclamation,  also,  that  if  Great-Britain 
did  not  revoke  her  Edicts,  the  non-importation  would  ope 
rate  on  her,  at  the  end  of  three  months.  This  actually  took 
place.  She  declined  the  revocation,  and  on  the  t£d  of  Feb 
ruary  last,  that  law  took  effect.  In  coniirmation  of  the  pro 
clamation,  an  act  of  Congress  was  passed  on  the  2d  of  March 
folio  whig1. 

Great-Britain  still  declines  to  revoke  her  Edicts,  on  the 
pretension  that  France  has  not  revoked  hers.  Under  that 
impression  she  infers  that  the  United  States  have  done  her 
injustice  by  carrying  into  effect  the  non-importation  against 
her. 

The  United  States  maintain  that  France  has  revoked  her 
Edicts,  so  far  as  they  violated  their  neutral  rights,  and  were 
contemplated  by  the  law  of  May  1st,  1810,  and  have  on 
that  ground  particularly  claimed  and  do  expect  of  Great- 
Britain  a  similar  revocation. 

The  revocation  announced  officially  by  the  French  min 
ister  of  foreign  affairs,  to  the  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the 
United  States  at  Paris,  on  the  5th  of  August,  1810,  was  in 
itself  sufficient  to  justify  the  claim  of  the  United  States  to  a 
correspondent  measure  from  threat-Britain.  She  had  de 
clared  that  she  would  proceed  part  passu  in  the  repeal 
with  Franc*,  and  the  day  being  fixed  when  the  repeal  of 
the  French  Decrees  should  take  effect,  it  was  reasonable  to 
conclude  that  Great-Britain  would  lix  the  same  day  for  the. 
repeal  of  her  Orders  Had  tiiis  been  done,  the  proclama 
tion  of  the  President  would  have  announced  the  revocation 
of  the  Edicts  of  both  powers  at  the  same  time,  and  in  con 
sequence  thereof  the  non-importation  would  have  gone  into 
operation  against  neither. — Such,  too,  is  the  natural  course 
of  proceeding  in  transactions  between  independent  states  ; 
and  such  the  conduct  which  they  generally  observe  towards 
each  other.  In  all  compacts  between  nations,  it  is  the  dutv 
of  each  to  perform  what  it  stipulates,  and  to  presume  on  the 
good  faith  of  the  other  for  a  like  performance.  The  United 
States  having  made  a  proposal  to  both  belligerents  were 


32  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

bound  to  accept  a  compliance  from  either,  and  it  was  no 
objection  to  the  French  compliance,  that  it  was  in  a  form  to 
take  effect  at  a  future  day  ;  that  being  a  form  not  unusual 
in  other  public  acts  ;  even  when  nations  are  at  war  and 
make  peace,  this  obligation  of  neutral  confidence  exists  and 
is  respected.  In  treaties  of  commerce,  by  which  iheir  fu 
ture  intercourse  is  to  be  governed,  the  obligation  is  the 
same. — If  distrust  anil  jealousy  are  allowed  to  prevail,  the 
moral  tit--,  which  binds  nations  together  in  all  their  relations, 
in  war,  as  well  as  in  peace,  is  broken. 

What  would  Great-Bntairi  have  hazarded  by  a  prompt 
compliance  in  the  manner  suggested  ?  She  had  declared 
that  she  had  adopted  the  restraints  imposed  by  her  Orders 
in  Council  with  reluctance,  because  of  their  distressing 
effect  on  neutral  powers.  Here  then  was  a  favorable  op 
portunity  presented  to  her,  to  withdraw  from  that  measure 
with  honor,  be  the  conduct  of  France,  afterwards,  what  it 
might.  Had  Great-Britain  revoked  her  Orders,  and  France 
failed  to  fulfil  her  engagement,  she  would  have  gained  credit 
at  the  expense  of  France,  and  could  have  sustained  no  in 
jury  by  it,  because  the  failure  of  France  to  maintain  her 
faith  would  have  replaced  Great-Britain  at  the  point  from 
which  she  had  departed.  To  say  that  a  disappointed  reli 
ance  on  the  good  faith  of  her  enemy,  would  have  reproach 
ed  her  foresight,  would  be  to  set  a  higher  value  on  that 
quality,  than  on  consistency  and  good  faith,  ad  would  sac 
rifice  to  a  mere  suspicion  towards  an  enemy,  the  plain  obli 
gations  of  justice  towards  a  friendly  power. 

Great-Britain  has  declined  proceeding  part  passu  with 
France  in  the  revocation  of  their  respective  Edicts.  She 
has  held  aloof,  and  claims  of  the  United  Stales,  proof,  not 
only  that  France  has  revoked  her  Decrees,  bur  that  she  con 
tinues  to  act  in  conformity  with  the  revocation. 

To  shew  that  .he  repeal  is  respected,  it  is  deemed  suffi 
cient  to  state,  that  not  one  vessel  has  been  condemned  by 
French  tribunals,  on  the  principles  of  tl-ose  Decrees,  since 
the  1st  of  November  last. — The  New-Orleans  packet  from 
Gibraltar  to  Bordeaux,  was  detained  but  never  condemned. 
The  Grace-Ani.-Green,  from  the  same  British  port,  to  Mar 
seilles,  was  1  kewise  detained,  but  afterwards  delivered  up 
unconditionally  to  the  owner,  as  was  such  part  of  the  cargo 
of  the  New-Orleans  packet  as  consisted  of  the  produce  of 


HISTORY  OP  THE  WAR. 

the  United  States.  Bolh  these  vessels  proceeding  from  a 
T3ritish  port,  carried  cargoes,  some  articles  of  which  in  each,, 
were  prohibited  by  the  laws  of  France,  or  admissible  by  the 
sanction  of  the  government  alone.  It  does  not  appear  that 
their  detention  was  imputable  to  any  other  cause.  If  impu- 
table  to  the  circumstance  of  passing*  from  a  British  to  a 
French  port,  or  on  account  of  any  part  of  their  cargoes,  it 
affords  no  cause  of  complaint  in  Great-Britain,  as  a  viola* 
tion  of  her  neutral  rights.  No  such  cause  would  be  afford 
ed,  even  in  a  case  of  condemnation.  The  right  of  com 
plaint,  would  have  belonged  to  the  United  States. 

In  denying1  the  revocation  of  the  Decrees,  so  far  as  it  is  a 
proper  subject  of  discussion  between  us,  it  might  reasona 
bly  be  expected  that  you  would  produce  some  examples  of 
vessels  taken  at  sea,  in  voyages  to  British  ports,  or  on  then: 
teturn  home,  and  condemned  under  them  by  a  French  tri 
bunal.  Nonesuch  has  been  afforded  by  you.  None  such 
are  known  to  this  government. 

You  urge  only  as  an  evidence  that  the  Decrees  are  not 
repealed,  the  speech  of  the  Emperor  of  France  to  the  depu 
ties  from  the  free  cities  of  Hamburg,  Bremen,  and  Lubeck; 
the  Imperial  Edict  dated  at  Fontainbleau  on  the  19th  of 
Oct.  1810  ;  the  report  of  the  French  minister  of  foreign 
affairs,  dated  in  December  last,  and  a  letter  of  the  minister, 
of  Justice  to  the  President  of  the  Council  of  prizes  of  the 
^•5th  of  that  month. 

There  is  nothing  h*  the  first  of  these  papers  incompatible 
with  the  revocation  of  the  Decrees,  in  respect  to  the  United 
States.  It  is  distinctly  declared  by  the  Emperor  in  his 
speech  to  the  deputies  of  the  Hanse  Towns,  that  the  block 
ade  of  the  British  Islands  shall  cease  when  the  British 
blockades  cease  ;  and  that  the  French  blockade  shall  cease 
in  favor  of  those  nations  in  whose  favor  Great  Britain  re- 
\  okes  hers,  or  who  support  their  rights  against  her  pretenT 
sion,  as  France  admits  the  United  States  will  do,  by  enforc 
ing  the  non-importation  acL  The  same  sentiment  is  ex 
pressed  in  the  report  of  the  ministers  of  foreign  affairs. — 
The  Decree  of  Fontainbleau  having  no  offect  on  the  high 
seas,  cannot  be  brought  into  this  discussion.  It  evidently 
lias  no  connection  with. neutral  rights.  The  letter  from  the 
minister  of  justice,  to  the.  President  of  the  Council  of  prizes, 
is  of  a  different  character.  It  relates  in  direct  terms  to  this 


34  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAIT, 

subject  but  not  in  the  sense  in  which  you  understand it. 
After  reciting  the  note  from  the  duke  ofCadore  of  the  5th 
August  last,  to  the  American  minister  at  Paris,  which  an 
nounced  the  repeal  of  the  French  Decrees,  and  the  proclama 
tion  of  the  President  in  consequence  of  it,  it  states  that  all 
causes  arising  under  those  Decrees  after  the  1st  of  Novem- 

O 

ber,  which  were  then  before  the  court,,  or  might   afterwards 
be  brought  before  it.  should  not  be  judged  by  the  principles 
of  the  Decrees,  but  be   suspended  until   the  fid  February, 
when  the  United  States  having  fulfiled    their  engagement, 
the  captures  should  be  declared  void,  and   the   vessels  and 
their  cargoes  delivered  up  to  their  owners.     This  paper  ap 
pears  to  afford  an  unequivocal  evidence  of  the  revocation  of 
the  Decrees,  so  far  as  relates  to  the  United  States.     By  in 
structing  the  French  tribunal  to  make  no  decission  till  tht; 
2d  of  February,  and  then  to  restore  the  property  to  the  own 
ers,  on  a  particular  event   which  has    happened,  all  cause 
of  doubt  on  that  point  seems  to   l>3  removed.     The  United- 
States  may  justly  complain  of  delay  in  the  restitution  of  the 
properly,  but  thai  is   an    injury   which    effects  them   only. 
Great  Britain  has  no  right   to  complain  of  it.     She  was  in 
terested  only  in-  the  revocation    of  the  Decrees   by    which 
neutral  rights  waul d  be  secured,  from    future  violation  ;  or 
if  she  had  been  interested  in  the  delay  it  would  have  afford 
ed  no  pretext  for  more  than  a  delay  in  repealing  her  orders 
the  2d  of  February.     From  that  day  at  farthest  the  French 
Decrees  would  cease.     At  the  same  day  ought  her  Orders 
to  hate  ceased.     I  might  add  to  this  statement,  that  every 
communication  received  from  the    French  government,  ei 
ther  through  our  representatives  there,  or  it*  representatives 
here,  are  in  accord  with  the  actual  repeal  of  the  Berlin  and 
Milan  Decrees,  in  relation  to  the   neutral  commerce  of  the- 
United  States.     But  it  will  suffice  to  remark,  that  the  best, 
and  only  adequate  evidence  of  their  ceasing  to  operate,  is 
the  deft  ct  of  evidence  that  they  do  operate.     It  is  a   case- 
where  the  want  of  proof  ag^in  ft  the  fulfilment  of  a  pledge  is- 
proof  of  the  fu4 fit n\ent.     Every  case  occurring,  to  which  if 
the  Decrees  were  in  force,  they  would  be  applied,   and   to 
which  they  are  not  applied,  is  a  proof  that  they   are  not  in 
force.     And  if  these  prciofs  have  not  been  more  multiplied, 
..I  need  not  remind  you  lhat  a  cause  is  to  be  found  in  the  nu 
merous  captures  under  yow  Orders  in  Council,  which  COR- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  35 

tinue  to  evince  the  rigour  with  which  they  are  enforced,  af 
ter  a  failure  of  the  basis  on  which  they  are  supposed  lo  rest. 
But  Great-Britain  contends,  as  appears  by  your  last  letters, 
that  she  ought  not  to  revoke  her  Orders  in  Council,  until 
the  commerce  of  the  continent  is  restored  to  the  state  in 
which  it  stood  before  the  Berlin  and  Mi  tan  Decrees  were 
issued  ;  until  the  French  Decrees  are  repealed  not  only  as 
to  the  United  States,  but  so  as  to  permit  Great-Britain  to 
trade  with  the  continent.  Is  it  then  meant  that  Great-Bri 
tain  should  be  allowed  to  trade  with  all  the  powers  with 
whom  she  traded  at  thet  epoch?  Since  that  tune  France  has 
extended  her  conquests  to  the  north,  and  raised  enenves 
against  Great-Britain,  where  she  then  had  friends.  Is  it 
proposed  to  trade  with  them  notwithstanding*  the  change  in 
their  situation  ?  Between  the  enemies  of  one  stnte  and 
those  of  another,  no  discrimination  can  be  made.  There  is 
none  in  reason,  nor  can  there  be  any  of  right,  in  practice. 
Or  do  yotv  maintain  the  general  principle  and  contend  that 
Great-Britain  ought  to  trade  with  France'  and  her  Allies  ? 
Between  enemies  there  can  be  no  commerce.  The  vessels 
of  either  taken  by  the  other  are  liable  to  confiscation  and  are 
always  confiscated.  The  number  of  enemies  or  extent  of 
country  which  they  occupy,  cannot  effect  the  question. 
The  laws  of  war  govern  the  relations  which  subsist  between 

<3 

them,  which  especially  in  the  circumstance  under  consider 
ation  are  invariable.  They  were  the  same  in  times  the  most 
remote  that  they  now  are.  Even  if  peace  had  taken  place 
between  Great-Britain  and  the  powers  of  the  continent  she 
would  not  trade  with  them  without  their  consent.  Or  does 
Great-Britain  contend,  that  the  United  States,  as  a  neutral 
power,  ought  to  open  the  continent  to  her  commerce,  on 
such  terms  as  she  may  designate  ?  On  what  principle  can  she 
set  up  such  a  claim  ?  JVo  example  of  it  can  be  found  in  the  his 
tory  of  past  wars,  nor  is  it  founded  in  any  recognized  prin 
ciple  of  war,  or  in  any  semblance  of  reason  or  right.  The 
United  States  could  not  maintain  such  a  claim  in  their 
own  favor,  though  neutral — when  advanced  in  favor  of  an 
enemy,  it  would  be  the  most  preposterous  and  extravagant 
claim  ever  heard  of.  Every  power  when  not  restrained 
by  treaty,  has  aright  to  regulate  its  trade  with  other  nations, 
in  such  a  manner  as  it  finds  it  most  consistent  with  its  inter 
est  ;  to  admit,  and  on  its,  own  conditions,  or  to  prohibit  the 


uG  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

importation  of  such  articles  as  are  necessary  to  supply  the 
wants,  or  encourage  the  industry  of  its  people.  In  what 
light  Would  Great-Britain  view  an  application  from  the  Unit 
ed  States  for  the  repeal  of  right  of  any  act  of  her  parlia 
ment,  which  prohibited  the  importation  of  any  article  from 
the  United  States,  such  as  their  fish,  or  their  oil  ?  Or  which 
claimed  the  diminution  of  the  duty  on  any  other,  such  as 
their  tobacco  on  which  so  great  a  revenue  is  raised?  In 
what  light  would  she  view  a  similar  application  made  at 
the  instance  of  France,  for  the  importation  into  England,  of 
any  article  the  growth  or  manufacture  of  that  powerwhich 
it  was  the  policy  of  the  British  government  to  prohibit. 

If  delays  have  taken  place  in  the  restitution  of  American 
property,  and  in  placing  the  American  commerce  in  the 
ports  of  France  on  a  fair  and  satisfactory  basis,  they  involve 
questions,  as  has  already  been  observed,  in  which  the  United 
States  alone  are  interested.  As  thev  do  not  violate  the  re 
vocation  by  France,  of  her  Edicts,  they  cannot  impair  the 
obligation  of  Great-Britain  to  revoke  hers  ;  nor  change  the 
epoch  at  which  the  revocation  ought  to  have  taken  place. 
Had  that  duly  followed,  it  is  more  than  probable  that  those 
circumstances,  irrelative  as  they  are,  which  have  excited 
doubt  in  the  British  government  of  the  practical  revocation 
of  the  French  Decrees,  might  not  have  occurred. 

Every  view  which  can  be  taken  of  this  subject,  increases 
the  painful  surprise  at  the  innovations  on  all  the  principles 
and  usages  hereto  fore  observed,  which  are  so  unreservedly 
contended  for,  in  your  letters  of  the  3d  and  l(5th  inst.  and 
which,  if  persisted  in  by  your  government,  presents  such  an 
obstacle  to  the  wishes  of  the  United  States,  for  a  removal  of 
the  difficulties  which  have  been  connected  with  the  Orders 
in  Council.  It  is  the  interest  of  belligerents  to  mitigate  the 
calamities  of  war,  and  neutral  powers  possess  ample  means 
to  promote  that  object,  provided  they  sustain  with  impar 
tiality  and  firmness  the  dignity  of  their  station.  If  belliger 
ents  expect  advantage  from  neutrals,  they  should  leave  them 
in  the  full  enjoyment  of  their  rights.  The  present  war,  has 
been  oppressive  beyond  example,  by  its  duration,  and  by 
the  desolation  which  it  has  spread  throughout  Europe.  It 
is  highly  important  that  it  should  assume,  at  least,  a  milder 
character.  By  the  revocation  of  the  French  Edicts,  so  far 
us  they  respected  the  neutral  commerce  of  the  United  Stales, 


HISTORY    OP    THE  WAR.  37 

some  advance  is  made  towards  that  most  desirable  and  con 
soling*  result.  Let  Great-Britain  follow  the  example.  The 
ground  thus  gained  will  soon  be  enlarged  by  the  concur 
ring  and  pressing-  interest  of  all  parlies,  and  whatever  is 
gained,  will  accrue  to  the  advantage  of  afflicted  humanity. 

I  proceed  to  notice  another  part  of  your  letter  of  the  3d 
inst.  which  is  viewed  in  a  more  favorable  light.  The  Pres 
ident  has  received  with  great  satisfaction  the  communica 
tion  thai  should  the  Orders  in  Council  of  1807,  be  revoked, 
the  blockade  of  Mav,  of  the  preceding  year,  would  cease 
with  them,  and  that  any  blockade  which  should  afterwards 
be  instituted,  should  be  duly  notified  and  maintained  by  an 
adequate  force.  This  frank  and  explicit  declaration,  wor 
thy  of  the  prompt  and  amicable  measure  adopted  by  the 
prince  regent  in  coming  into  power,  seems  to  remove  a  ma 
terial  obstacle  to  an  accommodation  of  differences  between 
our  countries,  and  when  followed  by  the  revocation  ot  the 
Orders  in  Council,  will,  as  I  am  authorised  to  inform  you, 
produce  an  immediate  termination  of  the  non-importation 
law,  by  an  exercise  of  the  power  vested  in  the  President  for 
that  purpose. 

I  conclude  with  remarking,  that  if  I  have  confined  this 
letter  to  the  subjects  brought  into  view  by  yours,  it  is  not 
because  the  United  States  have  lost  s;ght  in  any  degree  of 
the  other  very  serious  causes  of  complaint,  on  which  they 
have  received  no  satisfaction,  but  because  the  conciliatory 
policy  of  this  government  has  thus  far  separated  the  case  of 
the  Orders  in  Council  from  others,  and  because  with  respect 
to  these  others,  your  communication  has  not  afforded  any 
reasonable  prospect  of  resuming  them,  at  this  time,  with  suc 
cess.  It  is  presumed  that  the  same  liberal  view  of  the  true 
interests  of  Great-Britain,  and  friendly  disposition  towards 
the  United  States,  which  induced  the  prince  regent  to  re 
move  so  material  a  difficulty  as  had  arisen  in  relation  to  a 
repeal  of  the  Orders  in  Council,  will  lead  to  a  more  favora 
ble  further  consideration  of  the  remaining  difficulties  on  that 
subject,  arjd  that  the  advantages  of  an  amicable  adjustment 
of  every  question,  depending  between  the  two  countries, 
will  be  seen  by  your  government,  in  the  same  light,  as  they 
ire  by  that  of  the  United  States. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  >vc. 

JAMES  MONROE. 


38  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR* 

Mr.  Foster  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

WASHINGTON,  July  26th,  1811. 

SIR — I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  letter  of  July 
23d,  in  answer  to  mine  of  the  3d  and  14th  inst.  which  you 
will  permit  me  to  say  were  not  merely  relative  to  his  majes 
ty's  Orders  in  Council,  and  the  blockade  of  May  1806,  hut 
al?o  to  the  President's"  proclamation  of  last  November,  and 
to  the  consequent  act  oi  Congress  of  March  2d,  as  well  as 
to  the  just  complaints  which  his  royal  highness,  the 
prince  regent,  had  commanded  me  to  make  to  your  gov 
ernment,  with  respect  to  the  proclamation  and  to  that  act. 

If  the  IT.  States'  government  had  expected  that  I  should 
have  made  communications  which  would  have  enabled 
them  to  come  to  an  accommodation  with  Great-Britain  on 
the  ground  on  which  alone  you  say  it  was  possible  to  meet 
us,  and  that  you  mean  by  that  expression  a  departure  irons 
our  system  of  defence  against  the  new  kind  of  warfare  still 
practised  by  France,  Iain  at  a  loss  to  discover  from  what 
source  they  could  have  derived  those  expectations  ;  cer 
tainly  not  from  the  correspondence  between  the  Marquis 
Wellesley  and  Mr.  Pmkney, 

Before  I  proceed  to  reply  to  the  arguments  which  are 
brought  forward  by  yzu  to  show  that  the  Decrees  of  Berlin 
and  Milan  are  repealed,  1  must  first  enter  into  an  explana 
tion  upon  some  points  on  which  you  have  evidently  misap 
prehended,  for  I  will  not  suppose  you  could  have  wished  to 
misinterpret  my  meaning. 

And  iirst^  in  regard  to  the  blockade  of  May,  1800, 1  must 
avow  that  I  am  wholly  at  a  loss  to  find  out  from  what  part 
of  my  letter  it  is  that  the  President  has  drawn  the  unqualified 
inference,  that  should  the  Orders  in  Council  of  1807,  be  re 
voked,  the  blockade  of  May,  1806,  would  cease  with  them. 
— It  is  most  material  that,  on  this  point,  no  mistake 
should  exist  between  us.  From  your  letter  it  would  ap 
pear,  as  if  on  the  question  of  blockade  which  America  had 
so  unexpectedly  connected  with  her  demand  for  a  repeal  of 
our  Orders  in  Council,  Great-Britain  had  made  the  conces 
sion  required  of  her;  as  if,  after  ail  that  has  passed  on  the  sub 
ject,  after  the  astonishment  and  regret  of  his  majesty's  gov 
ernment  at  the  United  States  having  taken  up  the  view 
which  the  French  government  presented,  of  our  just  and 
legitimate  principles  of  blockade,  which  are  exemplified  in 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  3& 

fne  blockade  of  May,  1806,  the  whole  ground  taken  by  his 
majesty's  government  was  at  once  abandoned.  When  I 
had  the  honor  to  exhibit  to  you  my  instructions,  and  to  draw 
wp  as  1  conceived,  according  to  your  wishes  and  those  of 
*he  President,  a  statement  of  the  mode  in  which  that  block 
ade  would  probably  disappear,  I  never  meant  to  authorise 
such  a  conclusion,  anil  I  now  beg  most  unequivocally  to 
disclaim  it.  The  blockade  of  May,  1806,  will  not  continue 
after  the  repeal  of  the  Orders  in  Council,  unless  his  majes 
ty's  government  shall  think  fit  to  sustain  it  by  the  special 
application  of  a  sufficient  naval  force,  and  the  fact  of  ite 
being  so  continued  or  not,  will  be  notified  at  the  time.  If, 
in  this  view  of  the  matter,  which  is  certainly  presented  in  a 
conciliatory  spirit,  one  of  the  obstacles  to  a  complete  under 
standing  between  our  countries  can  be  removed  by  the  Uni 
ted  States  government  waving  all  further  reference  to  that 
blockade  when  they  can  be  justified  in  asking  a  repeal  of 
the  Orders,  and  if  I  may  communicate  this  to  my  govern 
ment,  it  will  undoubtedly  be  very  satisfactory  ;  but  I  beg 
distinctly  to  disavow  having  made  any  acknowledgment 
that  the  blockade  would  cease  merely  in  consequence  of  a 
revocation  of  the  Orders  in  Council  ;  whenever  it  does 
cease,  it  will  eease  because  there  will  be  no  adequate  forc& 
to  maintain  it. 

On  another  very  material  point,  sir,  you  appear  to  have 
misconstrued  my  words  ;  for  in  no  one  passage  of  my  letter 
can  I  discover  any  mention  of  innovations  on  the  part  of 
Great-Britain,  such  as  you  say  excited  a  painful  surprise  in 
your  government.  There  is  no  new  pretension  set  up  bv 
his  majesty's  government.  In  answer  to  questions  of  yours,, 
as  to  what  were  the  Decrees  or  regulations  of  France 
which  Great-Britain  complained  of,  and  against  which  she 
directs  her  retaliatory  measures,  I  brought  distinctly  into, 
your  view  the  Berlin  and  Milan  Decrees,  and  you  have  not 
denied,  because,  indeed,  you  could  not,  that  the  provisions, 
of  those  Decrees  were  new  measures  of  war  on  the  part  of 
Prance,  acknowledged  as  such  by  her  ruler,  and  contrary 
to  the  principles  and  usages  of  civilized  nations.  That  the 
present  war  has  been  oppressive  beyond  example  by  its  du 
ration,  and  the  desolation  it  spreads  through  Europe,  I  wil 
lingly  agree  with  you,  but  th?  United  States  cannot  surely 
mean  te»  attribute  Hie  cause  io  Great-Britain.  The  question 


40.  UISTORl  OF  THU  YV  AH. 

between  Great- Britain  and  France  is  that  of  an  honorable 
struggle  against  the  lawless  efforts  of  an  ambitious  tyrant, 
and  America  can  bnt  have  the  wish  of  every  independent 
nation  as  to  its  result. 

.  On  a  third  point,  sir,  I  have  also  to  regret  that  my  mean 
ing  should  have  been  mistaken.  Great-Britain  never  con 
tended  that  British  merchant  vessels  should  be  allowed  to 
trade  with  her  enemies,  or  that  British  property  should  be 
allowed  entry  into  their  ports,  as  you  would  infer  ;  such  a 
pretension  would  indeed  be  preposterous  ;  but  Great-Bri 
tain  does  contend  against  the  system  of  terror  put  in  practice 
by  France,  by  which  usurping  authority  wherever  her  arms 
or  the  timidity  of  nations  will  enable  her  to  extend  her  in 
fluence,  she  makes  it  a  crime  to  neutral  countries  as  well  as 
individuals  that  they  should  possess  articles,  however  acquir 
ed,  which  may  have  been  once  the  produce  of  English  in 
dustry  or  of  the  British  soil.  Against  such  an  abominable 
and  extravagant  pretension  every  feeling  must  revolt,  and 
the  honor  no  less  than  the  interest  of  Great-Britain  engages 
her  to  oppose  it. 

Turning  to  the  course  of  argument  contained  in  your  let 
ter,  allow  me  to  express  my  surprise  at  the  conclusion  you 
draw  in  considering  the  question  of  priority  relative  to  the 
French  Decrees  or  British  Orders  in  Council.  It  was 
dearly  proved  that  the  blockade  of  May,  1806,  was  main 
tained  by  an  adequate  naval  force,  and  therefore  was.ji 
blockade  founded  on  just  and  legitimate  principles,  and  I 
have  not  heard  that  it  was  considered  in  a  contrary  light 
when  notified  as  such  to  you  by  Mr.  Secretary  Fox,  nor 
until  it  suited  the  views  of  France  to  endeavor  to  have  it 
considered  otherwise.  Why  America  took  up  the  view  the 
French  government  chose  to  give  of  it,  and  could  see  in  it- 
grounds  for  the  French  Decrees,  was  always  matter  of  as 
tonishment  in  England. 

Your  remarks  on  modifications  at  various  times  of  our 
system  of  retaliation  will  require  the  less  reply  from  the  cir 
cumstance  of  the  Orders  in  Council  of  April,  J809,  having 
superceded  them  all.  They  were  calculated  for  the  avow 
ed  purpose  of  softening  the  effect  of  the  original  Orders  on 
neutral  commerce,  the  incidental  effect  of  those  Orders  on 
neutrals  having  been  always  sincerely  regretted  by  his  ma 
jesty's  government ;  but  when  it  was  found  that  neutrals  ob 
jected  to  them  they  were  removed. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  41 

As  to  the  principle  of  retaliation,  it  is  founded  on  the  just 
and  natural  right  of  self  defence  against  our  enemy  ;  if 
France  is  unable  to  enforce  her  Decrees  on  the  ocean,  it  is 
not  from  the  want  of  will,  for  she  enforces  them  wherever 
she  can  do  it ;  her  threats  are  only  empty  where  her  power 
is  of  no  avail. 

In  the  view  you  have  taken  of  the  conduct  of  America, 
in  her  relations  with  the  two  belligerents,  and  in  the  con 
clusion  you  draw  with  respect  to  the  impartiality  of  your 
country,  as  exemplified  in  the  non-importation  law,  I  la 
ment  to  say  I  cannot  agree  with  you.  That  act  is  a  direct 
measure  against  the  British  trade,  enacted  at  a  time  when  all 
the  legal  authorities  in  the  United  States  appeared  ready 
to  contest  the  statement  of  a  repeal  or  the  French  Decrees, 
on  which  was  founded  the  President's  proclamation  of  No 
vember  2d,  and  consequently  to  dispute  the  justice  of  the 
proclamation  itself. 

You  urge,  sir,  that  the  British  government  promised  to 
proceed  paripassu  with  France  in  the  repeal  of  her  Edicts. 
It  is  to  be  wished  you  could  point  out  to  us  any  step  France 
has  taken  in  repeat  of  hers.  Great-Britain  has  repeatedly  de 
clared  that  she  would  repeal  when  the  French  did  so,  and 
she  means  to  keep  to  that  declaration. 

I  have  stated  to  you  that  we  could  not  consider  the  let 
ter  of  August  5,  declaring  the  repeal  of  the  French  Edicts, 
providing  we  revoked  our  Orders  in  Council,  or  America 
resented  our  not  doing  so,  as  a  step  ot  that  nature  ;  and  the 
French  government  knew  that  we  could  not ;  their  object 
was  evidently  while  their  system  was  adhered  to,  in  all  its 
rigor,  to  endeavor  to  persuade  the  American  government 
that  they  had  relaxed  from  it,  and  to  induce  her  to  proceed  in 
enforcing1  the  submission  of  Great-Britain  to  the  inordinate 
demands  of  France.  It  is  to  be  lamented  that  they  have  but 
too  well  succeeded  ;  for  the  United  States  government  ap 
pear  to  have  considered  the  French  Declaration  in  the  sense 
in  which  France  wished  it  to  be  taken,  as  an  absolute  repeal 
of  her  Decrees,  without  adverting  to  the  conditional  terms 
which  accompanied  it. 

But  you  assert  that  no  violations  of  your  neutral  rights 
by  France  occur  on  the  high  seas,  and  that  these  were  all 
the  violations  alluded  to  in  the  act  of  Congress  of  May, 
1810.  1  readilv  believe,  indeed,  that  such  cases  are  fare,  bat 

0 


42  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

it  is  owing  to  the  preponderance  of  the  British  liavy  that 
they  are  so,  when  scarce  a  ship  under  the  French  flag  can 
venture  to  sea  without  being  taken,  it  is  not  extraordinary 
that  they  make  no  captures.  If  such  violations  alone  were 
within  the  purview  of  your  law,  there  would  seem  to  have 
been  no  necessity  for  its  enactment.  The  British  navy 
might  have  been  safely  trusted  for  the  prevention  of  this  oc 
currence.  But  I  have  always  briieved  and  my  government 
has  believed,  that  UK  American  legislators  had  in  view  in 
the  provision  of  their  law  as  it  respects  France,  not  only  her 
deeds  of  violence  on  the  seas,  but  a;l  the  novel  and  extra 
ordinary  pretensions  and  practices  of  her  government  which 
infringed  their  neutral  rights. 

We  have  had  no  evidence  as  yet  of  any  of  those  preten 
sions  being  abandoned.  To  the  ambiguous  declaration  in 
Mr.  Champagny's  note  is  opposed  the  unambiguous  and 
personal  declaration  of  Bonaparte  himself.  You  urge  that 
there  is  nothing  incompatible  with  the  revocation  of  the  De 
crees  in  respect  to  the  United  States,  in  IMS  expressions  to 
the  deputies  from  the  free  cities  of  Hamburgh,  Bremen, 
and  Lubeck,  that  it  is  distinctly  stated  in  that  speech,  that 
the  blockade  of  the  British  Islands  shall  cease  when  the 
Sril'sh  blockade  shall  cease,  and  that  the  French  blockade 
shall  cease  in  favor  of  those  nations  in  whose  favor  Great- 
Britain  revokes  hers  or  who  support  their  rights  against  her 
pretensions. 

It  is  to  be  inferred  from  this  and  the  corresponding  parts 
of  the  declaration  alluded  to,  that  unless  Great-Britain  sac 
rifices  her  principles  of  blockade,  which  are  those  authori 
zed  by  the  established  laws  of  nations,  France  will  still 
maintain  her  Decrees  of  Berlin  and  Milan,  which  indeed, 
the  speech  in  question  declares  to  be  the  fundamental  laws 
of  the  French  empire. 

I  do  not,  I  confess,  conceive  how  these  avowals  of  the 
ruler  of  France,  can  be  said  to  be  compatible  with  the  re 
peal  of  his  Decrees  in  respect  to  tl.e  United  States.  If  the 
United  vStates  are  prepared  to  insist  on  the  sacrifices  by 
Great-Britain  of  the  ancient  and  established  rules  of  mari 
time  war  practised  by  her,  then  indeed  they  may  avoid  the 
operation  of  the  French  Decrees,  but  otherwise,  According 
to  this  document,  it  is  very  clear  that  they  are  still  subjected 
to  them. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR,  48 

The  Decree  of  Fountambleau  is  confessedly  founded  on 
the  Decrees  of  Berlin  and  -Milan,  dated  ihe  19! h  October, 
1810,  and  proves  their  continued  existence.  The  report 
©f  the  FYench  minister  of  December  8,  announcing1  the  per 
severance  of  France  in  her  Decrees. is  still  further  in  confir 
mation  of  them,  and  a  re-perusal  of  the  letter  of  the  minister 
of  justice,  of  the  2oth  last  December,  confirms  me  in  the 
inference  I  drew  from  it,  for  otherwise  why  should  that  min 
ister  make  the  prospective  restoration  of  American  vessels, 
taken  after  the  1st  of  November,  to  be  a  consequence  of  the 
non-importation,  and  not  of  the  French  revocation.  If  the 
French  government  had  been  sincere,  they  would  have  ceas 
ed  infringing  on  the  neutral  rights  of  America,  after  the  1st 
November. — That  they  violated  them,  however,  after  that 
period,  is  notorious. 

Your  government  seem  to  let  it  be  understood  that  an 
ambiguous  declaration  from  Great-Britain,  similar  to  that 
of  the  French  minister,  would  have  been  acceptable  to  them, 
But,  sir,  is  it  consistent  with  the  dignity  of  a  nation  that 
respects  itself,  to  speak  in  ambiguous  language  ?  The  sub 
jects  and  citizens  of  either  country  would  in  the  end  be  the 
victims,  as  many  are  already,  in  all  probability,  who  from 
a  misconstruction  of  the  meaning  of  the  French  govern 
ment,  have  been  led  into  the  most  imprudent  speculate  ns. 
Such  conduct  would  not  be  to  proceed  part  paxsu  with 
France  in  revoking  our  Edicts,  but  to  descend  to  the  use  of 
the  perfidious  and  juggling  contrivances  of  her  cabinet,  by 
which  she  fills  her  coffers  at  the  expense  of  independent 
nations.  A  similar  construction  of  proceeding  part  pctssu 
might  lead  to  such  Decrees  as  those  of  Rambomllet,  or  of 
Bayonne,  to  the  system  of  exclusion  or  of  licences,  all 
measures  of  France  against  the  American  commerce,  is 
nothing  short  of  absolute  hostility. 

It  is  urged  that  no  vessel  has  been  condemned  by  the  tri 
bunals  of  France,  on  the  principles  of  her  Decrees  since  the 
the  1st  of  November.  You  allow,  however,  that  there  have 
been  some  detained  since  that  period,  and  that  such  part  of 
the  cargoes  as  consisted  of  goods  not  the  produce  of  Amer 
ica,  was  seized,  and  the  other  part,  together  with  the  vessel 
itself,  only  released  after  the  President's  proclamation  be 
came  known  in  France.  These  circumstances,  surely,  only 
prove  the  difficulty  that  France  is  under  in  reconciling  her 


44  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

anti-commercial  anil  anti-neutral  system,  with  her  desire  to 
express  her  satisfaction  at  the  measures  taken  in  America 
against  the  commerce  of  Great-Britain.  She  seizes  in  vir 
tue  of  the  Berlin  and  Milan  Decrees,  but  she  makes  a  par 
tial  restoration  for  the  purpose  of  deceiving1  America. 

I  have  now  followed  you,  I  believe,  sir,  through  the  vvhok 
range  of  your  argument,  and  on  reviewing  the  course  of  it, 
I  think  I  may  securely  say  that  no  satisfactory  proof  has  yet 
been  brought  forward  of  the  repeal  of  the  obnoxious  De 
crees  of  France,  but  on  the  contrary,  that  it  appears  they 
continue  in  full  force,  consequently  that  no  grounds  exist 
on  which  you  can,  with  justice,  demand  of  Great-Britain  a 
revocation  of  her  Orders  in  Council ; — that  we  have  a  right 
to  complain  of  the  conduct  of  the  American  government,  in 
enforcing  the  provisions  of  the  act  of  May,  1810,  to  the  ex 
clusion  of  the  British  trade,   and  afterwards  in  obtaining  a 
special  law  for  the  same  purpose  though  it  was  notorious 
at  the  time  that  France  still  continued  her  aggressions  upon 
American  commerce,  and  had  recently  promulgated  anew 
lier  Decrees,    suffering  no  trade  irom    this   country,  but 
through  licences  publicly  sold  by  her  agent,  and  that  all  the 
suppositions  you  have  formed  of  innovations  on  the  part  of 
Great-Britain,  or  of  her  pretensions  to  trade  with  her  ene 
mies  are  wholly  groundless.     I  have  also  stated  to  you  the 
view  his  majesty's  government  has  taken  of  the  question  of 
the  blockade  of  May,  1806,  and  it  now  only  remains  that  I 
urge  afresh  the  injustice  of  the  United  States'  government, 
persevering  in  their  union  with  the  French  system,  for  the 
purpose  of  crushing  the  commerce  of  Great-Britain. 

From  every  consideration  which  equity,  good  policy,  or 
interest  can  suggest,  there  appears  to  be  such  a  call  upon 
America  to  give  up  this  system,  which  favors  France,  to 
the  injury  of  Great-Britain,  that  I  cannot,  however  little  sat 
isfactory  your  communications  are,  as  yet  abandon  all  hopes 
that  even  before  the  Congress  meet,  a  new  view  may  be 
taken  of  the  subject  by  the  President,  which  will  lead  to  a 
more  happy  result. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  very  high  consideration  and 
respect,  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

AUGUSTUS  J.  FOSTER 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAK,  4<> 

' 

Mr.  Monroe  to  Mr.  Foster. 
DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  July  27th,  1811. 

SIB, — I  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  letter  of  yesterday's 
date,  in  time  to  submit  it  to  the  view  of  the  President  before 
he  left  town, 

It  was  my  object  to  state  to  you  in  my  letter  of  the  23d 
inst.  that  under  existing'  circumstances,  it  was  impossible  for 
the  President  to  terminate  the  operation  of  the  non-importa 
tion  law  of  the  2d  ol  March  last ;  that  France  having  except- 
ed  the  proposition  made  by  a  previous  law  equally  to  G, 
Britain  and  to  France,  and  having*  revoked  her  Decrees, 
violating  our  neutral  rights,  and  Great-Britain  having  declin 
ed  to  revoke  hers,  it  became  the  duty  of  tins  government 
to  fulfil  its  engagement,  and  to  declare  the  non-importa 
tion  law  in  force  against  Great- Britain. 

This  state  of  affairs  has  not  been  sought  by  the  United 
States.  When  the  proposition,  contained  in  the  law  of  May 
1st,  1810,  was  offered  equally  to  both  powers,  there  was 
cause  to  presume  that  Great-Britain  would  have  accepted  it, 
in  which  event  the  non-importation  law  would  not  have  op 
erated  against  her. 

It  is  in  the  power  of  the  British  government  at  this  time 
to  enable  the  President  to  set  the  non-importation  law  aside, 
by  rendering  to  the  United  States  an  act  of  justice.  If 
Great-Britain  will  cease  to  violate  our  neutral  rights  by  re 
voking  her  Orders  in  Council,  on  which  event  alone  the 
President  has  the  power,  I  am  instructed  to  inform  you  that 
he  will,  without  delay,  exercise  it  by  terminating  the  ope 
ration  of  this  law. 

It  is  presumed  that  the  communications  which  I  have 
had  the  honor  to  make  to  you,  of  the  revocation  by  France 
of  her  Decrees,  so  far  as  they  violated  the  neutral  rights  of 
the  United  States,  and  of  her  conduct  since  the  revocation, 
will  present  to  your  government  a  different  view  of  the  sub 
ject,  from  that  which  it  had  before  taken,  and  produce  in  its 
councils  a  correspondent  effect. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

JAMES  MONROE, 

Mr.  Monroe  to  Mr.  Foster. 

SIR — I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  letter  of  the 
26th  of  July,  and  to  submit  it  to  the  view  of  the  President, 


46  HISTORY  OF  THE  AVAR. 

In  answering-  that  letter,  it  is  proper  that  I  should  notice 
a  complaint  that  1  had  omitted  to  reply  in  mine  of  the  23d 
of  July,  to  your  remonstrance  against  the  proclamation  of 
the  President,  of  November  last,  and  to  the  demand  which 
you  had  made,  by  order  of  your  government,  of  the  repeal 
of  the  non-importation  act  of  March  2d,  of  the  present  year. 

My  letter  has  certainly  not  merited  this  imputation/ 

Having  shewn  the  injustice  of  the  British  government  in 
issuing  the  Orders  in  Council  on  the  pretext  assigned,  and 
its  still  greater  injustice  in  adhering  to  them  after  that  pre 
text  had  failed,  a  respect  for  Great-Britain,  as  well  as  for 
the  United  States,  prevented  my  placing  in  the  strong  light 
in  which  the  subject  naturally  presented  itself,  the  remon 
strance  alluded  to,  and  the  extraordinary  demand  founded 
on  it,  that  while  your  government  accommodated  in  noth 
ing,  the  United  States  should  relinquish  the  ground,  which 
by  a  just  regard  to  the  public  rights  and  honor,  they  had 
been  compelled  to  take.  Propositions  tending  to  degrade 
a  nation,  can  never  be  brought  into  discussion  by  a  govern 
ment,  not  prepared  to  submit  to  the  degradation.  Jt  was 
for  this  reasou  that  I  confined  my  reply  to  those  passages  in 
"your  letter,  which  involved  the  claim  of  the  United  States, 
on  the  principles  of  justice,  to  the  revocation  of  the  Orders 
in  Council.  Your  demand,  however,  was  neither  unnoti 
ced  or  unanswered.  In  laying  before  you  the  complete, 
and  as  was  believed,  irresistible  proof  on  which  the  United 
States  expected,  and  called  for  the  revocation  of  the  Orders 
in  Council,  a  very  explicit  answer  was  supposed  to  be  given 
to  that  demand. 

Equally  unfounded  is  your  complaint  that  I  misunder 
stood  that  passage,  which  claimed  as  a  condition  of  the  re 
vocation  of  the  Orders  in  Council,  that  the  trade  of  Great- 
Britain  with  the  continent,  should  be  restored  to  the  state  in 
which  it  was  before  the  Berlin  and  Milan  Decrees  were  is 
sued.  As  this  pretension  was  novel  and  extraordinary,  it 
was  necessary  that  a  distinct  idea  should  be  formed  of  it, 
and  with  that  view,  I  asked  such  an  explanation  as  would 
enable  me  to  form  one. 

In  the  explanation  given,  you  do  not  insist  on  the  right  to 
trade  in  British  property,  with  British  vessels,  directly  with 
your  enemies.  Such  a  claim,  you  admit,  would  be  prepos 
terous.  But  you  do  insist  by  necessary  implication,  that 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  47 

France  has  no  right  to  inhibit  the  importation  into  her  ports 
of  British  manufactures,  of  the  produce  of  the  British  soil, 
when  the  property  of  neutrals  ;  and  that,  until  France  re 
moves  that  inhibition,  the  United  States  are  to  be  cut  off  by 
Great-Britain  from  all  trade  whatever,  with  her  enemies. 

On  such  a  pretension  it  is  almost  impossible  to  reason. 
There  is,  I  believe,  no  example  of  it  in  the  history  of  past 
wars.  Great-Britain,  the  enemy  of  France,  undertakes  to 
regulate  the  trade  of  France  ;  nor  is  that  all ;  she  tells  her 
that  she  must  trade  in  British  goods.  It  France  and  Great- 
Britain  were  at  peace,  tins  pretension  would  not  be  set  up, 
nor  even  thought  of.  Has  Great-Britain  then  acquired  in 
this  respect  by  war,  rights  which  she  has  not  in  peace  ?  And 
does  she  announce  to  neutral  nations,  that  unless  they  con 
sent  to  become  the  instruments  of  this  policy,  their  com 
merce  shall  be  annihilated,  and  their  vessels  shall  be  shut  up 
in  their  own  ports  ? 

I  might  ask  whether  French  goods  are  admitted  into 
Great-Britain,  even  in  peace,  and  if  they  are,  whether  it  be 
of  rig'ht,  or  by  the  consent  and  policy  of  the  British  govern 
ment  :} 

That  the  property  would  be  neutralized  does  not  effect 
the  question.  If  the  United  States  have  no  right  to  carry 
their  own  productions  into  France  without  the  consent  of 
the  French  government,  how  can  they  undertake  to  carry 
there  those  of  Great-Britain  ?  In  all  cases  it  must  depend 
on  the  interest  and  the  will  of  the  party. 

Nor  is  it  material  to  what  extent,  or  by  what  powers,. the 
Irade  of  the  continent  is  prohibited.  If  the  powers  who 
prohibit  it,  are  at  war  with  Great-Britain,  the  prohibition  is 
a  necessary  consequence  of  that  state.  If  at  peace,  it  is  their 
own  act ;  and  whether  it  be  voluntary,  or  compulsive,  they 
alone  are  answerable  for  it.  If  the  act  be  taken  at  the  in 
stigation  and  under  the  influence  of  France,  the  most  that  can 
be  said,  is,  that  it  justifies  reprisal  against  them,  by  a  similar 
measure.  On  no  principle  whatever  can  it  be  said  to  give 
any  sanction  to  the  conduct  of  Great- Britain  towards  neu 
tral  nations. 

The  United  States  can  have  no  objection  to  the  employ 
ment  of  their  commercial  capital  in  the  supply  of  France, 
and  of  the  continent  generally,  with  manufactures,  and  to 
comprise  in  the  supply  those  of  Great-Britain,  provided 


48  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAfc. 

those  powers  will  consent  to  it.  But  they  cannot  undertake  to 
force  such  supplies  on  France  or  on  any  other  power,  in 
compliance  with  the  claim  of  the  British  government,  on 
principles  incompatible  with  the  rights  of  every  indepen 
dent  nat.on,  and  they  will  not  demand  in  favor  of  another 
power,  what  they  cannot  claim  for  themselves. 

All  that  Great-Britain  could  with  reason  complain  of, 
was  the  inhibition  by  the  French  Decrees,  of  the  lawful 
trade  of  neutrals,  with  the  British  dominions  As  soon  as 
that  inhibition  ceased,  her  inhibition  of  our  trade  with 
France  ought  in  like  manner  to  have  ceased.  Having 
pledged  herself  to  proceed  part '•  pttssu  with  France,  in  the 
revocation  of  their  respective  acts,  violating  neutral  rights, 
it  has  afforded  just  cause  of  complaint,  and  even  of  aston 
ishment,  to  the  United  States,  that  the  British  government 
should  have  sanctioned  the  seizure  and  condemnation  of 
American  vessels  under  the  Orders  in  Council  alter  the  re 
vocation  of  the  French  Decrees  was  announced,  and  even 
in  the  very  moment  when  your  mission,  avowed  to  be  con 
ciliatory,  was  to  have  its  effect 

I  will  only  add  that  had  it  appeared  finally,  that  France 
had  failed  to  perform  her  engagements,  it  might  at  least 
have  been  expected,  that  Great-Britain  would  not  have  mo 
lested  such  of  the  vessels  of  the  United  States  as  might  be 
entering  the  ports  of  France,  on  the  faith  of  both  govern 
ments,  till  that  failure  was  clearly  proved. 

To  many  insinuations  in  your  letter  I  make  no  reply,  be 
cause  they  sufficiently  suggest  the  only  one  that  would  be 
proper. 

If  it  were  necessary  to  dwell  on  the  impartiality  which 
has  been  observed  by  the  United  States  towards  the  two  bel 
ligerents,  I  might  ask,  whether  if  Great-Britain  had  accept 
ed  the  condition  which  was  offered  equally  to  her  and 
France,  by  the  act  of  May  1st,  1810,  and  .France  hail  re 
jected  it,  there  is  cause  to  doubt  thatthe  non-importation  act, 
would  have  been  carried  into  effect  against  France  ?  No 
such  doubt  can  possibly  exist,  because  in  a  former  instance, 
when  this  government,  trusting  to  a  fulfilment  by  yours,  of 
an  arrangement  which  put  an  end  to  a  non-intercourse  with 
Great-Britain,  the  non-intercourse  was  continued  against 
France,  who  had  not  then  repealed  her  Decrees,  as  it  was 
not  doubted  England  had  done.  Has  it  not  been  repeat- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  49 

declared  to  your  government,  that  if  Great-Britain 
Would  revoke  her  Orders  in  Council,  the  President  would 
immediately  cause  the  non-importation  to  cease  ?  You  well 
know  that  'the  same  declaration  has  often  been  made  to 
yourself,  and  that  nothing-  more  is  wanting  to  the  removal 
of  the  existing  obstructions  to  the  commerce  between  the 
two  countries,  than  a  satisfactory  assurance,  which  will  be 
received  with  pleasure  from  yourself,  that  the  Orders  in 
Council  are  at  an  end 

By  the  remark  in  your  letter  of  the  3d  of  July,  that  the 
blockade  of  May,  1806,  had  been  included  in  the  more 
comprehensive  system  of  the  Orders  in  Council  of  the  follow 
ing'  year,  and  that,  if  that  blockade  should  be  continued  in 
force  after  the  repeal  of  the  Orders  in  Council,  it  would  be 
inconsequence  of  the  special  application  of  a  sufficient  na 
val  force,  I  could  not  but  infer  your  idea  to  be,  that  the  re 
peal  of  the  Orders  in  Council  would  necessarily  involve  the 
repeal  of  the  blockade  of  May.  I  was  the  more  readily 
induced  to  make  this  inference,  from  the  consideration  that 
if  the  blockade  was  not  revoked  by  the  repeal  of  the  Orders 
in  Council,  there  would  be  no  necessity  for  giving  notice 
that  it  would  be  continued  ;  as  by  the  further  consideration, 
that  according  to  the  decision  of  your  court  qf  admiralty,  a 
blockade  instituted  by  proclamation  does  not  cease  bv  the 
removal  of  the  force  applied  to  it,  nor  without  a  formal  no 
tice  by  the  government  to  that  eiFect. 

It  is  not,  however,  wished  lo  discuss  any  question  relative 
to  the  mode  by  which  that  blockade  may  be  terminated: 
Its  actual  termination  is  the  material  object  tor  considera 
tion. 

It  is  easy  to  shew,  and  it  has  already  been  abundantly 
shown,  that  the  blockade  of  May,  1806,  is  inconsistent  on 
any  view  that  may  be  taken  of  jt  with  the  law  of  nations. 
It  is  also  easy  to  show  that,  as  now  expounded,  it  was 
equally  inconsistent  with  the  sense  of  your  government, 
when  the  order  was  issued  ;  and  this  change  is  a  sufficient 
reply  to  the  remarks  which  you  have  applied  to  me  person 
al  ly. 

If  you  will  examine  the  order,  you  will  find  that  it  is 
strictly,  little  more  than  a  blockade  of  the  coast  from  the 
Seine  to  Oslend,  There  is  an  express  reservation  in  it  in 
favor  of  neutrals  to  any  part  of  the  coast  between  Brest  and 


SO  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

the  Seine,  and  between  Osterid  and  the  Elbe.  Neutral 
powers  are  permitted  by  it  to  take  from  their  own  ports 
every  kind  of  produce  without  distinction  as  to  its  origin  ; 
and  to  carry  it  to  the  continent  under  that  limitation,  and 
\vith  the  exception  only  of  contraband  of  war,  and  enemy's 
property,  and  to  bring;  thence  to  their  own  ports  in  return, 
whatever  articles  they  think  tit.*  Why  were  contraband  of 
war  and  enemy's  property  excepted,  if  a  commerce  even  in 
those  articles  would  not  otherwise  have  bten  permitted  un 
der  the  reservation  ?  No  order  was  necessary  to  subject 
them  to  seizure.  They  were  liable  to  it  according  to  the 
law  of  nations,  as  asserted  by  Great-Britain. 

Why  then  did  the  British  government  institute  a  block 
ade,  which  with  respect  to  neutrals  was  not  rigorous,  as  to 
the  greater  part  of  the  coast  comprised  in  it  ?  If  you  will 
look  to  the  state  of  things  which  then  existed  between  the 
United  States  and  Great-Britain,  you  will  tind  the  answer, 
A  controversy  had  taken  place  between  our  governments 
on  a  different  topic,  which  was  still  pending.  The  British 
government  had  interfered  with  the  trade  between  Fiance 
and  her  allies  in  the  produce  of  their  colonies.  The  just 
claim  of  the  United  States  was  then  a  subject  of  negotia 
tion  ;  and  your  government  professing  its  willingness  to 
make  a  satisfactory  arrangement  of  it,  issued  the  Order 
which  allowed  the  trade,  without  making  any  concession 
as  to  the  principle,  reserving  that  for  adjustment  by  treaty. 
It  was  in  tins  light  that  I  viewed,  and  in  this  sense  that  f 
represented  that  urder  to  my  government ;  and  in  no  other 
did  1  make  any  comment  o.  it. 

When  you  reflect  that  this  order  by  allowing  the  trade 
of  neutrals,  in  colonial  productions,  to  all  that  portion  ot  the 
coasl  which  was  not  rigorously  blockaded,  afforded  to  the 
United  States  an  accommodation  in  a  principal  point  then 
at  issue  between  our  governments,  and  of  which  their  citi 
zens  extensively  availed  themselves  that  that  trade  and  the 
question  of  blockade,  and  every  other  question  in  which  the 
United  States  and  Great-Britain  were  interested,  were  then 
in  a  train  of  amicable  negotiation,  you  will,  I  think,  seethe 
cause  why  the  minister  who  then  represented  the  t[ tilted 
States  with  the  British  pfovernment,  did  not  make  a  formal 
complaint  against  it.  You  have  appealed  to  me,  who  hap 
pened  to  be  that  minister,  and  urged  my  silence  as  an  evi- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  51 

4ence  of  my  approbation  of,  or  at  least  nc^ui^sce  in  the 
blockade. — \n  explanation  of  the  cause  of  that  supposed 
silence  is  not  less  due  to  myself,  than  to  the  true  character 
of  the  transaction.  With  the  minister  with  whom  I  had  the 
honor  to  treat,  I  may  add,  that  an  official  formal  complaint 
was  not  likely  to  be  resorted  to,  because  friendly  communi 
cations  were  invited  and  preferred.  The  want  of  such  a 
document  is  no  proof  that  the  measure  was  approved  by 
me,  or  that  no  complaint  was  made,  in  recalling  to  my 
mind,  as  this  incident  naturally  does,  the  manly  character 
of  that  distinguished  and  illustrious  statesman,  and  the  con 
fidence  with  which  he  inspired  all  those  with  whom  he  had 
to  treat,  I  shall  be  permitted  to  express  as  a  slight  tribute  of 
respect  to  his  memory,  the  very  high  consideration  in  which 
I  have  always  held  his  great  taleuts  and  virtues. 

The  United  States  have  not,  nor  can  they  approve  the 

blockade  of  an  extensive  coast.     Nothing  certainly  can  be 

j 

infered  from  any  thing  that  has  passed  relative  to  the  block 
ade  of  May,  180(5,  to  countenance  such  an  inference. 

It  is  seen  with  satisfaction  that  you  still  admit  that  the 
application  of  an  adequate  force  is  necessary  to  give  & 
blockade  a  legal  character,  and  that  it  will  lose  that  char 
acter,  whenever  that  adequate  force  ceases  to  be  applied. 
As  it  cannot  be  alledged  that  the  application  of  any  such 
adequate  force  has  been  continued,  and  actually  exists  in  the 
case  of  the  blockade  of  May,  1806,  it  would  seem  to  be  a 
fair  inference,  that  the  repeal  of  the  Orders  in  Council  will 
leave  no  insuperable  difficulty  with  respect  to  it.  To  sup 
pose  the  contrary,  would  be  to  suppose  that  the  Orders  in 
Council,  said  to  include  that  blockade,  resting  themselves 
on  a  principle  of  retaliation  only,  and  not  sustained  by  the 
application  of  an  adequate  force,  would  have  the  effect  of 
sustaining  a  blockade  admitted  to  require  the  application  cf 
an  adequate  force,  until  such  adequate  force  should  actually 
take  the  place  of  the  Orders  in  Council.  Whenever  any 
blockade  is  instituted,  it  will  be  a  subject  for  consideration, 
and  if  the  blockade  be  in  conformity  to  the  law  of  nations, 
;there  will  be  no  disposition  in  this  government  to  contest  it. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sec. 

JAMES  MONROE. 


d2  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR, 

Mr.  Foster  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

WASHINGTON,  October  22,  181L 

SIR — T  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  letter  of  the  17th 
inst.  together  with  its  three  enclosures,  on  the  road  between 
Baltimore  and  this  city  ;  I  had  that  of  receiving  at  the  same 
time,  your  letter  dated  October  1,  in  answer  to  mine  of  the 
26th  of  last  July. 

Not  having1  had  any  despatches  from  his  majesty's  gov 
ernment  lately,  1  have  not  as  yet  received  the  copy  of  the 
recent  communication  from  Pans  in  regard  to  the  supposed 
repeal  of  the  French  Decrees,  which  the  charge  d'aifuirs  of 
the  United  States  at  London  has  intimated  to  you,  that  he 
understood  the  Marquis  Wellesley  intended  to  transmit  to 
me,  and  which  I  conclude  is  the  same  as  that  contained  in 
the  letter,  of  Mr.  Russell,  the  American  charge  d'afiairs  ia 
France.  I  arn  however  in  daily  expectation  of  the  arrival 
of  his  majesty's  packet  boat,  when  it  will  in  all  probability 
reach  me,  and  when  if  I  should  receive  any  tresh  instruc 
tions  in  consequence  I  will  not  fail  immediately  to  acquaint 
you.  In  the  meanwhile,  however,  I  beg  you  will  j.ermil 
me  to  make  some  remarks  in  reply  to  your  letter  of  Octo 
ber  1,  being  extremely  anxious  io  do  away  the  impression 
•which  you  seem  to  have  received  relative  to  the  demand  I 
had  made  for  the  repeal  of  the  non-importation  act  of  the 
present  year. 

It  is,  I  assure  you,  sir,  with  great  regret  that  I  find  you 
consider  that  demand  as  involving  in  any  degree  proposi 
tions  tending  to  degrade  your  nation.  Such  an  idea  cer 
tainly  never  existed  with  his  majesty's  government,  nor 
•would  it  be  compatible  with 4he  friendly  sentiments  enter- 
ta  ned  by  them,  for  the  United  States ;  neither  could  I  have 
suffered  myself  to  be  the  channel  of  conveying  a  demand 
-which  I  thought  had  such  a  tendency, — However  you  view 
the  demand  made  on  the-  part  ot  Great-Britain,  I  can  safely 
sa\  that  it  was  made  in  consequence  of  its  appearing  to  his 
majesty's  government  on  strong  evidence  that  the  chief  of 
the  Fre-rcli  nation  had  realty  deceived  America  as  to  the 
repeal  of  his  Decrees,  and  in  the  hopes  that  the  United 
States'  government  would  therefore  see  the  justice  of  repla 
cing  this  country  on  its  former  footing  of  amicable  rela 
tions  with  England,  nothing  appearing  to  be  more  natural 
thaa  such  an  expectation,  which  seemed  a  necessary  conse- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR,  5£ 

quenceof  the  disposition  expressed  by  America  to  maintain 
her  neutrality,  and  desirable  in  every  oilier  point  of  view.  I 
connot  indeed  bring  myself  to  think,  sir,  that  your  candor 
would  allow  you,  on  a  consideration,  to  put  any  other  con 
struction  on  th^  matter,  and  had  my  arguments  had  suffi 
cient  weight  with  you  in  shewing-  that  the  French  Decrees 
were  still  in  force,  I  cannot  doubt  but  you  wou!':  have 
agreed  with  me  in  the  conclusion  1  drew — it  would  seem 
therefore  only  owing  to  your  not  viewing  the  deceitful  con 
duct  of  the  French  government  in  the  same  light  that  it  ap 
pears  to  his  majesty's  government,  that  a  difference  of 
opinion  exists  between  us  as  to  the  proposal  I  made,  v>hich 
under  the  conviction  entertained  by  them  was,  surely  a  very 
just  and  natural  one. 

From  the  earnest  desire  of  vindicating  myself  and  my 
government  from  the  charge  of  making  any  degrading  or 
unjust  demands  on  that  of  America,  I  have  taken  the  liber 
ty  to  trouble  you  so  lar  and  I  will  now  proceed  to  shew 
why  I  thought  you  had  misunderstood  the  passage  ot  my 
letter  which  related  to  the  extent  in  which  the  repeal  of  the 
French  Decrees  was  required  by  Great-Britain.  In  the  ex 
planation  which  you  desired  on  this  point  I  gave  you  that 
which  the  Marquis  Wellesley  gave  Mr.  Pmkney  in  answer 
to  his  letter  of  August  25,  1810,  and  I  beg  to  refer  you  to 
the  message  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  on  the 
opening  of  Congress  in  December,  1810,  for  a  proof  that 
the  demand  of  Great-Britain  in  the  extent  in  which  I  have 
stated  it  was  known  to  your  government  several  months 
ago — how  was  I  therefore  to  suppose  in  the  term  innova 
tions,  as  applied  to  the  explanation  given  by  me,  that  you 
could  mean  otherwise  than  some  really  new  pretension  on 
the  part  of  Great-Britain  such  as  that  France  should  suffer 
British  property  to  be  carried  into  her  ports  for  the  purpo 
ses  of  trade?  If  the  warmth  I  was  betrayed  into  in  endeav 
oring  to  refute  a  supposed  imputation  of  this  sort  gave  any 
offence,  I  sincerely  regret  it,  and  I  will  beg  permission  here 
to  say,  sir,  that  if  unconsciously  1  have  by  any  of  my  remarks 
ledyou  to  suppose  they  conveyed  any  improper  insinuations, 
as  one  paragraph  of  your  letter  would  appear  to  imply,  I 
am  most  unfeignedly  sorry  for  it,  as  I  entertain  the  high 
est  respect  for  you,  personally,  and  for  your  government  ; 
and  could  only  have  meant  what  I  wrote  in  the  way  of  ar- 


£  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

gument,  or  for  the  purpose  of  contrasting-  the  proceedings 
otFra.'ce  in  her  conduct  towards  the  United  States  with 
that  of  Great-Britain. 

In  reverting-  to  the  extraordinary  and  unprecedented  sit- 
mtion  of  things  that  has  arisen  out  of  the  war  in  Europe  it 
would  seem  needless  to  repeat  the  evidence  there  is  that  the 
lawless  and  unbounded  ambition  of  the  ruler  of  France  has 
feeen  the  origin  of  it,  and  it  cannot  be  a  secret  to  the  Unit 
ed  States'  government  that  his  plan  has  been  and  avowedly 
continues  to  be,  not  to  scruple  at  the  violation  of  any  law* 
provided  he  can  thereby  overthrow  the  maritime  power  of 
England.  Is  it  not  therefore  reasonable  in  Great-Britain 
to  distrust  an  ambiguous  declaration  of  his  having  sudden 
ly  given  up  any  part  of  a  system  which  he  thought  calculat 
ed  to  produce  such  an  effect?  You  say  however  that  the 
Decrees  of  Berlin  and  Milan  are  revoked.  America,  as 
not  being  at  war,  and  therefore  not  seeing  so  clearly  into 
the  views  of  France,  may  be  less  scrupulous  as  to  the  evi 
dence  necessary  to  prove  the  fact — but  sir,  it  surely  cannot 
be  expected  that  Great-Britain,  who  is  contending  for  ev 
ery  thing  that  is  dear  to  her,  should  not  require  more  proof 
on  a  point  so  material  to  hx:r.  It  is  undoubtly  a  very  desi 
rable  thing  for  the  United  States  to  have  a  free  and  unre 
stricted  trade  with  both  belligerents,  but  the  essential  se 
curity  and  most  important  interests  of  Amercia  are  not  in 
volved  in  the  question  as  are  those  of  Great- Britain.  France 
lias  levelled  a  blow  which  she  hopes  will  prove  deadly  to 
the  resources  of  G.  Britain,  and  before  the  British  govern 
ment  can  with  safety  give  up  the  measures  of  defence  in 
consequence  adopted  by  them,  very  strong  proof  must 
exist  of  the  cessation  by  France  of  her  novel  and  unprece 
dented  measures. 

I  confess,  sir,  with  the  sincerest  disposition,  to  discover  on 
tiie  part  of  the  ruler  of  France,  a  return  to  the  long-esta 
blished  practice  of  warfare  as  exercised  in  civilized  Europe, 
I  have  been  unable  to  succeed  ;  and  if  the  French  govern 
ment  had  really  meant  to  withdraw  their  obnoxious  De 
crees,  it  is  inconceivable,  why,  instead  of  allowing  their  in* 
tentions  to  be  guessed  at,  or  infered,  they  should  not  openly 
and  in  plain  language  have  declared  so  ;  the  Decrees  them 
selves,  having  been  clearly  enough  announced  on  their 
enactment,  why  should  not  their  revocation  be  equally  ex 
plicit  ? 


HISTORY   OF   THE  WAR.  55 

While,  however,  numerous  declarations  have  been  made 
en  the  part  of  France,  of  the  continued  existence  oi  the  De 
crees  and  captures  made  under  them  of  neutral  ships  have 
occurred,  a  few  of  the  American  vessels  seized  since  No 
vember  1,  have  been  restored,  and  the  foregoing-,  a  very 
small  part  of  his  plunder,  is  desired  by  Bonaparte  to  be  con 
sidered  as  a  proof  of  the  sincerity  of  his  revocation  by 
America  ;  but  it  must  be  recollected,  that  besides  the  ob 
ject  of  ruining  the  British  resources  by  his  own  unauthor 
ized  regulations,  he  has  also  that  of  endeavoring  to  obtain 
the  aid  of  the  United  States  for  the  same  purpose,  and  here 
in  you  will,  as  I  had  the  honor  to  remark  in  a  former  letter, 
be  able  to  observe  the  cause  of  the  apparently  contradicto 
ry  language  held  both  by  himself  and  his  ministers. 

I  shall  be  extremely  happy,  to  receive  from  you,  sir,  the 
information  that  in  a  frank  and  unambiguous  manner  the 
chief  of  the  French  government  had  revoked  his  Decrees, 
Why  he  should  not  do  so  is  inexplicable  if  he  means  to  re 
vert  to  the  ordinary  rules  of  war,  but  while  he  exercises  such 
despotic  sway  wherever  his  influence  extends,  to  ruin  the 
resources  of  England,  it  cannot  be  expected  that  Great- 
Britain  shall  not  use  the  means  she  possesses  for  the  purpose 
of  making  him  feel  the  pressure  of  his  o\>n  system.  There 
is  every  reason  to  believe,  that  ere  long  the  effects  on  the 
enemies  of  Great-Britain  will  be  such,  as  irresistibly  to  pro 
duce  a  change  which  will  place  commerce  on  its  former 
basis.  In  the  mean  time,  sir,  I  hope  you  will  not  think  it 
extraordinary,  if  I  should  contend  that  the  seizure  of  Ameri 
can  ships  by  France,  since  November  1,  and  the  positive 
and  unqualified  declarations  of  the  French  government,  are 
stronger  proofs  of  the  continued  existence  of  the  French 
Decrees  and  the  bad  faith  of  the  ruler  of  France,  than  the 
restoration  of  five  or  six  vessels,  too  palpably  given  up  for 
fallacious  purposes,  or  in  testimony  of  his  satisfaction  at  the 
altitude  taken  by  America,  is  a  proof  of  their  revocation, 
or  of  his  return  to  the  principles  of  justice. 

I  will  only  repeat,  sir,  in  answer  to  your  observations,  on 
the  late  condemnation  of  the  ships  taken  under  his  majes 
ty's  Orders  in  Council,  what  I  have  already  had  the  honor 
to  state  to  you,  that  the  delay  which  took  place  in  their  con 
demnation  was  not  in  consequence  of  any  doubt  existing  m 
his  majesty's  government,  as  to  whether  the  French  Decrees 


50  HISTOUY  OF  THE  WAR* 

were  revoked,  as  you  seem  to  imagine,  but  in  consequence 
of  its  being  thought  that  the  American  government  upon  its 
appearing  that  they  were  deceived  by  France,  would  have 
ceased  their  injurious  measures  against  the  British  com 
merce.  A  considerable  t>me  elapsed  before  the  decision 
took  place  on  those  ships,  and  there  is  no  doubt,  but  that 
had  the  IT.  States'  government  not  persisted  in  the  unfriend 
ly  attitude  towards  G.  Britain  on  discovering  the  ill  faith 
of  France,  a  spirit  of  conciliation  in  his  majesty's  govern 
ment  would  hare  caused  their  release. 

In  reply  to  your  observations  on  the  pretensions  of  G. 
Britain,  relative  to  the  revocation  of  the  French  Decrees,  I 
beg  to  repeat  that  the  sum  of  the  demand  made  by  England 
is,  that  France  should  follow  the  established  laws  of  warfare 
as  practised  in  former  wars  in  Europe.  Her  ruler  by  his 
Decrees  of  Berlin  and  Milan,  declared  himself  no  longer 
bound  by  them  ;  he  has  openly  renounced  them  in  his  vio 
lent  efforts  to  rum  the  resources  of  G.  Britain,  and  has 
trampled  on  the  rights  of  independent  nations  to  effect  his 
purpose.  If  the  French  government  make  use  of  means  o( 
unprecedented  violence  to  prevent  the  intercourse  of  Eng 
land  with  unoffending  neutrals,  can  it  be  expected  that  Eng 
land  should  tatuelj  suffer  the  establishment  of  such  a  novel 
system  of  war  without  retaliation,  and  endeavoring  in  her 
turn  to  prevent  the  French  from  enjoying  the  advantages 
of  which  she  is  unlawfully  deprived  ? 

Having  explained  already  the  situation  in  which  the  ques 
tion  of  the  blockade  of  May,  1806,  rests,  according  to  the 
views  of  his  majesty's  government,  and  the  desire  of  G. 
Britain  to  conduct  hersyslem  of  blockade  according  to  the 
laws  of  nations,  1  will  only  advert  to  it  on  this  occasion,  for 
the  purpose  ot  taking  the  liberty  of  acknowledging  to  you, 
the  very  great  pleasure  I  received  from  the  highly  honora 
ble  mark  of  respect,  which  you  have  taken  the  occasion  t>» 
express  for  the  illustrious  statesman  from  whose  counsels 
that  measure  emanated. 

1  need  not  repeat  to  you,  sir,  what  sincere  satisfaction  it 
would  give  me,  if  without  the  sacrifice  of  the  essential  rights 
and  interests  of  G.  Britain,  all  the  points  in  discussion  be 
tween  our  two  countries  could  be  finally  adjusted. 

1  have  the  honor  to  be,    \c. 

AUGUSTUS  J.  FOSTER. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  57 

Mr.  Monroe  to  Mr.  Foster.  ,  », 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  Oct.  29,  1811. 

SIR — I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  letter  of  the 
22cl  of  this  month,  and  to  lay  it  before  the  President. 

The  assurance  which  you  have  given  of  your  disposition 
to  reciprocate,  in  onr  communications  on  the  important  sub 
jects  depending  between  our  governments,  the  respectful 
attention  which  each  has  a  right  to  claim,  and  that  no  de 
parture  from  it  was  intended  in  your  letter  of  the  2(5th  July* 
has  been  received  with  the  satisfaction  due  to  the  frauk  and 
conciliatory  spirit  in  which  it  was  made. 

I  learn,  however,  with  much  regret,  that  you  have  re 
ceived  no  instructions  from  your  government,  founded  on 
the  new  proof  of  the  revocation  of  the  Berlin  and  Milan. 
Decrees,  which  was  communicated  to  the  Marquis  of  Wei- 
lesley,  by  the  American  charge  d'affuirs  at  London,  in  a 
document  of  which  I  had  the  honor  to  transmit  to  you  a 
copy.  It  might  fairly  have  been  presumed,  as  1  have  before 
observed,  that  the  evidence  afforded  by  that  document,  of 
the  complete  revocation  of  those  Decrees,  so  far  as  they  in 
terfered  with  the  commerce  of  the  U.  States  with  the  British 
dominions,  would  have  been  followed  by  an  immediate 
repeal  of  the  Orders  in  Council.  From  the  reply  of  the 
Marquis  of  Wellesley,  it  was  at  least  to  have  been  expected 
that  no  time  had  been  lost  in  transmitting  that  document  to 

v_5 

you,  and  that  the  instructions  accompanying  it,  would  have 
manifested  a  change  in  the  sentiments  of  yuur  government 
on  the  subject.  The  regret,  therefore,  cannot  but  be  increas 
ed  in  fiodmg  that  the  communication,  which  1  had  the  honor 
to  make  to  you,  has  not  even  had  the  effect  of  suspending 
your  efforts  to  vindicate  the  perseverance  ot  your  govern 
ment  in  enforcing  those  Orders. 

I  regret  also  to  observe,  that  the  light  in  which  you  have 
viewed  this  document,  and  the  remarks  which  you  have 
made  on  the  subject,  generally,  seems  to  preclude  any  other 
view  of  the  conditions  on  which  those  Orders  are  to  be  re 
voked,  than  those  that  were  furnished  by  your  former  com 
munications.  You  still  adhere  to  the  pretension  that  the 
productions  and  manufactures  of  G.  Britain,  when  neu 
tralized,  must  be  admitted  into  the  ports  of  your  enemies. 
This  pretension,  however  vague  the  language  heretofore 
held  by  your  government,  particularly  by  the  Marquis  of 

8 


08  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAH, 

Wellesley,  in  his  communications  with  Mr.  Pinkney,  on  the 
subject;  was  never  understood  to  have  been  embraced. 
Nothing,  indeed,  short  of  the  specific  declarations  which 
you  have  made,  would  have  induced  a  belief  that  such  was 
the  case. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

JAMES  MONROE. 

Mr.  Foster  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

WASHINGTON,  Oct.  31st,  1811. 

SIR — I  did  not  reply  at  length  to  the  observations  con 
tained  in  your  letter  of  the  Istinst.  on  the  pretensions  of  G. 
Britain  as  relative  to  the  French  system, because  you  seemed 
to  me  to  have  argued  as  if  but  a  part  of  the  system  continu 
ed,  and  even  that  part  had  ceased  to  be  considered  as  a 
measure  of  war  against  G.  Britain.  For  me  to  have  allowed 
this,  would  have  been  at  once  to  allow  in  the  face  oi  facts, 
that  the  Decrees  of  France  were  repealed,  and  that  her  un 
precedented  measures,  avowedly  pursued  in  defiance  of  the 
laws  of  nations,  were  become  mere  ordinary  regulations  of 
trade.  I  therefore  thought  fit  to  confine  my  answer  to  yo ill- 
remarks,  to  a  general  statement  of  the  sum  of  the  demands 
of  G.  Britain,  which  was,  that  France  should  by  effectually 
revoking  her  Decrees,  revert  to  the  usual  method  of  carry 
ing  on  war  as  practised  in  civilized  Europe. 

The  pretensions  of  France  to  prohibit  all  commerce  in 
articles  of  British  origin,  in  every  part  of  the  continent,  is 
one  among  the  many  violent  innovations  which  are  con 
tained  in  the  Decrees,  and  which  are  preceded  by  the  de 
claration  of  their  being  founded  on  a  determination  of  the 
ruler  of  France,  as  he  himself  avowed,  to  revert  to  the  prin 
ciples  which  characterised  the  barbarism  of  the  dark  ages, 
and  to  forget  all  ideas  of  justice,  and  even  the  common  feel 
ings  of  humanity,  in  the  new  method  of  carrying  on  war 
adopted  by  him. 

.  It  is  not,  however,  a  question  with  G.  Britain  of  mere  com 
mercial  interest,  as  you  seem  to  suppose,  which  is  involved 
in  the  attempt  by  Bonaparte  to  blockade  her  both  by  sea 
and  land,  but  one  of  the  feeling,  and  of  national  honor,  con 
tending  as  we  do  against  the  principles  which  he  professes  in 
his  new  system  of  warfare.  It  is  impossible  for  us  to  submit 
to  the  doctrine  that  he  has  a  right  to  compel  the  whole  con 
tinent  to  break  off  all  intercourse  with  us,  and  to  seize  upon 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  59 

vessels  belonging  to  neutral  nations  upon  the  sole  plea  of 
their  having  visited  an  English  port,  or  of  their  being  laden 
with  articles  of  British  or  colonial  produce,  in  whatsoever 
manner  acquired. 

This  pretension,  however,  is  but  a  part  of  that  system, 
the  whole  of  which,  under  our  construction  of  the  letter  of 
M.  Champagny,  of  August  5, 1810,  corroborated  by  many 
subsequent  declarations  of  the  French  government,  and  not 
invalidated  by  any  unequivocal  declaration  of  a  contrary 
tenor,  must  be  considered  as  still  in  full  force. 

In  the  communication  which  you  lately  transmitted  to 
me,  I  am  sorry  to  repeat,  that  I  was  unable  to  discover  any 
facts  which  satisfactorily  proved  that  the  Decrees  had  been 
actually  repealed,  and  I  have  already  repeatedly  stated  the 
reasons  which  too  probably  led  to  the  restoration  of  a  few 
ot  the  American  ships  taken  in  pursuance  of  the  Berlin  and 
Milan  Decrees  after  November  1.  Mr.  Russell  does  not 
seem  to  deny  that  the  Decrees  may  still  be  kept  in  force, 
only  he  thinks  they  have  assumed  a  municipal  character ; 
but  in  M.  Champagny's  declaration,  ambiguous  as  it  was, 
there  is  no  such  division  of  them  into  two  different  charac 
ters;  for  if  the  contingency  required  by  the  French  Minis 
ter  took  place,  the  Berlin  and  Milan  Decrees  were  to  cease, 
according  to  his  expression,  without  any  qualification.  If9 
therefore,  a  part  of  them  remain,  or  be  revived  again,  as 
seems  to  be  allowed  even  here,  why  may  not  the  whole  be 
equally  so  ?  Where  proof  can  be  obtained  of  their  existence, 
•we  have  it,  namely,  in  the  ports  of  France,  in  which  vessels 
have  been  avowedly  seized  under  their  operation  since  No 
vember  I.  Of  their  maritime  existence  we  cannot  so  easily 
obtain  evidence,  because  of  the  few  French  ships  of  war 
which  venture  to  leave  their  harbors.  Who  can  doubt, 
however,  that  had  the  ruler  of  France  a  navy  at  his  com 
mand,  equal  to  the  enforcing  of  his  violent  Decrees,  he 
would  soon  show  that  part  of  them  to  be  no  dead  letter. 
The  principle  is  not  the  less  obnoxious  because  it  is  from 
necessity  almost  dormant  for  the  moment,  nor  ought  it  there 
fore  to  be  less  an  object  to  be  strenuously  resisted. 

Allow  me,  sir,  here  to  express  my  sincere  regret,  that  ) 
have  not  as  yet  been  able  to  convince  you,  by  what  1  can 
not  but  consider  the  strongest  evidence,  of  the  continued 
existence  of  the  French  Decrees,  and  consequently  of  the 


GO  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

unfriendly  policy  of  your  government  in  enforcing1  the  non 
importation  against  us,  and  opening  the  trade  with  our  en 
emies.  His  royal  bigness  will,  I  am  convinced,  iearn  with 
unfeigned  sorrow,  that  such  continues  to  be  still  the  deter 
mination  of  America,  and  whatever  restrictions  on  the  com 
merce,  enjoyed  by  America  in  his  majesty's  dominions, 
may  ensue  on  the  part  of  G.  Britain,  as  retaliatory  on  the  re* 
fusal  by  your  government  to  admit  the  productions  of  G. 
Britain  while  they  open  their  harbors  to  those  of  his  majes 
ty's  enemies,  they  will,  I  am  persuaded,  be  adopted  with 
sincere  pain,  and  with  pleasure  relinquished  whenever  this 
country  shall  resume  her  neutral  position  and  impartial  at 
titude  between  the  two  belligerents. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  >kc. 

AUGUSTUS  J.  FOSTER. 


CHAPTER  II. 

MESSAGE, 

To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  U.  States. 

I  communicate  to  Congress  copies  of  a  correspondence 
between  the  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipo 
tentiary  of  G.  Britain  and  the  Secretary  of  State,  relative  to 
the  aggression  committed  by  a  British  ship  of  war  on  the 
U.  States'  frigate  Chesapeake,  by  which  it  will  be  seen  that 
the  subject  of  difference  between  the  two  countries,  is  ter 
minated  by  an  offer  of  reparation  which  has  been  acceded  to 

JAMES  MADISON, 

Washington,  November  13,  1811. 

Mr.  Foster  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

WASHINGTON,  October  30, 1811. 
SIR — I  had  already  the  honor  to  mention  to  you  that  I 
came  to  this  country  furnished  with  instructions  from  his 
royal  highness  the  prince  regent,  in  the  name  and  on  behalf 
of  his  majesty,  for  the  purpose  of  proceeding  to  a  final  ad 
justment  of  the  differences  which  have  arisen  between  G. 
Britain  and  the  U.  States  of  America  in  the  affair  of  the 
Chesapeake  Frigate;  and  I  had  also  that  of  acquainting 
you  with  the  necessity  under  which  I  found  myself  of  susper*- 


HISTORY  OP  THE  WAR,  61 

ding  the  executing-  of  those  instructions  in  Consequence  of 
my  not  having  perceived  that  any  steps  whatever  were  ta 
ken  by  the  American  government  to  clear  up  the  circum 
stance  of  an  event  which  threatened  so  materially  to  inter 
rupt  the  harmony  subsisting' between  our  two  countries,  as 
that  which  occurred  in  the  month  of  last  May,  between  the 
U.  States'  ship  President  and  his  majesty's  ship  Little  Belt, 
when  every  evidence  before  his  majesty's  government 
seemed  to  shew  that  a  most  evident  and  wanton  outrage 
had  been  committed  on  a  British  ship  of  war  by  an  Ameri 
can  Commodore. 

A  Court  of  Enquiry,  however,  as  you  informed  me  in 
your  letter  of  the  llth  inst.  has  since  been  held  by  order  of 
the  President  of  the  U.  States  on  the  conduct  of  Commo 
dore  Rodgers,  and  this  preliminary  to  further  discussion  on 
the  subject  being  all  that  I  asked  in  the  first  instance  as  due 
to  the  friendship  subsisting  between  the  two  States,  I  have 
now  the  honor  to  acquaint  you  that  I  am  ready  to  proceed 
in  the  truest  sp.nt  of  conciliation  to  lay  before  you  the  terms 
of  reparation  which  his  royal  highess  has  commanded  me 
to  propose  to  the  U.  States'  government,  and  only  wait  to 
know  when  it  will  suit  your  convenience  to  enter  upon  the 
discussion.  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

AUG.  J.  FOSTER, 

Mr.  Monroe  to  Mr.  Foster. 
DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  Oct.  31, 1811. 

SIR  —I  have  just  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  letter  of 
the 30th  of  this  month. 

I  am  glad  to  find  that  the  communication  which  I  had 
the  honor  to  make  to  you  on  the  llth  inst.  relative  to  the 
Court  of  Enpuiry,  which  was  the  subject  of  it,  is  viewed  by 
you  in  the  favorable  light  which  you  have  stated. 

Although  I  regret  that  the  proposition  which  you  now 
make  in  consequence  of  that  comnumi cation,  has  been  de 
layed  to  the  present  moment,  I  am  ready  to  receive  the 
terms  of  it  whenever  you  may  think  proper  to  communicate 
them.  Permit  me  to  add,  that  the  pleasure  of  finding  them 
satisfactory,  w  ,ii  be  duly  augmented,  if  they  should  be  intro 
ductory  to  the  removal  of  ALL  the  differences  depending 
between  our  two  countries,  the  hope  of  which  is  so  'ittle  en- 
£puraged  by  your  past  correspondence.  A  prospect  of 


62  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR, 

slice  a  result,  will  be  embraced,  on  my  part,  with  a  spirit  of 
conciliation,  equal  to  that  which  has  been  expressed  by  you, 
1  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c, 

JAMES  MONROE. 

Mr.  Foster  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

WASHINGTON,  Nov.  1st,  1811. 

SIR — In  pursuance  of  the  orders  which  I  have  received 
from  his  royal  highness,  the  prince  regent,  in  the  name  and 
on  the  behalf  of  his  majesty,  for  the  purpose  of  proceeding 
to  a  tinal  adjustment  of  the  differences  which  have  arisen 
between  G,  Britain  and  the  U.  States,  in  the  affair  of  the 
Chesapeake  frigate,  I  have  the  honor  to  acquaint  you— 
First,  that  I  am  instructed  to  repeat  to  the  American  gov 
ernment  the  prompt  disavowal  made  by  his  majesty,  (and 
recited  in  Mr.  Erskme's  note  of  April  17,  1809,  to  Mr. 
Smith,)  on  being  apprised  of  the  unauthorized  act  of  the 
officer  in  command  of  his  naval  forces  on  the  coast  of  Ame 
rica,  whose  recall  from  an  highly  important  and  honorable 
command,  immediately  ensued,  as  a  mark  of  his  majesty's 
disapprobation. 

Secondly,  that  1  am  authorised  to  offer,  in  addition  to 
that  disavowal,  on  the  part  of  his  royal  highness,  the  imme 
diate  restoration,  as  far  as  circumstances  will  admit,  of  the 
men  who  in  consequence  of  admiral  Berkley's  orders,  were 
forcibly  taken  out  of  the  Chesapeake,  to  the  vessel  from 
which  they  were  taken  ;  or  if  that  ship  should  be  no  longer 
in  commission,  to  such  sea-port  of  the  U,  States  as  the 
American  government  may  name  for  the  puspose. 

Thirdly,  that  I  am  also  authorised  to  offer  to  the  Ameri 
can  government  a  suitable  pecuniary  provision  for  the  suf 
ferers  in  consequence  of  the  attack  on  the  Chesapeake,  in 
cluding  the  families  of  those  seamen  who  unfortunately  fell 
in  action,  and  of  the  wounded  survivors. 

These  honorable  propositions,  1  can  assure  you,  sir,  are 
made  with  the  sincere  desire  that  they  may  prove  satisfac 
tory  to  the  government  of  the  U,  States,  and  1  trust  they 
will  meet  with  that  amicable  reception  which  their  concilia 
tory  nature  entitles  them  to.  I  need  scarcely  add  how7  cor 
dially  I  join  with  you  in  the  wish  that  they  might  prove  in 
troductory  to  a  removal  of  all  the  differences  depending  be- 
tween  our  two  countries.  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

AUGUSTUS  J.  FOSTER, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  6.3 

Mr.  Monroe  to  Mr.  Foster. 

WASHINGTON  Nov.  12, 1811. 

SIR — I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  letter  of  the 
1st  November,  and  to  lay  it  before  the  President. 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  the  reparation  due  for  such 
an  aggression  as  that  committed  on  the  U.  States  Frigate, 
the  Chesapeake,  should  have  been  so  long  delayed  ;  nor 
could  the  translation  of  the  offending  officer  from  one  com 
mand  to  another,  be  regarded  as  constituting  a  part  of  a  re 
paration  otherwise  satisfactory  ;  considering,  however,  the 
existing  circumstances  of  the  case,  and  the  early  and  ami 
cable  attention  paid  to  it  by  his  royal  highness  the  prince 
regent,  the  President  accedes  to  the  proposition  contained 
in  your  letter,  and  in  so  doing,  your  government  will,  I  am 
persuaded,  see  a  proof  of  the  conciliatory  disposition  by 
which  thePresident  has  been  actuated. 

The  officer  commanding  the  Chesapeake,  now  lying  in 
the  harbor  of  Boston,  will  be  instructed  to  receive  the  men 
who  are  to  be  restored  to  that  ship. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

JAMES  MONROE. 

MESSAGE, 

To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  U.  States. 

I  communicate  to  Congress  a  letter  from  the  Envoy  Ex 
traordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  G.  Britain,  to 
the  Secretary  of  State,  with  the  answer  of  the  latter. 

The  continued  evidence,  afforded  in  this  correspondence, 
of  the  hostile  policy  of  the  British  government  against  our 
national  rights,  strengthens  the  considerations  recommend 
ing  and  urging  the  preparation  of  adequate  means  for  main 
taining  them. 

JAMES  MADISON. 
Washington,  Jan.  16,  1812. 

Mr.  Foster  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

WASHINGTON,  Dec.  17,  1811. 

SIR — I  did  not  mean  to  have  written  to  you  at  this  mo 
ment  on  the  subject  of  our  late  correspondence,  but  that  I 
have  had  the  mortification  to  perceive  statements,  circulated 
from  highly  respectable  sources,  which  give  a  view  of  the 
pretensions  of  G.  Britain  relative  to  the  U.  States  not  war- 


64  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

ranted  by  any  of  the  letters  which  I  had  the  honor  to  ad 
dress  to  you,  and  which,  at  a  time  when  discussions  are 
continuing1  so  important  to  the  two  countries,  might,  if  left 
unrectified,  produce  an  effect  highly  to  be  lamented  by 
bolh  the  American  and  British  governments,  in  as  much  as 
by  creating  unnecessary  irritation,  they  might  throw  obsta-* 
cles  in  the  way  of  a  restoration  of  a  friendly  understanding 
between  them. 

I  find  it  asserted,  in  the  statement  referred  to,  that  I 
have,  in  the  name  of  my  government,  demanded  that  the 
U.  States*  government  should  pass  a  law  for  the  introduc 
tion  of  British  goods  into  the  American  ports,  and  also  I  hat 
the  U.  States  should  undertake  to  force  France  to  receive 
into  her  harbors  British  manufactures. 

I  beg  permission,  sir,  to  declare  that  neither  of  these  de 
mands  have  been  made  by  me,  and  that  my  meaning  must 
not  have  been  understood,  if  such  was  conceived  to  have 
been  its  import.  I  could  not  have  demanded  the  passage 
of  such  a  law  as  above  stated,  because  my  government 
does  not  pretend  to  interfere  with  the  internal  government 
of  a  friendly  power,  nor  did  I  mean  to  demand  that  Ameri 
ca  should  force  France  to  receive  our  manufactures. 

All  I  meant  to  say,  was,  that  the  admission  of  French 
commerce,  while  that  of  England  has  been  excluded  from 
the  U.  States'  ports,  was  regarded  by  G.  Britain  as  highly 
unfriendly  in  America,  and  that  a  continuation  of  such 
policy  would  be  retaliated  upon  by  G.  Britain  with  similar 
restrictions  on  her  part,  which  was  so  fur  merely  an  offering 
of  like  for  like.  But  while  the  American  non-importation 
act  excludes  British  trade  from  the  U.  States7  ports,  it  must 
he  recollected  that  it  goes  still  further  and  excludes  also 
British  armed  ships  from  American  ports,  while  it  admits 
those  of  the  enemies  of  G.  Britain.  *  A  neutral  nation  is 
responsible  for  the  equality  of  its  rules  of  conduct  towards 
the  belligerent  powers  ;'  (to  use  the  words  of  an  American 
Secretary  of  Stale  in  the  year  1796,)  and  therefore  that  part 
of  the  law  which  establishes  an  inequality  was  justly  an  ob 
ject  of  more  serious  complaint  on  the  part  of  G.  Britain. 
You  are  aware,  sir,  of  the  advantage  which  his  majesty's 
enemies  have  derived  from  this  state  of  inequality,  which  en 
ables  them,  though  possessing  no  port  in  this  hemisphere, 
continually  to  prey  on  the  trade  of  his  majesty's  subjects, 
recure  of  a  refuge  for  their  cruizers  and  their  prizes. 


HISTORY  OP  THE  WAR.  &> 

The  prohibition  of  entry  to  his  majesty's  ships  under 
these  circumstances  might  perhaps  justify  G.  Britain  in  as 
serting,  that  whatever  reason  she  may  have  tor  repealing  or 
modifying  her  Orders  in  Council,  so  as  to  lessen,  or  entirely 
remove  the  pressure  now  unavoidably  laid  on  the  trade  of 
America,  as  a  neutral  nation,  she  might  yet  refuse  to  enter 
into  any  discussion  on  that  subject  with  the  17.  States,  un 
til  either  by  the  revocation  of  the  prohibition  above  stated, 
or  the  placing  all  the  belligerents  under  the  same  prohibi 
tion,  America  should  cease  to  violate  the  duties  of  a  neutral 
nation. 

With  respect,  however,  to  the  supposed  demand  that 
America  should  force  the  entry  of  British  manufactures 
into  France,  it  is  most  particularly  necessary  that  I  should 
explain  myself,  as  a  total  misconception  appears  to  have 
taken  place  upon  this  point.  The  question  of  retaliation 
on  the  French  Decrees,  is  directly  one  between  England 
and  France.  In  consequence  of  the  extraordinary  block 
ade  of  England,  we  have  in  our  dei'ence  been  obliged  to 
blockade  France,  and  prohibit  all  trade  in  French  articles, 
in  return  for  the  prohibition  by  France  of  all  trade  in  English 
articles.  This  measure  of  retaliation,  it  is  wished,  should 
operate  on  France  alone,  but  from  the  trade  carried  on 
with  France  by  America,  it  unavoidabl  y  operates  also  on 
her ;  it  is  a  measure  to  destroy  the  French  trade  in  return 
for  the  similar  measure  of  France  on  which  it  is  retaliatory, 
and  its  acting  on  neutrals  is  an  incidental  effect  of  it,  conse^ 
quent  upon  the  submission  of  neutrals  to  the  original  meas 
ures  of  the  enemy  against  G.  Britain.  It  is  indeed  melan 
choly  that  the  unnatural  situation  of  Europe  should  produce 
such  a  result,  but  I  cannot  see  how  this  can  be  considered 
as  war  on  American  commerce*  .when  all  other  American 
trade  but  that  which  is  carried  on  with  our  enemy's  ports 
in  defiance  of  a  blockade  authorized  by  the  laws  of  retalia 
tion  is  unaffected  by  i..  We  complain  that  America  does 
not  resist  the  regulations  of  the  Berlin  and  Milan  Decrees, 
and  object  to  permitting  the  French  to  trade  with  her  dur 
ing  their  continuance  against  the  commerce  of  England  ; 
but  this  is  not  exacting,  as  has  been  represented,  that  Ame 
rica  should  force  British  manufactures  into  France ;  it  is 
pursuing  only  a  just  course  of  retaliation  on  our  enemy. 
If  America  wishes  to  trade  with  France,  if  French  com- 

9 


66  mSTORY  OF  THE  WAR, 

merce  is  of  importance  to  her — we  expect  she  should  exact 
of  France  to  trade  with  her  as  she  has  a  right  to  u<  matid  in 
her  quality  of  neutral;  but  it  she  does  not  choose  to  exer 
cise  this  right,  all  we  ask  is,  that  she  should  abstain  from 
lending  her  assistance  to  the  trade  of  France,  and  not  allow 
her  commerce  to  be  a  medium  of  undermining  the  re^our- 
ces  of  G.  Britain. 

I  have  thought  it  necessary  Jbns  to  en/e  v<,r  to  set  ihese 
two  points  ill  their  true  light:  ihe  repeal  o!  tN-  ;  r>\  w.is  a:sk- 
ed,  as  being  an  unfriendly  measure',  ;  artial  m  its  operation 
agasnst  G.  Britain,  and  a  prospect  or'  retaliation  was  hetd 
out  on  its  commercial  operation,  if  continued.  TJ--S  s  no 
demand  on  the  IT.  Slates  to  atimU  British  mamiiactuie*; 
they  Jire  a!^  liberty  to  continue  that  law,  oriK  as  r  ;  of  an 
U'.Vieiuily  nature,  some  restriction  of  a  similar  ki;ai  v,:ts  to 
be  expected  from  England  5  an<!  with  respect  to  the  a.kug- 
ed  demand  for  forcing  British  goods,  the  property  ot  neu 
trals,  into  French  ports,  if  the  U.. States  are  wu-iug  o  ac- 
qn  see  in  the  regulations  of  the  French  Decrees  unlawfully 
affecting  England  through  them,  they  can  not  surely  be  sur 
prised  if  we  consider  ourselves  as  at  liberty  to  refuse  per 
mission  to  the  French  tc  profit  by  that  acquiescence. 

I  will  now,  sir,  take  the  opportunity  of  stating  to  you, 
that  I  have  received  Irorn  his  majesty's  Secretary  of  Slate, 
the  correspondence  ot  which  you  did  me  the  honor  ta  trans 
mit  to  me  a  copy,  in  your  letter  dated  Oct  17.  My  govern 
ment  have  not  been  able  to  see  in  it  satisfactory  proof  of  the 
repeal  of  the  French  Decrees,  and  doubt  whether  the  trade 
carried  on  by  licences  -etween  France  and  America,  will 
not  be  regarded,  even  here,  as  proof  of  the  continuation  of 
them  in  their  fullest  extent,  for  if  they  were  to  any  extent 
repealed,  to- that  extent  at  least  no  licence  should  be  neces 
sary,  a  licence  being  given  to  allow  what,  but  for  that  li 
cence,  would  be  prohibited. 

The  continued  absence  hitherto  of  any  instrument  by 
which  the  repeal  has  been  effected,  is  a  matter  also  of  sur 
prise,  for  if  there  were  any  fair  dealing  in  the  transaction, 
no  reason  can  be  given  by  France  for  not  producing  it;  it 
is  very  desirable  that  it  should  be  produced,  if  such  an  in 
strument  be  in  existence,  in  order  that  we  may  know  to 
what  extent  the  Decrees  have  been  repealed,  if  they  really 
have  been  so  in  a;iy  respect.  Mr.  Russell  however,  doe? 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR,  67 

sot  appear  to  have  been  in  possession  of  it  at  thednte  of  his 
letter  of  last  July.  L  is  indeed  become  particularly  inter 
esting,  that  we  should  see  this  instrument  since  the  publi 
cation  of  Mr.  Russell's  convspondence  with  his  own  gov 
ernment,  by  wh.eh  it  appear*  vlmt  ivahy,  and  in  fact,  the 
French  government  iiid  not  release  auy  A-inericau  ships 
taken  after  November -1,  until  they  had  become  acquainted 
with  the  President's  proclamation,  and  that  vessels  have 
been  taken  so  late  as  J>  eember  ^1,  in  the  direct  voyage 
from  this  country  to  LondG •• ;  for  until  ;t  copy  of  such  an  in 
strument  is  produced,  it  is  impossible  to  know  whether  any 
other  trade  is  allowed  b\  France  than  that  between  her  own 
dominions  and  the  porb  ot  the  U.  States. 
J  have  the  honor  to  be,  &;c. 

AUGUSTUS  J.  FOSTER 

Mr.  Monroe  to  HJr.  Foster. 
DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  Jan.  14,  1812. 
-SIR — I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  letter  of  De 
cember  17th,  and  embrace   the  first  moment  that  I  could 
command,  to  make  the  observations  which  it  suggests. 

It  would  have  afforded  great  satisfaction  to  the  President, 
to  have  found  in  the  communication,  some  proof  ot  a  dispo 
sition  in  the  British  government  to  put  an  end  to  the  differ 
ences  subsisting  between  our  countries. — I  am  sorry  to  be 

O  J 

obliged  to  state,  that  it  presents  a  new  proof  only  of  its  de 
termination  to  adhere  to  the  policy,  to  which  they  are  hn- 
puable. 

You  complain  that  the  import  of  your  former  letters  has 
been  misunderstood  in  two, important  circumstances;  that 
you  have  been  represented  to  have  demanded  of  the  U . 
States,  a  law  tor  the  introduction  of  British  goods  into  their 
ports,  and  that  they  should  also  undertake  to  force  Franco 
to  receive  British  manufactures  into  her  harbors. 

You  state  that  on  the  first  point,  it  was  your  intention 
only  to  remonstrate  against  the  non-importation  act,  as  par 
tial  in  its  operation,  and  unfriendly  to  G.  Britain,  on  which 
account  its  repeal  was  .claimed*  and  to  intimate  that  if  it  was 
persevered  in,  G.  Britain  would  be  compelled  to  retaliate 
on  the  commerce  of  the  U.  States,  by  similar  restrictions  on 
her  part.  A  »d  on  the  second  point,  that  you  intended  only 
io  urge,  that  in  consequence  of  the  extraordinary  blockade 


(58  HJSTOllY  OF  THE  WAR. 

of  England,  your  government  had  been  obliged  to  blockade 
France,  audio  prohibit  all  trade  in  French  Articles,  in  re 
turn  lor  the  prohibition  by  France  of  all  trade  in  English 
articles. 

It  is  sufficient  to  remark  on  the  first  point,  that  on  whaU 
ever  ground  the  repeal  of  the  non-importation  act  is  re 
quired,  the  United  States  are  justified  in  adhering  to  it  by 
the  refusal  of  the  British  government  to  repeal  its  Orders  in 
Council;  and  if  a  distinction  is  thus  produced  between  G. 
Britain  and  the  other  belligerent, *it  must  he  referred  to  the 
difference  in  the  conduct  of  the  two  parties. 

On  the  second  point,  I  have  to  observe,  that  the  explana 
tion  given  cannot  be  satisfactory,  because  it  does  not  meet 
the  case  now  existing.  France  did,  it  is  true,  declare  a 
blockade  of  England,  against  the  trade  of  the  U.  Stales, 
and  prohibit  all  trade  in  English  articles  on  the  high  seas, 
but  this  blockade  and  prohibition  no  longer  exist. — It  is 
true  also,  that  a  part  of  those  Decrees,  did  prohibit  a  trade 
in  English  articles,  within  her  territorial  jurisdiction  ;  but 
this  prohibition  violates  no  national  rights,  or  neutral  com 
merce  of  the  U.  States.  Still  your  blockade  and  prohibi 
tion  are  continued,  in  violation  of  the  national  and  neutral 
rights  of  the  U.  States,  on  a  pretext  of  retaliation,  which,  if 
even  applicable,  could  only  be  applied  to  the  former,  and 
not  to  the  latter  interdicts  :  and  it  is  required  that  France- 
shall  change  her  internal  regulations  against  English  trade, 
before  England  will  change  htr  external  regulations  against 
the  trade  of  the  U.  States. 

But  you  still  insist  that  the  French  Decrees  are  unrevok- 
ed,  and  urge  in  proof  of  it,  a  Jact  drawn  from  Mr.  Rus 
sell's  correspondence,  that  some  American  vessels  have 
been  taken  since  the  1st  of  November,  in  their  route  to  Eng 
land.  It  is  a  satisfactory  answer  to  this  remark,  that  it  ap 
pears  by  the  same  correspondence,  that  every  American 
vessel  which  had  been  taken  in  that  trade,  the  seizure  of 
which  rested  on  the  Berlin  and  Milan  Decrees  only,  were, 
as  soon  as  that  fact  was  ascertained,  delivered  up  to  their 
owners.  Might  there  not  be  other  ground  also,  on  \vliich 
seizures  might  be  made  ?  G.  Britain  claims  a  right  to  sei/.c 
for  other  causes,  and  all  nations  admit  it  in  the  case  of  con 
traband  of  war.  If  by  the  law  of  nations,  one  belligerent 
has  a  right  to  seize  neutral  property  in  any  case,  the  other 


HISTORY    OF    THE  WAR.  t»9 

belligerent  has  ihe  same  right.  Nor  ought  I  to  overlook  that 
the  practice  of  counterfeiting  American  papers  in  England, 
which  is  well  known  to  the  continent,  has  by  impairing1  the 
faith  due  to  American  documents,  done  to  the  U.  States 
essential  injury.  Against  this  practice  the  minister  ot  the 
U.  States  at  London,  sis  will  appear  by  reference  to  his 
letter  to  the  Marquis  Wellesley  of  the  3d  of  May,  1810, 
made  a  formal  representation,  in  pursuance  of  instructions 
from  his  government,  with  an  offer  of  every  information 
possessed  by  him,  which  might  contribute  to  detect  and 
suppress  it.  It  is  painful  to  add  that  this  communication 
was  entirely  disregarded.  That  G.  Britain  should  com 
plain  of  acts  in  France,  to  which  by  her  neglect,  she  was 
instrumental,  and  draw  from  them  proof  in  support  of  her 
Orders  in  Council, ought  certainly  not  to  have  been  expected. 
You  remark  also,  that  the  practice  of  the  French  gov 
ernment  to  grant  licences  to  certain  American  vessels,  en 
gaged  in  the  trade  between  the  U.  States  and  France,  is  an 
additional  proof  that  the  French  Decrees  still  operate  in 
their  fullest  extent.  On  what  principle  this  inference  is 
drawn  from  that  fact  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  conceive. 
It  was  not  the  object  of  the  Berlin  and  Milan  Decrees  to 
prohibit  the  trade  between  the  U.  States  and  France. 
They  were  meant  to  prohibit  the  trade  of  the  U.  States  with 
G.  Britain,  which  violated  our  neutral  rights,  and  to  pro 
hibit  the  trade  of  G.  Britain  with  the  continent,  with  which 
the  U.  States  have  nothing  to  do.  If  the  object  had  been 
to  prohibit  the  trade  between  the  U.  States  and  Frai.ce,  G. 
Britain  could  never  have  found  in  them  any  pretext  for 
complaint.  And  if  the  idea  of  retaliation,  could  in  any  re 
spect  have  been  applicable,  it  would  have  been  by  prohi 
biting  our  trade  with  herself.  To  prohibit  it  with  France, 
would  not  have  been  a  retaliation,  but  a  co-operation.  If 
licencing  by  France  the  trade  in  certain  instances,  prove  any 
thing,  it  proves  nothing  more  than  that  the  trade  with  France 
in  other  instances,  is  under  restraint.  It  seems  impossible 
to  extract  from  it  in  any  respect,  that  the  Berlin  and  Milan 
Decrees  are  in  force,  so  tar  as  they  prohibit  the  trade  between 
the  U.  States  and  England.  I  might  here  repeat  the 
French  practice  of  granting  licences  to  trade  between  the 
U.  States  and  France,  may  have  been  intended  in  part,  at 
least  as  a  security  against  the  simulated  papers  ;  the  forging 


70  HISTORY  OF  THJE  WAR. 

of  which  was  not  suppressed  in  England.  It  is  not  to  be 
infered  from  these  remarks,  that  a  trade  by  licence,  is  one 
with  which  the  United  States  are  satisfied.  They  have  the 
strongest  objections  to  it,  but  these  are  founded  on  other 
principles,  than  those  suggested  in  your  note. 

It  is  a  cause  of  great  surprise  to  the  President,  that  your 
government  has  not  seen  in  the  correspondence  of  Mr.  Rus 
sell,  which  1  had  the  honor  to  communicate  to  you  on  the 
17th  of  October  last,  and  which  has  been  lately  transmitted 
to  you  by  your  government,  sufficient  proof  of  the  repeal  of 
the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees,  independent  of  the  conclu 
sive  evidence  of  the  fact,  which  that  correspondence  affor- 
d<  d  ;  it  was  not  to  be  presumed  from  the  intimation  of  the 
Marquis  of  Wellesley,  that  it  was  to  be  transmitted  to  you, 
to  be  taken  into  consideration  in  the  depending  discussions., 
that  it  was  of  a  nature  to  have  no  weight  in  these  discussions. 

t5 

The  demand  which  you  now  make  of  a  view  of  the 
order  given  by  the  French  government  to  its  cruizers,  in 
consequence  of  the  repeal  of  the  French  Decrees,  is  a  new 
proof  of  its  indisposition  to  repeal  the  Orders  in  Council, 
The  declaration  of  the  French  government  was,  as  has 
been  heretofore  observed,  a  solemn  and  obligatory  act,  and 
as  such  entitled  to  the  notice  and  respect  of  other  govern 
ments.  It  was  incumbent  on  G.  Britain,  therefore,  in  fulfil 
ment  of  her  engagement,  to  have  provided  that  her  Orders 
in  Council  should  not  have  effect,  after  the  time  fixed  for 
the  cessation  of  the  French  Decrees.  A  pretension  in  G, 
Britain  to  keep  her  Orders  in  force  till  she  received  satis 
faction  of  the  practical  compliance  of  France,  is  utterly  in 
compatible  with  her  pledge.  A  doubt,  founded  on  any 
single  act  however  unauthorised,  committed  by  a  French 
privateer,  might  on  that  principle,  become  a  motive  for 
delay  and  refusal.  A  suspicion  that  such  acts  would  be 
committed  might  have  the  same  effect;  and  in  like 
manner  her  compliance  might  be  withheld  as  long  as  the 
war  continued.  But  let  me  here  remark,  that  if  there  was 
room  for  a  question,  whether  the  French  repeal  did  or  did 
not  take  effect,  at  the  date  announced  by  France,  and  requir 
ed  by  the  U.  States,  it  cannot  be  asledged  that  the  Decrees 
have  not  ceased  to  operate  since  the  2d  of  Febuary  last,  as 
heretofore  observed.  And  as  the  actual  cessation  of  the 
Decrees  to  violate  our  neutral  rights,  was  the  only  essential 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  71 

£act  in  the  case,  and  has  long  been  known  to  your  govern 
ment,  the  Orders  in  Council,  from  the  date  of  that  know 
ledge,  ought  to  have  ceased,  according  to  its  own  principles 
and  pledges. 

But  the  question  whether  and  when  the  repeal  of  the 
Berlin  and  Milan  Decrees  took  effect  in- relation  to  the  neu 
tral  commerce  of  the  U.  States,  is  superceded  by  the  novel 
and  extraordinary  claim  of  G.  Britain  to  a  trade  in  British 
articles,  with  her  enemy  ;.  for  supposing  the  repeal  to  have 
taken  place,  in  the  fullest  extent  claimed  by  the  U.  States, 
it  could,  according  to  that  claim,  have  no  effect  in  remov 
ing  the  Orders  in  Council. 

On  a  full  view  of  the  conduct  of  the  British  government 
in  these  transactions,  it  is  impossible  to  see  in  it  any  thing 
short  of  a  spirit  of  determined  hostility  to  the  rights  and 
interests  of  the  U.  States. — It  issued  the  Orders  in  Council, 
on  a  principle  of  retaliation  on  France,  at  a  time  when  it 
admitted  the  French  Decrees  to  be  ineffectual ;  it  has  sus 
tained  those  Orders  in  full  force  since,  notwithstanding  the 
pretext  for  them  has  been  removed,  and  latterly  it  has  ad 
ded  a  new  condition  or'  their  repeal,  to  be  performed  by 
France,  to  which  the  U.  States  in  their  neutral  character, 
have  no  claim,,  and  couid  not  demand,  without  departing 
from  their  neutrality,  a  condition  which,  in  respect  to  the 
commerce  of  other  nations  with  G.  Britain,  is  repugnant  to 
her  own  policy,  and  prohibited  by  her  own  laws,  and  which 
can  never  be  enforced  on  any  nation  without  a  subversion  of 
its  sovreignty  and  independence. 

I  have  tiie  honor  to  be,  &c* 

JAMES  MONROE. 


CHAPTER  III. 

PRESIDENTS  MANIFESTO. 

To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  U.  States, 
I  communicate  to  Congress  certaiir  documents,  being  a 
eontinution  of  those  heretofore  laid  before  them,  on  the  sub 
ject,  of  our  affairs  with  G.  Britain. 

Without  going  back  beyond  the  renewal  in    1803,  of  the 
war  in  which  G.  Britain  is  engaged,  and  omitting  unrepaired 


72  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

wrong's  of  inferior  magnitude,  the  conduct  of  her  govern* 
ment  presents  a  series  of  acts  hostile  to  the  U.  States  as  an 
independant  and  neutral  nation. 

British  cruizers  have  been  in  the  continued  practice  of 
violating-  the  American  flag',  on  the  great  highway  of  na 
tions,  and  of  seizing  and  carrying  off  persons  sailing  under 
it  :  not  in  the  exercise  of  a  belligerent  right,  founded  on  the 
law  of  nat.ons  against  an  enemy,  but  of  a  municipal  prero 
gative  over  British  subjects.  British  jurisdiction  is  thus  ex 
tended  to  neutral  vessels  in  a  situation  where  no  laws  can 
operate,  but  the  law  of  nations  and  the  laws  of  the  country 
to  which  the  vessels  belong  ;  and  a  self-redress  is  assumed, 
\vhich,  if  British  subjects  were  wrongfully  detained  and 
alone  concerned,  is  that  substitution  of  force  for  a  resort  to 
the  responsible  sovereign,  which  falls  within  the  definition, 
of  war.  Could  the  seizure  of  British  subjects,  in  such  cases 
be  regarded,  as  within  the  exercise  of  a  belligerent  right, 
the  acknowledged  laws  of  war,  which  forbid  an  article  of 
captured  property  to  be  adjudged,  without  a  regular  inves 
tigation  before  a  competent  tribunal,  would  imperiously 
demand  the  fairest  trial  where  the  sacred  rights  of  persons 
were  at  issue.  In  place  of  such  a  trial,  these  rights  are  sub 
jected  to  the  will  of  every  petty  commander. 

The  practice,  hence,  is  so  far  from  affecting  British  sub 
jects  alone,  that  under  the  pretext  of  searching  for  these, 
thousands  of  American  citizens,  under  the  safe -guard  of 
public  law,  and  of  their  national  flag,  have  been  torn  from 
their  country,  and  from  every  thing  dear  to  them  :  have 
been  dragged  on  board  shifts  of  war  of  u  foreign  nation,  and 
exposed  under  the  severities  of  their  discipline,  to  be  exiled 
to  the  most  distant  and  deadly  climes,  to  risk  their  lives  in 
the  battles  of  their  oppressors,  and  to  be  the  melancholy  in 
struments  of  taking  away  those  of  their  own  brethren. 

Against  this  cry  ing  enormity,  which  G.  Britain  would  be 
so  prompt  to  avenge  if  committed  against  herself,  the  U. 
States  have  in  vain  exhausted  remonstrances  and  expostu 
lations.  And  that  no  proof  might  be  wanting  oi'  their 
conciliatory  dispositions,  and  no  pretext  left  for  the  contin 
uance  of  the  practice,  the  British  government  was  formally 
assured  of  the  readiness  of  the  United  States  to  enter  into 
arrangements,  such  as  could  not  be  rejected,  if  the  recovery 
of  British  subjects  were  the  real  and  the  sole  object. 
The  communication  passed  without  effect/ 


HlStORY  OF  THE  \VAR;  73 

British  cruizers  have  been  in  the  practice  also  of  violating 
the  rights  and  the  peace  of  our  coasts.  They  hover  over 
and  harrass  our  entering-  and  departing1  commerce.  To 
the  most  insulting-  pretensions  they  have  added  the  most 
lawless  proceedings  in  our  very  harbors  ;  and  have  wan 
tonly  spilt  American  blood  within  the  sanctuary  of  our  ter 
ritorial  jurisdiction.  The  principles  and  rules  enforced  by 
that  nation,  when  a  neutral  nation,  against  armed  vessels  of 
belligerents,  hovering  near  her  coasts,  and  disturbing  her 
commerce,  are  well  known  When  called  on  nevertheless, 
by  the  U.  States,  to  punish  the  greater  offences  committed 
by  her  own  vessels,  her  government  has  bestowed  on  their 
commanders  additional  marks  of  honor  and  confidence. 

Under  pretended  blockades,  without  the  presence  of  an 
adequate  force,  and  sometimes  without  the  practicability  of 
applying  one,  our  commerce  has  been  plundered  in  every 
sea  :  the  great  staples  of  our  country  have  been  cut  off  from 
their  legitimate  markets ;  and  a  destructive  blow  aimed  at 
our  agricultural  and  maritime  interests.  In  aggravation  of 
these  predatory  measures,  they  have  been  considered  as  in 
force  from  the  dates  of  their  notification  ;  a  retrospective 
effect  being  thus  added,  as  has  been  done  in  other  important 
cases,  to  the  unlawfulness  of  the  course  pursued.  And  to 
render  the  outrage  the  more  signal,  these  mock  blockades 
have  been  reiterated  and  enforced  in  the  face  of  official 
communications  from  the  British  government,  declaring  as 
the  true  definition  of  a  legal  blockade,  4  that  particular 
ports  must  be  actually  invested,  and  previous  warning 
given  to  vessels  bound  to  them,  not  to  enter.' 

Not  content  with  these  occasional  expedients  for  laying 
waste  our  neutral  trade,  the  cabinet  of  G.  Britain  resorted, 
at  length,  to  the  sweeping  system  of  blockades,  under  the 
name  of  the  Orders  in  Council,  which  has  been  moulded 
and  managed,  as  might  best  suit  its  political  views,  its  com 
mercial  jealousies,  or  the  avidity  of  British  cruizers. 

To  our  remonstrances  against  the  complicated  and  trans- 
cendant  injustice  of  this  innovation,  the  first  reply  was,  that 
the  Orders  were  reluctantly  adopted  by  G.  Britain  as  a  ne 
cessary  retaliation  on  Decrees  of  her  enemy,  proclaiming  a 
general  blockade  of  the  British  isles,  at  a  time  when  the 
naval  force  of  that  enemy  dared  not  to  issue  from  his  own 
ports.  She  was  reminded,  without  effect,  that  her  own 

10 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

prior  blockade,  unsupported  by  an  adequate  naval  force 
actually  applied  and  continued,  were  a  bar  to  this  plea  r 
that  executed  Edicts  against  millions  of  our  property  could 
not  be  retaliation  on  Edicts  confessedly  impossible  to  be 
executed:  that  retaliation,  to  be  just,  "should  tall  on  the 
party  setting  the  guilty  example,  not  on.  an  innocent  party, 
which  was  not  even  chargeable  with  an  acquiescence  in  it. 

When  deprived  of  this  flimsey  veil  for  a  prohibition  of 
our  tuade  with  her  enemy,  by  the  repeal  of  his  prohibition 
of  our  trade  with  G.  .Britain,  her  cabinet,  instead  of  a  cor 
responding  repeal,  or  a  practical  discontinuance  of  its  Or 
ders,  formally  avowed  a  determination  to  persist  in  then* 
against  the  U.  States,  until  the  markets  of  her  enemy  should 
be  laid  open  to  British  products  ;  thus  asserting  an  obliga 
tion  on  a  neutral  power  to  require  one  belligerent  to  en 
courage,  by  its  internal  regulations,  the  trade  of  another 
belligerent  ;  contradicting  her  own  practice  towards  all 
nations  in  peace,  as  well  as  in  war  ;  and  betraying  the  in 
sincerity  of  those  professions  which  inculcated  a  belief  that, 
having  resorted  ta  her  Orders  with  regret,  she  was  anxious 
to  find  an  occasion  for  putting  an  end  to  them. 

Abandoning  still  more,  all  respect  for  the  neutral  rights 
of  the  U.  States,  and  for  its  own  consistency,  the  British 
government  now  demands  as  pre-requi  sites  to  a  repeal  of 
its  Orders,  as  they  relate  to  the  United  States,  that  a  for 
mality  should  be  observed  in  the  repeal  of  the  French  De 
crees  nowise  necessary  to  their  termination,  nor  exemplified 
by  British  usage  ;  and  that  the  French  repeal,  besides  in 
cluding  that  portion  of  the  Decrees  which  operates  within 
a  territorial  jurisdiction,  as  well  as  that  which  operates  on 
the  high  seas  against  the  commerce  of  the  U.  States,  should 
not  bfc  a  single  special  repeal  in  relation  to  the  U.  States, 
but  should  be  extended  to  whatever  neutval  nations  uncon 
nected  with  them,  that  may  be  affected  by  those  Decrees 
And  as  an  additional  insult?  they  are  called  on  for  a  formal 
disavowal  of  the  condition  and  pretensions  advanced  by  the 
French  government,  for  which  the  U.  States  are  so  far  from 
having  made  themselves  responsible,  that,  in  official  ex 
planations,  which  have  been  published  to  the  world,  and  in 
a  correspondence  of  the  American  minister  at  London, 
with  the  British  minister  for  foreign  affairs,  such  a  respon 
sibility  \vas  explicitly  and  emphatically  disclaimed. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  75 

It  has  become  indeed  sufficiently  certain  that  the  com 
merce  of  the  U.  States  is  to  be  sacrificed,  not  as  interfering' 
\vith  the  belligerent  rights  of  G.  Britain,  not  as  supplying 
the  wants  of  her  enemies,  whidi  she  herself  supplies,  but  as 
interfering  with  the  monopoly  which  she  coverts  for  her  own 
commerce  and  navigation.  She  carries  on  a  Mar  against 
the  lawful  commerce  of  a  friend,  that  sire  may  the  better 
carry  on  a  commerce  with  an  enemy,  a  commerce,  polluted 
by  the  forgeries  and  perjuries  which  are  for  the  most  part 
the  only  passports  by  which  it  can  succeed. 

Anxious  to  make  every  experiment  short  of  the  last  resort 
of  injured  nations,  the  U.  States  have  Withheld  from  G. 
Britain,  under  successive  modifications,  the  benefits  of  a 
free  intercourse  with  their  market,  the  loss  of  which  could 
not  but  outweigh  the  profits  accruing  from  her  restrictions 
of  our  commerce  with  other  nations.  And  to  entitle  these 
experiments  to  the  more  favorable  consideration,  tiiev  were 
so  framed  as  to  enable  her  to  place  her  adversary  under 
the  exclusive  operation  of  them.  To  these  appeals,  her 
government  has  been  equally  inflexible,  as  if  willing  to 
make  sacrifices  of  every  sort,  rather  than  yield  to  the  claims 
ef  justice,  or  renounce  the  errors  of  a  false  pride.  N  *y, 
so  tar  were  the  attempts  carried,  to  overcome  the  attach 
ment  of  the  British  cabinet  to  its  unjust  Edicts,  that  it  re 
ceived  every  encouragement,  within  -the  competency  of  the 
Executive  branch  of  our  government,  to  expect  that  a  re 
peal  of  them  would  be  followed  by  a  war  between  the  IT, 
States  and  France,  unless  the  French  Edicts  should  also  be 
repealed.  Even  tins  communication,  although  silencing 
for  ever  the  plea  of  a  disposition  in  the  U.  States  to  ac 
quiesce  in  those  Edicts,  originally  the  sole  plea  for  them, 
received  no  attention. 

If  no  other  proof  existed  of  a  predetermination  of  the 
British  government  against  a  repeal  t>f  its  Orders,  it  might 
be  found  in  the  correspondence  of  the  minister  Plenipoten 
tiary  of  the  IL  States  at  London,  and  the  British  Secretary 
for  Foreign  Affairs  in  1810,  on  the  question  whether  the 
blockade  of  May,  1806,  was  considered  as  in  force,  or  as 
not  in  force.  It  had  been  ascertained  that  the  French  gov 
ernment,  which  urged  this  blockade  as  the  ground  of  its 
Berlin  Decree,  was  willing,  in  the  event  of  its  removal,  to 
repeal  that  Decree  ;  which  being  followed  by  alternate  rar 


76  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAP* 

peals  of  the  other  offensive  E.ticls,  might  abolish  the  whole 
system  on  both  sides.  This  inviting  opportunity  for  accom 
plishing  an  object  so  important  to  the  U.  States,  and  pro 
fessed  so  often  to  be  the  desire  of  both  the  belligerents,  was 
made  known  to  the  British  government  As  that  govern 
ment  admits  that  an  actual  application  of  an  adequate  force 
is  necessary  to  the  existence  of  a  legal  blockade  ;  and  it 
was  notorious,  that  if  such  a  force  had  ever  been  applied, 
its  long  discontinuance  had  annulled  the  blockade  in  ques 
tion,  there  could  be  no  sufficient  objection  on  the  part  of  G. 
Britain  to  a  formal  revocation  of  it  ;  and  no  imaginable  ob 
jection  to  a  declaration  of  the  fact  that  the  blockade  did  not 
exist.  The  declaration  would  have  been  consistent  with 
her  avowed  principles  of  blockade,  and  would  have  enabled 
the  U.  States  to  demand  from  France  the  pledged  repeal  of 
her  Decrees  ;  either  with  success,  in  which  case  the  way 
would  have  been  opened  for  a  general  repeal  of  the  bel 
ligerent  Edicts  ;  or  without  success,  in  which  case  the  U. 
Stakes  would  have  been  justified  in  turning  their  measures 
exclusively  against  France.  The  British  government  would, 
however,  neither  rescind  the  blockade,  nor  declare  its  non- 
existence  ;  nor  permit  its  non-existence  to  be  interred  anci 
affirmed  by  the  American  Plenipotentiary.  On  the  con 
trary,  by  representing  the  blockade  to  be  compreheiided  in 
the  Orders  in  Council,  the  U.  States  were  compelled  so  to 
regard  it  in  then-  subsequent  proceedings. 

There  was  a  period  when  a  favorable  change  in  the 
policy  of  the  British  cabinet  was  justly  considered  as  esta 
blished.  The  minister  Plenipotentiary  of  his  Britannic  ma 
jesty  here  proposed  an  adjustment  of  the  differences  more 
immediately  endangering  the  harmony  of  the  two  countries* 
The  proposition  was  accepted  with  a  promptitude  and  cor 
diality,  corresponding*  with  the  invariable  professions  of  this 
government.  A  foundation  appeared  to  be  laid  for  a  sin 
cere  and  lasting  reconciliation. — The  prospect,  however, 
quickly  vanished.  The  whole  proceeding  was  disavowed 
by  the  British  government,  without  any  explanation  which 
could  at  that  time  repress  the  belief,  that  the  disavowal  pro 
ceeded  from  a  spirit  of  hostility  to  the  commercial  rights 
and  prosperity  of  the  U.  States.  And  it  has  since  corns 
into  proof,  that  at  the  very  moment  when  the  public  minister 
holding  the  language  of  friendship,  and  inspiring 


HISTORY  OP  THE  WAR.  77 

Confidence  in  the  sincerity  of  the  negotiation  with  which  he 
was  charged,  a  secret  agent  of  his  government  was  em 
ployed  in  intrigues,  having  for  their  object  a  subversion  of 
our  government,  and  a  dismemberment  of  our  happy  Union. 

In  reviewing  the  jconduct  of  G.  Britain  towards  the  U. 
States,  our  attention  is  necessarily  drawn  to  the  warfare  just 
renewed  by  the  savages  on  one  of  our  extensive  frontiers  ; 
a  warfare,  which  is  known  to  spare  neither  age  nor  sex,  and 
to  be  distinguished  by  features  peculiarly  shocking  ti>  hu 
manity.  It  is  difficult  to  account  for  the  activity  and  com 
binations,  which  have  for  some  time  been  developing  them* 
Selves  among  the  tribes,  in  constant  intercourse  with  British 
traders  and  garrisons,  without  connecting  their  hostility 
with  that  influence  ;  and  without  recollecting  the  authenti 
cated  examples  of  such  interpositions,  heretofore  furnished 
by  the  officers  and  agents  of  that  government. 

Such  is  the  spectacle  of  injuries  and  indignities  which 
have  been  heaped  on  our  country  ;  and  such  the  crisis  which 
its  unexampled  forbearance  and  conciliatory  efforts  have 
not  been  able  to  avert.  It  might  at  least  have  been  ex 
pected,  that  an  enlightened  nation,  if  less  urged  by  moral 
obligations,  or  invited  by  friendly  dispositions  on  the  part 
of  the  U.  States,  would  have  found  in  its  true  interest 
alone,  a  sufficient  motive  to  respect  their  rights,  and  their 
tranquility  on  the  high  seas  ;  that  an  enlarged  policy  would 
have  favored  that  free  and  general  circulation  of  commerce, 
in  which  the  British  nation  is  at  all  times  interested,  and 
which  in  times  of  war  is  the  best  alleviation  of  its  calamities 
to  herself,  as  well  as  toother  belligerents  :  and  more  espe 
cially  that  the  British  cabinet  would  not,  for  the  sake  of  a 
precarious  and  surreptitious  intercourse  with  hostile  mar 
kets,  have  persevered  in  a  course  of  measures  which  neces 
sarily  put  at  hazard  the  invaluable  market  of  a  great  and 
growing  country,  disposed  to  cultivate  the  mutual  advanta 
ges  of  an  active  commerce. 

Other  Councils  have  prevailed.  Our  moderation  and 
conciliation  have  had  no  other  effect  than  to  encourage  per 
severance,  and  to  enlarge  pretensions.  We  behold  our 
seafaring  citizens  still  the  daily  victims  of  lawless  violence, 
committed  on  the  great  common  highway  of  nations,  even 
within  sight  of  the  country  which  owes  them  protection.  We 
behold  our  vessels  freighted  with  the  products  of  our  soil 


TO  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

and  industry,  or  returning1  with  the  proceeds  of  them,  wrest* 
<3dfrom  their  lawful  destinations,  confiscated  by  prize  courts, 
no  longer  the  organs  of  public  law,  but  the  instruments  of 
arbitrary  Edicts;  and  their  unfortunate  crews  dispersed 
and  lost,  or  forced  or  inveigled  in  British  ports  into  British 
fleets ;  whilst  arguments  are  employed,  in  support  of 
these  aggressions,whieh  have  no  foundation  but  in  a  prin 
ciple  equally  supporting  a  claim  to  regulate  our  external 
commerce  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 

We  behold,  in  tine,  on  the  side  of  G.  Britain,  a  state  of 
war  against  the  U.  States,  and  on  the  side  of  the  U.  States 
a  stale  of  peace  towards  G.  Britain. 

Whether  the  U.  States  shall  continue  passive  under  these 
progressive  usurpations,  and  these  accumulating1  wrongs; 
or  opposing  force  to  force,  in  defence  of  their  natural  rights, 
shall  commit  a  just  cause  into  the  hands  of  the  Almighty 
disposer  of  events  ;  avoiding  all  connections  which  might 
entangle  it  in  the  contests  or  views  of  other  powers,  and 
preserving  a  constant  readiness  to  concur  in  an  honorable 
re-establishment  of  peace  and  friendship,  is  a  solemn  ques 
tion,  which  the  constitution  wisely  confides  to  the  legis 
lative  Department  of  the  government.  In  recommending 
it  to  their  early  deliberations,  I  am  happy  in  the  assurance 
Chat  the  deciston  will  be  worthy  the  enlightened  and  patri 
otic  Councils  of  a  virtuous,  a  free,  and  a  powerful  nation. 

Having  presented  this  view  of  the  relations  of  the  U. 
States  with  G.  Britain  and  of  the  solemn  alternative  grow- 
jng  out  of  them,  I  proceed  to  remark  that  the  communica 
tions  last  made  to  Congress,  on  the  subject  of  our  relations 
with  France,  will  have  shown  that  since  the  revocation  of 
lier  Decrees  as  they  violated  the  neutral  rights  of  the  U. 
States,  tier  government  has  authorised  illegal  captures,  by 
*ts  privateers  and  public  ships,  and  that  other  outrages  have 
been  practised  on  our  vessels  and  citizens.  It  will  have 
been  seen  also,  that  no  indemnity  had  been  provided,  or  sat 
isfactorily  pledged,  for  the  extensive  spoliations  committed 
under  the  violent  and  retrospective  orders  of  the  French 
government  against  the  property  of  our  citizens  seized  with 
in  the  jurisdiction  of  France.  I  abstain  at  this  time  from 
recommending  to  the  consideration  of  Congress  definitive 
measures  with  respect  to  that  nation,  in  the  expectation,  that 
the  result  of  unclosed  discussions  between  our  Minister 


HISTOHY  OF  THE  WAR.  7$ 

Plenipotentiary  at  Paris  and  the  French  government  will 
speedily  enable  Congress  to  decide,  with  greater  advantage, 
on  the  course  due  to  the  rights,  the  interests,  and  the  honor 
of  our  country.  JAMES  MADISON. 

Washington*  June  1,  1812. 

The  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  to  whom  was  referred 

the  Message  of  the  President  of  the  U.  Slates  of  the  1st 

of  June,  1812, 
REPORT— 

That  after  the  experience  which  the  U.  States  have  had 
of  the  great  injustice  of  the  British  government  towards 
them,  exemplified  by  so  many  acts  of  violence  and  oppres 
sion,  it  will  be  more  difficult  to  justify  to  the  impartial 
world  their  patient  forbearance,  than  the  measure  to  which 
it  has  become  necessary  to  resort,  to  avenge  the  wrongs, 
and  vindicate  the  rights  and  honor  of  the  nation.  Your 
committee  are  happy  to  observe  on  a  dispassionate  reveiw 
of  the  conduct  of  the  U.  States,  that  they  see  in  it  no  cause 
for  censure. 

If  a  long  forbearance  under  injuries  ought  ever  to  be 
considered  a  virtue  in  any  nation,  it  is  one  which  peculiarly 
becomes  the  U.  States.  No  people  ever  had  stonger  mo 
tives  to  cherish  peace — none  have  ever  cherished  it  witb 
greater  sincerity  and  zeal- 

But  the  period  has  now  arrived,  when  the  TJ.  States  rrrus^ 
support  their  character  and  station  among  the  nations  o£ 
the  earth,  or  submit  to  the  most  shameful  degradation. 
Forbearance  has  ceased  to  be  a  virtue.  War  on  the  one 
side,  and  peace  on  the  other,  is  a  situation  as  ruinous  as  it- 
is  disgraceful.  The  mad  ambition,  the  lust  of  power,  and 
commercial  avarice  of  G  Britain,  arrogating  to  herself  the* 
complete  dominion  of  the  ocean,  and  exercising  over  it  ar* 
unbounded  and  lawless  tyranny,  have  left  to  neutral  nations 
an  alternative  only,  between  the  base  surrender  of  their 
rights,  and  a  manly  vindication  of  them.  Happily  for  the 
U.  States,  their  destiny,  under  the  aid  of  heaven,  is  in  their 
«\vn  hands.  The  crisis  is  formidable  only  by  theii'  love  of 
peace.  As  soon  as  it  becomes  a  duty  to  relinquish  thai 
situation,  danger  disappears.  They  have  suffered  no 
wrongs,  they  have  received  no  insults,  however  great,  for 
**hich  thev  cannot  obtain  redress, 


80  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

More  than  seven  years  have  elapsed,  since  the  com 
mencement  of  this  system  of  hostile  aggression  by  the  Bri 
tish  government,  on  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  U,  States. 
The  manner  of  its  commencement  was  not  less  hostile,  than 
the  spirit  with  which  it  has  been  prosecuted.  The  U.  States 
have  invariably  done  everything1  in  their  power  to  preserve 
the  relations  of  friendship  with  G.  Britain.  Of  this  dis 
position  they  gave  a  distinguished  proof,  at  the  moment 
when  they  were  made  the  victims  of  an  opposite  policy. 
The  wrongs  of  the  last  war  had  not  been  forgotten  at  the 
commencement  of  the  present  one.  They  warned  us  of 
dangers,  against  which  it  was  sought  to  provide.  As  early 
as  the  year  1804,  the  minister  of  the  U.  States  at  London 
•was  instructed,  to  invite  the  British  government  to  enter  into 
a  negociation  on  all  the  points  on  which  a  collision  might 
arise  between  the  two  countries,  in  the  course  of  the  war, 
and  to  propose  to  it  an  arrangement  of  their  claims  on  fair 
and  reasonable  conditions.  The  invitation  was  accepted. 
A  negociation  had  commenced  and  was  depending,  and 
nothing  had  occurred  to  excite  a  doubt  that  it  would  not 
terminate  to  the  satisfaction  of  both  the  parties.  It  was  at 
this  time,  and  under  these  circumstances,  that  an  attack  was 
made,  by  surprise,  on  an  important  branch  of  the  American 
commerce,  which  affected  every  part  of  the  U.  States,  and 
involved  many  of  their  citizens  in  ruin. 

The  commerce  on  which  this  attack  was  so  unexpectedly 
made,  was  between  theU.  States  and  the  colonies  of  France, 
Spain,  and  other  enemies  of  G.  Britain.  A  commerce  just 
in  itself — sanctioned  by  the  example  of  G.  Britain  in  regard 
to  the  trade  with  her  own  colonies — sanctioned  by  a  solemn 
act  between  the  two  governments  in  the  last  war  ;  and  sanc 
tioned  by  the  practice  of  the  British  government  in  the 
present  war,  more  than  two  years  having  then  elapsed,  with 
out  any  interference  with  it. 

The  injustice  of  this  attack  could  only  be  equalled  by  the 
absurdity  of  the  pretext  alledged  for  it.  It  was  pretended 
by  the  British  government,  that  in  case  of  war,  her  enemy 
had  no  right  to  modify  its  colonial  regulations,  so  as  to 
mitigate  the  calamities  of  war  to  the  inhabitants  of  itscolo^ 
nies.  This  pretension,  peculiar  to  G.  Britain,  is  utterly  in 
compatible  with  the  right  of  sovereignty,  in  every  independ 
ent  state.  If  we  recur  to  the  well  established  and 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  8i 

sally  admitted  law  of  nations,  we  shall  find  no  sanction  to 
it,  in  that  venerable  code.  The  sovereignty  of  every  state 
Is  co-extensive  with  its  dominions,  and  cannot  be  abrogated, 
or  curtailed  in  its  rights,  as  to  any  part,  except  by  conquest. 
Neutral  nations  have  a  right  to  trade  to  every  port  of  either 
belligerent,  which  is  not  legally  blockaded — and  in  all  ar 
ticles  which  are  not  contraband  of  war.  Such  is  the  ab 
surdity  of  this  pretension,  that  your  committee  are  aware, 
especially  after  the  able  manner  in  which  it  has  been  here 
tofore  refuted,  and  exposed,  that  they  would  offer  an  insult 
to  the  understanding  of  the  House,  if  they  enlarged  on  it, 
and  if  arvy  thing  could  add  to  the  high  sense  of  the  injustice 
of  the  British  government  in  the  transaction,  it  would  be  the 
contrast  which  her  conduct  exhibits  in  regard  to  this  trade, 
and  in  regard  to  a  similar  trade  by  neutrals  with  her  own 
colonies.  It  is  known  to  the  world,  that  G.  Britain  regu 
lates  her  own  trade,  in  war  and  in  peace,  at  home  and  in 
her  colonies,  as  she  finds  for  her  interest — that  in  war  she 
relaxes  the  restraints  of  her  colonial  system  in  favor  of  the 
colonies,  and  that  it  never  was  suggested  that  she  had  not 
a  right  to  do  it — or  that  a  neutral  in  taking  advantage  of 
the  relaxation  violated  a  belligerent  right  of  her  enemy — • 
But  with  G.  Britain  every  thing  is  lawful.  It  is  only  in  a 
trade  with  her  enemies  that  the  U.  States  can  do  wrong. 
With  them  all  trade  is  unlawful. 

In  the  year  1798,  an  attack  was  made  by  the  British  go 
vernment  on  the  same  branch  of  our  neutral  trade,  which 
had  nearly  involved  the  two  countries  in  war.  That  differ 
ence,  however,  was  amicably  accommodated.  The  pre 
tension  was  withdrawn,  and  reparation  made  to  the  U. 
States,  for  the  losses  which  they  had  suffered  by  it.  It  was 
fair  to  infer  from  that  arrangement,  that  the  commerce  was 
deemed  by  the  British  government  lawful,  and  that  it  would 
not  be  again  disturbed. 

Had  the  British  government  been  resolved  to  contest  this 
trade  with  neutrals,  it  was  due  to  the  character  of  the  British 
nation  that  the  decision  should  be  made  known  to  the  go 
vernment  of  the  U.  States,  The  existence  of  a  negotiation 
which  had  been  invited  by  our  government,  for  the  purpose 
of  preventing  differences  by  an  amicable  arrangement  of 
their  respective  pretensions,  gave  a  strong  claim  to  the  no- 
^ficafion,  while  it  afforded  the  faire.st  opportunity  for  it 

11 


S2  fflST^  RY  OF  T  HE  WAR .- 

But  a  very  different  policy  animated  the  then  cabinet  of 
England.  The  liberal  confidence  and  Iriendly  overtures 
of  the  U.  States,  were  taken  advantage  of  to  ensnare  them. 
Steady  to  its  purpose,  and  inflexibly  hostile  to  this  country, 
the  British  government  calmly  looked  forward  to  the  mo 
ment,  when  it  might  give  the  most  deadly  wound  to  our  in 
terests.  A  trade,  just  in  itself,  which  was  secured  by  so 
many  strong  and  sacred  pledges*  was  considered  safe. — • 
Our  citizens  with  their  usual  industry  and  enterprise  had 
embarked  in  it  a  vast  proportion  of  their  shipping,  and  of 
their  capital,  which  were  at  sea,  under  no  other  protection 
than  the  law  of  nations,  and  the  confidence  which  they  re 
posed  in  the  justice  and  friendship  of  the  British  natione 
At  this  period  the  unexpected  blow  was  given.  Many  of 
our  vessels  were  seized,  carried  into  port,  and  condemned 
by  a  tribunal,  which,  while  it  professes  to  respect  the  law  of 
nations,  obeys  the  mandates  of  its  own  government.  Hun 
dreds -of  other  vessels  were  driven  from  the  ocean,  and  trade 
itself  in  a  great  measure  suppressed.  The  effect  produced 
by  this  attack  on  the  lawful  commerce  of  the  U.  States,  was 
such,  as  might  have  been  expected  from  a  virtuous,  inde 
pendent,  and  highly  injured  people.  But  one  sentiment 
pervaded  the  whole  American  nation.  No  local  interests 
"were  regarded— no  sordid  motives  felt.  Without  looking 
to  the  parts  which  suffered  most,  the  invasion  of  our  rights 
"was  considered  a  common  cause,  and  from  one  extremity 
of  our  Union  to  the  other,  was  heard,  the  voice  of  an  united 
people,  calling  on  their  government  to  avenge  their  wrongs, 
and  vindicate  the  rights  and  honor  of  the  country. 

From  this  period  the  British  government  has  gone  on  in 
a  continued  encroachment  on  the  rights  and  interest  of  the 
U.  States,  disregarding  in  its  course,  in  many  instances, 
obligations  which  have  heretofore  been  held  sacred  by 
civilized  nations. 

In  May,  1806,  the  whole  coast  of  the  continent,  from  the 
Elbe  to  Brest,  inclusive,  was  declared  to  be  in  a  state  o£ 
blockade.  By  this  act,  the  well  established  principles  of 
the  law  of  nations,  principles  which  have  served  for  ages  as 
guides,  and  fixed  the  boundary  between  the  rights  of  bel 
ligerents  and  neutrals,  were  violated  ;  by  the  law  of  nations, 
as  recognized  by  G.  Britain  herself,  no  blockade  is  lawful,- 
unless  it  be  sustained  by  the  application  of  an  adequate 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  83 

cforce,  and  that  an  adequate  force  was  applied  to  this  block 
ade,  in  its  full  extent,  ought  noi  to  be  pretended.  Whether 
G.  Britain  was  able  to  maintain,  legally,  so  extensive  a 
blockade,  considering  the  war  in  which  she  is  engaged, 
requiring-  such  .extensive  naval  operations,  is  a -question 
which  is  not  necessary  at  this  time  to  examine.  It  i*  suffi 
cient  to  be  known,  that  such  force  was  not  applied,  and 
this  is  evident  from  the  terms  of  the  blockade  itself,  by 
which,  comparatively,  an  inconsiderable  portion  of  the  coast 
only  was  declared  to  be  in  a  state  of  strict  and  rigorous 
blockade.  The  objection  to  the  measure  is  not  diminished 
by  that  circumstance.  If  the  force  was  not  applied,  the 
blockade  was  unlawful,  from  whatever  cause  the  failure 
might  proceed.  The  belligerent  who  institutes  the  block 
ade,  cannot  absolve  itself  from  the  obligation  to  appl\  the 
force  under  any  pretext  whatever.  iFor  a  belligerent  to 
relax  a  blockade,  which  it. could  not  maintain,  it  would  be 
a  refinement  in  injustice,  not  less  insulting  to  the  under 
standing,  than  repugnant  to  the  law  of  nations.  To  claim 
merit  for  the  mitigation  of  an  evil,  which  the  party  either 
had  not  the  power,  or  found  it  inconvenient  to  indict,  would 
be  a  new^mode  of  encroaching  on  neutral  rights.  Your 
committee  think  it  just  to  remark,  that  this  act  of  the  Bri 
tish  government  does  not  appear  to  have  been  adopted  in 
the  sense  in  which  it  has  been  since  construed.  On  con 
sideration  of  all  the  circumstances  attending  the  measure^ 
and  particularly  the  character  of  the  distinguished  states 
man  who  announced  it,  we  are  persuaded  that  it  was  con 
ceived  in  a  spirit  of  conciliation,  and  intended  to  lead  to  an 
accommodation  of  all  differences  between  the  U.  States 
and  G.  Britain.  His  death  disappointed  that  hope,  and  the 
act  has  since  become  subservient  to  other  purposes.  It  has 
been  made  by  his  successors,  a  pretext  for  that  vast  system 
,of  usurpation,  which  has  so  long  oppressed  and  harrassed 
our  commerce. 

The  next  act  of  the  British  government  which  claims  our 
attention  is  the  Orders  in  Council  of  Jan.  7,  1807,  by  which 
neutral  powers  are  prohibited  trading  from  one  port  to  anoth 
er  of  France  or  her  allies,  or  any  other  country  with  which 
:G.  Britain  might  not  freely  trade.  By  this  order  the  pre 
tension  of  England,  heretofore  claimed  by  every  other  pow 
er,  to  prohibit  neutrals  disposing  of  parts  of  their  cargoes  at 


84  HISTORY  OF  THE  AVAR. 

different  ports  of  the  same  enemy,  is  revived  and  with  vast 
accumulation  of  injury.  Every  enemy,  however  great  the 
tmmber  or  distance  from  each  other,  is  considered  one,  and 
the  like  trade  even  with  powers  at  peace  with  England  who, 
from  motives  of  policy  had  excluded  or  restrained  her  com 
merce,  was  also  prohibited.  In  this  act  the  British  go 
vernment  evidently  disclaimed  all  regard  for  neutral  rights. 
Aware  that  the  measures  authorised  by  it  could  find  nQ 
pretext  in  any  belligerent  right,  none  was  urged.  To  pro 
hibit  the  sale  of  our  produce,  consisting  of  innocent  articles 
at  any  port  of  a  belligerent,  not  blockaded,  to  consider 
every  belligerent  as  one,  and  subject  neutrals  to  the  samp 
restraint  with  all,  as  if  there  was  but  one,  were  held  en 
croachments.  But  to  restrain  or  in  any  manner  interfere 
\vitKour  commerce  with  neutral  nations  with  whom  G.  Bri 
tain  was  at  peace,  and  against  whom  she  had  no  justifiable 
cause  of  war,  for  the  sole  reason,  that  they  restrained  or  ex 
cluded  from  their  ports  her  commerce,  was  utterly  incom 
patible  with  the  pacific  relations  subsisting  between  the  two 
countries. 

We  proceed  to  bring  into  view  the  British  Order  in 
Council  of  November  llth,  1807,  which  stiperceded  every 
other  order,  and  consummated  that  system  ot  hostility  on  the 
commerce  of  the  U.  States  which  has  been  since  so  steadily 
pursued.  By  Ihis  Order,  all  France  and  her  allies  and  every 
other  country  at  war  with  G.  Britain,  or  with  which  she  was 
not  at  war,  from  which  the  British  Hag  was  excluded,  and 
all  the  colonies  of  her  enemies  were  subjected  to  the  same 
restrictions  as  if  they  were  actually  blockaded  in  the  most 
strict  and  rigorous  manner  ;  and  all  trade  in  articles  the 
produce  and  manufacture  of  the  said  countries  and  colonies, 
and  the  vessels  engaged  in  it  were  subjected  to  capture  and 
condemnation  as  lawful  prize.  To  this  order  certain  ex 
ceptions  were  made  which  we  forbear  to  notice  because 
they  were  not  adopted  from  a  regard  to  neutral  rights,  but 
were  dictated  by  policy  to  promote  the  commerce  of  Eng 
land,  and  so  far  as  they  related  to  neutral  powers,  were 
said  to  emanate  from  the  clemency  of  the  British  govern 
ment. 

It  would  be  superfluous  in  your  committee  to  state,  that 
by  this  order  the  British  government  declared  direct  and 
positive  war  against  the  LJ.  States,  The  dominion  of 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  85 

ocean  was  completely  usurped  by  it,  all  commerce  forbid- 
en,  and  every  flag  driven  from  it,  or  subjected  to  capture 
and  condemnation,  which  did  not  subserve  the  policy  of 
the  British  government  by  paying  it  a  tribute  and  sailing 
under  its  sanction.  From  this  period  the  U.  States  have 
incurred  the  heaviest  losses,  and  most  mortifying  humilia 
tions.  They  have  born  the  calamities  of  war  without  i>  tort- 
ing  them  on  its  authors. 

So  far  your  committee  has  presented  to  the  view  of  the 
House  the  aggressions  which  have  been  committed  under 
the  authority  of  the  British  government  on  the  commerce  f 
the  U.  States.  We  will  now  proceed  to  other  wrongs 
which  have  been  still  more  severely  felt.  Among  these,  is 
the  impressment  of  our  seamen,  a  practice  which  has  been 
unceasingly  maintained  by  G.  Britain  in  the  wars  to  which 
she  has  been  a  party  since  our  revolution.  Your  committee 
cannot  convey  in  adequate  terms  the  deep  sense  which 
they  entertain  of  the  injustice  and  oppression  of  this  pro 
ceeding.  Under  the  pretext  of  impressing  British  seamen, 
our  fellow  citizens  are  seized  in  British  ports,  on  the  high 
seas,  and  in  every  other  quarter  to  which  the  British  power 
extends,  are  taken  on  board  British  men  of  war,  and  com 
pelled  to  serve  there  as  British  subjects.  In  this  mode  our 
citizens  are  wantonly  snatched  from  their  country  and  their 
families,  deprived  of  their  liberty,  and  doomed  to  an  igno 
minious  and  slavish  bondage,  compelled  to  fight  the  battles 
of  a  foreign  country,  and  often  to  perish  in  them.  Our  flag 
has  given  them  no  protection  ;  it  has  been  unceasingly  vio 
lated,  and  our  vessels  exposed  to  danger  by  the  loss  of  men 
taken  from  them.  Your  committee  need  not  remark  that 
while  the  practice  is  continued,  it  is  impossible  for  the  U. 
States  to  consider  themselves  an  independent  nation. 
Every  new  case  is  a  new  proof  of  their  degradation.  Its 
continuance  is  the  more  unjustifiable,  because  the  U.  States 
have  repeatedly  proposed  to  the  British  government  an  ar 
rangement  which  would  secure  to  it  the  control  of  its  own 
people.  An  exemption  of  the  citizens  of  the  U.  States 
from  this  degrading  oppression,  and  their  flag  from  viola 
tion,  is  all  that  they  have  sought. 

This  lawless  waste  of  our  trade,  and  equally  unlawful  im 
pressment  of  our  seamen,  have  been  much  aggravated  b\ 
the  insults  and  indignities  attending  them.  Under  the  pre^ 


86  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

text  of  blockading1  the  harbors  of  France  and  her  allies^ 
Bn-ish  squadrons  have  been  stationed  on  our  own  coast,  to 
watch  and  annoy  our  own  trade.  To  give  effect  to  the 
blockade  of  European  ports,  the  ports  and  harbors  of  the 
TJ.  States  have  been  blockaded.  In  executing1  these  orders 
of  the  British  government,  or  in  obeying  the  spirit  which 
was  known  to  animate  it,  the  commanders  of  these  squad 
rons  have  encroached  on  our  jurisdiction,  seized  our  ves 
sels,  and  carried  into  effect  impressments  within  our  limits, 
and  done  other  acts  of  great  injustice,  violence,  and  oppres 
sion.  Ttie  U.  States  have  seen,  with  mingled  indignation., 
and  surprise,  that  these  acts,  instead  of  procuring  to  the 
perpetrators  the  punishment  due  to  unauthorised  crimes, 
have  not  failed  to  recommend  them  to  the  favor  of  their 
government. 

Whether  the  British  government  has  contributed  by  ac 
tive  measures  to  excite  against  us  the  hostility  of  the  savage 
tribes  on  our  frontiers,  your  committee  are  not  disposed  to 
occupy  much  time  in  investigating.  Certain  indications 
of  general  notoriety  may  supply  the  place  of  authentic  do 
cuments;  though  these  have  not  been  wanting  to  establish 
the  fact  in  some  instances.  It  is  known  that  symptoms  of 
British  hostility  towards  the  U.  States,  have  never  failed  to 
produce  corresponding  symptoms  among  those  tribes.  It  is 
also  well  known,  that  on  all  such  occasions,  abundant  sup 
plies  of  the  ordinary  munitions  of  war  have  been  afforded 
by  the  agents  of  British  commercial  companies,  and  even 
from  British  garrisons,  wherewith  they  were  enabled  to 
commence  that  system  of  savage  warfare  on  our  frontiers., 
which  has  been  at  all  times  indiscriminate  in  its  effect  on  all 
ages,  sexes,  and  conditions,  and  so  revolting  to  humanity. 

Your  committee  would  be  much  gratified  if  they  could 
close  here  the  detail  of  British  wrongs — but  it  is  their  duty 
to  recite  another  act  of  still  greater  malignity,  than  any  of 
those  which  have  been  already  brought  to  your  view.  The 
attempt  to  dismember  our  Union,  and  overthrow  our  excel 
lent  Constitution,  by  a  secret  mission,  the  object  of  which 
was  to  foment  discontent  and  excite  insurrection  against  the 
constituted  authorities  and  laws  of  the  nation,  as  lately  dis 
closed  by  the  agent  employed  in  it,  affords  full  proof  that 
rtiere  is  no  bound  to  the  hostility  of  the  British  government 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  87 

towards  the  United  States — no  act,  however  unjustifiable, 
which  it  would  not  commit,  to  accomplish  their  ruin.  This 
attempt  excites  the  greater  horror  from  the  consideration 
that  it  was  made  while  the  U.  States  and  G.  Britain  were  at 
peace,  and  an  amicable  negoeiation  was  depending  between 
them  for  the  accommodation  of  their  differences,  through 
public  ministers,  regularly  authorised  for  the  purpose. 

The  U.  States  have  beheld,  with  unexampled  forbear 
ance,  this  continued  series  of  hostile  encroachments  on  their 
rights  and  interests,  in  the  hope,  that,  yielding  to  the  force 
of  friendly  remonstrances,  often  repeated,  the  British  go 
vernment  might  adopt  a  more  just  policy  towards  them  ; 
but  that  hope  no  longer  exists.  They  have  also  weighed 
impartially  the  reasons  which  have  been  urged  by  the  Bri 
tish  government  in  vindication  of  these  encroachments,  and 
found  in  them  neither  justification  or  apology. 

The   British  government  has  alledsred  in  vindication  of 

•5  ^ 

the  Orders  in  Council,  that  they  were  resorted  to  as  a  reta 
liation  on  France,  tor  similar  aggressions  committed  by 
her  on  our  neutral  trade  with  the  British  dominions.  But 
how  has  this  plea  been  supported  ?  The  dates  of  British 
and  French  aggressions  are  well  known  to  the  world. 
Their  origin  and  progress  have  been  marked  with  too  wide 
and  destructive  a  waste  of  the  property  of  our  fellow  citi 
zens  to  have  been  forgotten.  Tiie  Berlin  Decree,  of  Nov, 
21,  1806,  was  the  first  aggression  of  France,  in  the  present 
war.  Eighteen  months  had  then  elapsed,  after  the  attack 
made  by  G.  Britain  on  our  neutral  trade  with  the  colonies 
of  France  and  her  allies,  and  six  months  from  the  date  of 
the  proclamation  of  May,  1806.  Even  on  Jan,  7,  1807,  the 
date  of  the  first  British  Order  in  Council,  so  short  a  term 
had  elapsed,  after  the  Berlin  Decree,  that  it  was  hardly  pos 
sible  that  the  intelligence  of  it  should  have  reached  the  U, 
States.  A  retaliation,  which  is  to  produce  its  effect,  by 
operating1  on  a  neutral  power,  ought  not  to  be  resorted  to. 
till  the  neutral  had  justified  it  by  a  culpable  acquiescence  in 
the  unlawful  act  ot  the  other  belligerent.  It  ought  to  be 
delayed  until  after  sufficient  time  had  been  allowed  to  the 
neutral  to  remonstrate  against  the  measure  complained  of, 
to  receive  an  answer,  and  act  on  it,  which  had  not  been 
done  in  the  present  instance  ;  and  when  the  Order  of  Nov. 
1 1,  was-issued,  it  is  well  known  that  a  minister  of  France  had 


88  HISTORY  OF  THK  AVAR, 

declared  to  the  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  U.  States  iif 
Paris,  that  it  was  not  intended  that  the  Decree  of  Berlin 
should  apply  to  the  U.  States.  It  is  equally  well  known  that 
no  American  vessel  had  then  been  condemned  under  it,  or 
seizure  been  made,  with  which  the  British  government  was 
acquainted.  The  facts  prove  incontestibly,  that  the  meas 
ures  of  France,  however  unjustifiable  in  themselves,  were 
nothing  more  than  a  pretext  for  those  of  England,  And 
of  the  insufficiency  of  that  pretext,  ample  proof  has  already 
been  afforded  by  the  British  government  itself,  and  in  the 
most  impressive  form.  Although  it  was  declared  that  the 
Orders  in  Council  were  retaliatory  on  France  for  her  De 
crees,  it  was  also  declared,  and  in  the  Orders  themselves, 
that  owing  to  the  superiority  of  the  British  navy,  by  which 
the  fleets  of  France  and  her  allies  were  confined  within  their 
own  ports,  the  French  Decrees  were  considered  only  as 
empty  threats. 

It  is  no  justification  of  the  wrongs  of  one  power,  that  the 
like  were  committed  by  another  ;  nor  ought  the  fact,  if  true, 
to  have  been  urged  by  either,  as  it  could  afford  no  proof  of 
its  love  of  justice,  of  its  magnanimity,  or  even  of  its  courage.. 
It  is  more  worthy  the  government  of  a  great  nation,  to  re 
lieve  than  to  assail  the  injured.  Nor  can  a  repetition  of  the 
wrongs  by  another  power,  repair  the  violated  rights,  or 
wounded  honor,  of  the  injured  party.  An  utter  inability 
alone  to  resist,  would  justify  a  quiet  surrender  of  our  rights, 
and  degrading  submission  to  the  will  of  others. 

^  O 

To  that  condition  the  United  States  are  not  reduced  ; 
nor  do  they  fear  it.  That  they  ever  consented  to  dis 
cuss  with  either,  the  misconduct  of  the  other,  is  a  proof 
of  their  love  of  peace,  of  their  moderation,  and  of  the 
hope  which  they  still  indulged,  that  friendly  appeals  !o 
just  and  generous  sentiments,  would  not  be  made  to  them 
in  vain.  But  the  motive  was  mistaken,  if  their  forbearance 
was  imputed,  either  to  the  want  of  a  just  sensibility  to  their 
wrongs,  or  of  a  determination,  if  suitable  redress  was  noi 
obtained,  to  resent  them.  The  time  has  now  arrived  when 
this  system  of  reasoning  must  cease.  It  would  be  insulting 
to  repeat  it.  It  would  be  degrading  to  hear  it.  The  U. 
States  must  act  as  an  independent  nation,  and  assert  their 
rights,  and  avenge  their  wrongs,  according  to  their  own 
estimate  of  them,  with  the  party  who  commits  them,  hold 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  89 

ing  it  responsible  for  its  own  misdeeds,  unmitigated  by  those 
of  another. 

For  the  difference  made  between  G.  Britain  and  France, 
by  the  application  of  the  noii-importation  act  against  Eng 
land  only,  the  motive  has  been  already  too  often  explained, 
and  is  too  well  known  to  require  further  illustration.  In  the 
commercial  restrictions  to  which  the  U.  States  resorted  as 
an  evidence  of  their  sensibility,  and  a  mild  retaliation  of 
their  wrongs,  they  invariably  placed  both  powers  on  the 
same  footing,  holding  to  each  in  respect  to  itself,  the  same- 
accommodation,  in  case  it  accepted  the  condition  offered  ; 
and  in  respect  to  the  other,  the  same  restraint,  if  it  refused, 
Had  the  British  government  confirmed  the  arrangement 
which  was  entered  into  with  the  British  minister  in  1800, 
and  France  maintained  her  Decrees,  with  France  would 
the  U.  States  have  had  to  resist,  with  the  firmness  belong 
ing  to  their  character,  the  continued  violation  of  their  rights. 
The  committee  do  not  hesitate  to  declare,  that  France  has 
greatly  injured  the  U.  States,  and  that  satisfactory  repara 
tion  has  not  been  made  for  many  of  those  injuries.  But, 
that  is  a  concern  which  the  U.  States  will  look  to  and  set 
tle  for  themselves.  The  high  character  of  the  American 

O 

people,  is  a  sufficient  pledge  to  the  world,  that  they  will 
not  fail  to  settle  it,  on  conditions  which  they  have  a  right  to 
claim. 

More  recently*  the  titie  policy  of  the  British  government 
towards  the  U.  States  has  been  completely  unfolded.  It 
has  been  publicly  declared  by  those  in  power,  that  the  Or 
ders  in  Council  should  not  be  repealed,  until  the  French 
government  had  revoked  all  its  internal  restraints  on  the 
British  commerce,  and  that  the  trade  of  the  U.  States,  with 
France  and  her  allies,  should  be  prohibited  until  G.  Britain 
was  also  allowed  to  trade  with  them.  By  this  declaration, 
it  appears,  that  to  satisfy  the  pretensions  of  the  British  go 
vernment,  the  U.  States  must  join  G.  Britain  in  the  war 
with  France,  and  prosecute  the  war,  until  France  should 
be  subuued,  for  without  her  subjugation,  it  were  in  vain  to 
presume  on  such  a  concession.  The  hostility  of  the  Bri 
tish  government  has  been  -still  further  disclosed.  It  has 
been  made  manifest  that  the  U.  Slates  are  considered  by  it 
as  the  commercial  rival  of  G.  Britain,  and  that  their  pros 
perity  and  growth  are  incompatible  witii  their  welfare. 


90  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

When  all  these  circumstances  are  taken  into  consideration, 
it  is  impossible  for  your  committee  to  doubt  the  motives 
winch  have  g  verned  the  British  ministry  in  all  its  meas 
ures  towards  the  U.  States  since  the  year  1805.  Equally 
is  it  impossible  to  doubt,  longer,  the  course  which  the  IL 
States  ought  to  pursue  towards  G.  Britain. 

From  this  view  of  the  multiplied  wrongs  of  the  British 
government  since  the  commencement  of  the  present  war, 
it  must  be  evident  to  the  impartial  world,  that  the  contest 
which  is  now  forced  o  s  the  U.  States,  is  rad«cally  a  con 
test  for  their -sovereignty  and  indepe-.dence.  Vonr  com 
mittee  will  not  enlarge  on  any  of  tiie  injuries,  however  great, 
which  have  had  a  transitory  effect.  They  wish  to  call  the 
at'«e  :tion  of  the  House  to  those  of  a  permanent  nature  only, 
winch  intrench  so  deeply  on  our  most  important  rights,  and 
Woiii  d  so  extensively  and  vitally  our  best  interests,  as  could 
not  fail  to  deprive  the  U.  Staies  of  the  j-rnicipal  advantages 
of  their  revolution,  if  submitted  to.  The  control  ot  our 
commerce  b\  G.  Britain,  in  regulating  it  at  pleasure,  and 
almost  expelling  it  from  the  ocean  ;  the  oppressive  man 
ner  in  which  these  regulations  have  been  carried  into  effect, 
by  seizing  and  confiscating  such  of  our  vessels  with  their 
cargoes,  as  were  said  to  have  violated  her  edicts,  often  with 
out  previous  warning  of  their  danger;  the  impressment  of 
our  citizens  from  on  board  our  own  vessels,  on  the  high 
seas,  a. »d  el  sew  ere,  and  holding  them  in  bondage  until  it 
suit«-d  the  convenience  ot  their  oppressors  to  deliver  them 
up,  are  encroachments  of  that  high  and  dangerous  tenden 
cy  which  could  not  fail  to  produce  that  pernicious  effect, 
nor  would  tho>e  be  the  only  consequences  that  would 
result  from  it.  Tne  British  government  might  tor  a  while, 
be  satisfied  with  the  ascendency  thus  gained  over  us,  but 
its  prettns-ons  would  soon  increase.  The  proof  which  so 
complete  and  disgraceful  a  submission  to  its  authority, 
would  afford  of  our  degeneracy,  could  not  fail  to  inspire 
confidence,  that  there  was  no  limit  to  which  its  usurpations, 
and  our  degradations  might  not  be  carried. 

Your  committee,  believing  that  the  freeborn  sons  of 
America  are  worthy  to  enjoy  the  liberty  which  their  fa 
thers  purchased  at  the  price  of  so  much  blood  and  treasure, 
and  seeing,  in  the  measures  adopted  by  G.  Britain,  a  course 
commenced  and  persisted  in,  which  nii-ht  lead  to  a  loss  of 
national  character  and  independence,  ieel  no  hesitation  in 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  01 

advising  resistance  b\  force,  in  which  the  Americans  of  the 
pivseut  day  will  prove  to  the  enemy  aiui  the  wo  u  aiat  we 
have  not  only  inherited  that  liberty  which  our  farthers  gave 
us,  but  also  the  wilJ  and  power  to  maintain  it.  Helving  on 
the  patriotism  of  the  nation,  and  confidently  trusting 
that  the  Lord  of  Hosts  will  go  with  us  to  battle  in  a  right 
eous  cause,  and  crown  our  efforts  with  success — your  com 
mittee  recommend  an  appeal  to  ARMS. 

Soon  after  the  above  Report  was  read,  Mr  Calho  -n, 
one  of  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Relations,  on  leave  being 
given,  presented  the  following  Bill,  declaring  war  between 
Great-Britain  and  her  dependencies,  a.id  the  United  Spates 
and  their  territories  ;  which,  after  several  day's  debate,  pas 
sed  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  and  was  ap 
proved  by  the  Pres.de  .t,  on  the  18th  day  of  June. 

AN  ACT, 

Declaring  War  between  the  Lnited  Kingdom  of  Great-  Bri 
tain  and  Ireland,  and  the  dependencies  thereof,  and  the 
United  States  of  America,  and  their  Territories. 
BE  IT  ENACTED  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  ot  the  United  States  of  America,  in  Congress 
assembled,  That  WAR  be,  and  the  same  is  hereby  declar 
ed  to  exist,  between  the  United  Kingdom  ol  Great-Britain 
and  Ireland  and  the  dependencies  thereof,  and  the  United 
States  of  America  and  their  Territories  :  and  that  the  Pi1:- 
sident  of  the  United  States  be,  and  he  is  hereby  authorised 
to  use  the  whole  land  and  naval  force  of  the  United  States, 
to  carry  the  same  into  effect,  and  to  issue  to  private  armed 
vessels  of  the  United  States,  commissions,  or  letters  of 
marque  and  general  reprisal,  in  such  form  as  he  shall  think 
proper,  and  under  the  Seal  of  the  United  States,  against  the 
vessels,  goods,  and  effects  of  the  government  of  the  same 
United  Kingdom  of  Great-Britain  and  Ireland,  and  the  sub 
jects  thereof. 

Approved.  JAMES  MADISON 

June  18,  1812. 

leas  and  Nays  on  the  above  Bill, 

IN  THE  SENATE. 

Yeas  19.  -Nays  13. 
IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES. 

New-Hampshire — Yeas,  Dinsmore,  Hall,  and  Harper, 3 
—Nays,  Bartlett  and  Sullivan,  2. 


02 


IIISTOTIY  OP  THE  WAR. 


Massachusetts— Yeas,  Sea ver,  Carr,  Green,  Richardson* 
Turner,  and  Widgery,  6— Nays,  Q,uincy,  Reed,  Taggart, 
Ely,  Bngham.  White,  Tallman,  and  Wheaton,  8. 

Rhode-Island — None — Nays,  Potter  and  Jackson,  2. 

Vermont — Yeas,   Fisk,   Shaw,  and  Strong,   3 Nays, 

Chittenden,  1. 

Connecticut — None — Nays,  Sturges,  Davenport,  Mosc- 
ley,  Champion,  Tallitiadgej  Pitkin,  and  Law,  7. 

New-York— Yeas,  Pond,  A  very,  and  Sage,  3 — Nays, 
Bleecker,Emott,  Cooke,  Fitch,  Gold,  Sammons,  Stow,  Tra 
cy,  VanCortlandt,  Mitehill,  and  Metcalf,  11. 

fterv-Jersey — Yeas,  Condit,  and  Morgan,  2 — Nays, 
Boyd,  Huffy,  Maxwell,  andNewbold,  4. 

Pennsylvania — Yeas,  Seybert,  Anderson,  Brown,  Ro 
berts,  Findley,  Smdie,  Lyle,  Whitehill,  Bard,  Davis,  Le- 
fevre,  Hyneman,  Piper,  Lacock,  Crawford,  and  Smith?  10 
— Nays,  Miluor,  and  Rodman,  2. 

Delaware — N o n e —  N  ay  s,  Ri cl  gely ,  1 . 

Maryland — Yeas,  Kent,  Little,  M'Khn,  Ringgold, 
Brown,  and  Archer,  6 — Nays,  Key,  Goldsborongh,  and 
Staart,  3. 

Virgin  a — Yeas,  Nelson,  Gholspn,  Goodwyn,  Newton, 
Taliaferro,  Dawson,  Bassett,  Smith,  Hawes,  Roane, 
M'Koy,  Pleasants,  Clopton,  and  Burwell,  14 — Nays,  Ran 
dolph,  Lewis,  Baker,  Breckenridge,  and  Wilson,  5. 

Aorth- Carolina — Yeas,  Alston,  Blackledge,  Macon, 
King,  Corhran,  and  Pickens,  6  —  Nays,  Pearson,  M'Bryde, 
and  Stanford,  3 

South-Carolina — Yeas,  Williams,  Cheves,  Lowndes, 
Butier,  CaihourMEarle,  Winn,and  Moore,  8 — Nays,  None. 

Georgia — Yeas,  Troup,  B;bb,  and  Hall,  3 — Nays,  None. 
jfrentotcky—Yea.*,  Johnson,  Desha,  New,  M'Kee,  and 
Ormsby,  5 — Nays,  None. 

'i  enne.isee — Yeas,  Rhea,  Grundy,  and  Sevier,  3 — Nays, 
No«e. 

Ohio,  Yi-as  Morrow,  1 — Nays,  None. 

Yeas,  98— Nays  62— Majority  36. 

Tlie  Declaration  of  Wrar,  was  announced  the  day  aftei 
its  passage,  by  the  President's  Proclamation,  of  which  the 
following  is  a  copy  : — 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 


BY  Tm:  PRESIDENT  OF  THE 

UNITED  STATES  OP  AMERICA. 

A  PROCLAMATION. 

WHEREAS  the   Congress  of  the  U.  States,   by  virtue 
>>t  the  constituted  authority   vested  in  them,  have   declared 
bv  their  act,  bearing  date  the  eighteenth  day  of  the  present 
month,  that  WAR  exists  between  the  United  Kingdom  of 
G.  Britain  and  Ireland,  and  the  dependencies  thereof,  and 
the  U.   States   of  America,  and   their  Territories  :  Now, 
therefore,   I,   JAMES  MADISON,  President  of  rhe  U. 
States  of  America,   do   hereby   proclaim  the  same  to   all 
whom  it  may  concern  ;   and  I  do  specially  enjoin  on  all  per 
sons  holding  offices,  civil  or  military,    under  the   authority 
of  the  United  States,  that  they  be   vigilant    and  zealous  in 
discharging  the  duties  respectively  incident  thereto  :  and  I 
do  moreover   exhort  all  the    good    people  of  the  United 
States,  as  they  love  their  country  ;  as    they  value   the    pre 
cious  heritage  derived  from  the  virtue    and    valor  ot    their 
fathers  ;  as  they  feel  the  wrongs  which  have  forced  on  them 
the  last  resort  of  injured  nations;  and  as  they    consult   the 
best  means,  under  the    blessing   of  Divine    Providence,  of 
abridging    its   calamities  ;  that    they    exert   themselves  in, 
preserving  order,  in   promoting  concord,    in    maintaining* 
the  authority  and  efficacy  of  the    laws,   and   in    supporting 
and  invigorating  all  the  measures  which    may   be  adopted 
by  the    constituted   authorities,    for   obtaining  a  speedy,  a 
just,  and  an  honorable  peace. 
IN  TESTIMONY  WHEREOF    I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand, 

and  caused  the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed  to 

these  presents. 
(SEAL) 
DONE  at  the  City  of  Washington,  the  nineteenth  day  of 

June,    one  thousand   eight    hundred  and  twelve,  and  of 

the  Independence  of  the  United  States  the  thirty  sixth. 
(Signed; 

JAMES  MADISON. 
By  the  President, 

(Signed)  JAMES  MONROE, 

Secretary  of  Stale. 


94  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  FIRST  PRISONER, 

Was  taken  in  Norfok,  Virginia. — A  gentleman,  by 
ihe  name  of  Wilkinson,  arrived  in  that  place  about  ihe 
first  of  June,  and  put  up  at  the  British  Consul's.  The 
citizens  susptcted  him  to  be  a  British  officer,  and  accord 
ingly  kept  an  sye  upon  him.  On  the  receipt  of  the  De 
claration  of  War,  Wilkinson,  as  the  mail  boat  was  about 
to  depart,  was  seen  to  make  a  precipitate  retreat  through 
the  buck  street,  which  led  from  the  Consul's  to  the  wharf, 
where  the  boat  lay,  when  he  sprang  on  board,  darted  into 
the  cabin,  and  in  a  few  seconds  was  under  way.  It  was 
known  that  a  man  of  war  was  hovering  on  the  coast,  and 
his  intention  was  to  communicate  the  declaration  of  war  to 
her.  Boats,  from  the  navy  yard  and  fort  Nelson,  were 
immediately  dispatched,  which  succeeded  in  taking  Wil 
kinson.  He  proved  to  be  a  captain  in  the  Royal  Marines. 
THE  FIRST  PRIZE. 

Was  the  schooner  Patriot,  J.  A.  Brown,  Master,  from 
Guadaloupe,  bound  to  Halifax,  with  a  valuable  cargo  of 
sugar,  taken  by  the  revenue  cutter  Jefferson,  Wm.  Ham, 
Master,  and  arrived  at  Norfolk,  June  26. 

MESSAGE, 

To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 

States. 

I  transmit,  for  the  information  of  Congress,  copies  of 
letters  which  have  passed  between  the  Secretary  of  State, 
and  the  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  minister  Plenipotentiary 
ot  Great-Britain. 

JAMES  MADISON. 
June  15,  1812. 

Mr.  Foster  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

WASHINGTON,  June  10, 1812. 

SIR — It  has  b^en  extremely  satisfactory  to  me,  to  find 
by  your  letter  dated  June  6th,  which  I  had  the  honor  to  re 
ceive  yesterday  morning,  that  it  was  not  the  wish  of  I  he 
American  government  to  close  all  further  discussion  rela 
tive  to  the  important  questions  at  issue,  between  the  two 


HISTORY   OF   THE  WAR.  95 

countries.  I  beg  you  to  be  assured,  sir,  that  it  never  was 
my  intention,  in  alluding  to  my  letters  which  had  remain 
ed  without  answer  at  your  office,  to  use  any  expressions 
which  could,  in  the  most  remote  manner,  contain  any  thing 
personal.  I  shall  ever  be  ready  with  pleasure  to  bear  tes 
timony  to  that  frankness,  candor,  and  good  temper,  which 
so  eminently  distinguish  you,  and  have  been  acknowledged 
to  belong  to  you,  by  all  who  have  ever  had  the  honor  to 
discuss  with  you  any  question  of  public  interest. 

But,  sir,  although  you  were  not  backward  in  entering  in 
to  full  explanations  with  me  verbally,  I  could  not  but  feel, 
particularly  as  I  had  just  had  communications  to  make  to 
you  of  the  greatest  importance,  that  I  had  a  right  to  expect 
from  you  a  written  reply  to  them  ;  and  while  I  remember 
ed  that  two  of  my  former  notes  were  still  unanswered,  the 
one  written  three  months  ago,  containing  among  other  im 
portant  topics,  a  particular  question  which  I  was  expressly 
instructed  to  put  to  you,  as  to  whether  you  could  point  to 
any  public  act,  on  the  part  af  the  French  government,  by 
which  they  had  really  revoked  their  Decrees,  and  the  other 
furnishing  strong  evidence  of  the  continued  existence  of 
those  very  Decrees  ;  also,  when  I  perceived  that  my  note, 
communicating  the  duke  of  Bassano's  report,  which  you 
k.»ew  was  to  be  sent  to  you  on  the  1st  inst.  was  not  waited 
for,  but  that  a  message  was  transmitted  by  the  Executive  to 
Congress,  which  it  seems  contained  a  reference  to  an  insu 
lated  passage  in  the  despatch  on  which  my  note  was  found 
ed,  that  if  taken  unconnected  with  what  preceded  or  fol 
lowed,  it  might  be  liable  to  misconstruction,  I  could  not 
avoid  apprehending  that  no  means  of  further  explanation 
might  be  left  open  to  me. 

1  beg  you  to  be  assured  sir,  that  if  I  was  embarrassed  by 
your  demands  of  an  explanation  as  to  what  appeared  to  yoa 
to  be  a  difference  between  lord  Castlerengh's  despatch,  com 
municated  to  you,  and  my  note,  it  arose  from  the  novelty 
or  the  demand,  that  seemed  to  involve  an  informality  of 
proceeding,  in  which  I  could  not  feel  myself  justified  in 
acquiescing.  Had  you,  in  making  a  reply  to  my  commu 
nication,  asked  me  how  far  a  repeal  of  the  French  Decrees 
was  demanded  by  my  government,  and  as  to  whether  a  spe 
cial  repeal,  as  far  as  respected  America,  would  be  sufficient, 
I  should  have  had  no  hesitation  in  giving  you  every  satis- 
faction. 


HISTORY  Oir  Till:  WAU 

You  note  of 'the  Oth  instant  has,  by  shewing  that  the  dotir 
was  not  absolutely  shut  to  a  continuance  of  our  discussion,, 
relieved  me  from  further  difficulty  on  this  point. 

I  have  no  hesitation,  sir,  in  saying  that  Great-Britain,  as 
the  case  has  hitherto  stood,  never  did,  nor  never  conid  en 
gage,  without  the  grossest  injustice  to  herseH  and  her 
allies,  as  well  as  to  other  neutral  nations,  to  repeal  her  Or 
ders  as  affecting  America  alone,  leaving  them  in  force 
against  other  states,  upon  condition  that  France  would  ex 
cept,  singly  and  specially.  America,  from  the  operation  of. 
her  Decrees.  You  will  recollect,  sir,  that  the  Orders  in 
Council  are  measures  of  defence,  directed  against  the  sys 
tem  contained  in  those  Decrees;  that  it  is  a  war  of  trade 
which  is  carried  on  by  France  ;  that  what  you  call  tl^e 
municipal  regulations  of  France,  have  never  been  called 
municipal  by  France  herself,  but  are  her  main  engines  in 
that  novel  and  monstrous  system.  It  cannot,  then,  be  ex 
pected  that  6  reat- Britain  should  renounce  her  efforts  to 
throw  back  upon  France  the  evils  with  which  she  menaces 
Great-Britain,  merely  because  France  might  seek  to  alle 
viate  her  own  situation  by  waving  the  exercise  of  that  part 
of  her  system  which  she  cannot  enforce. 

But,  sir,  to  what  purpose  argue  upon  a  supposed  case  ; 
upon  a  state  of  things  not  likely  to  occur,  since  the  late  re 
port  and  senatus  consultum  which  have  been  published  to 
the  world,  as  it  were,  insultingly  in  the  face  of  those  who 
would  contend  that  any  repeal  whatever  had  taken  place, 
of  the  Decrees  in  question. 

You  draw  a  comparison  between  the  mode  in  which  this 
instrument  has  appeared,  and  that  which  you  call  the  high 
evidence  of  the  repeal  as  staled  in  JVlr.  Ciuunpngny's  note  : 
and  it  would  almost  seem  as  if  you  considered  the  latter  -as 
the  most  authentic  of  the  two ;  but,  sir,  you  cannot  seriously 
contend  that  the  duke  of  Bassano's  report,  with  the  senatus 
consultum  accompanying  it,  published  in  the  official  paper 
at  Paris,  is  not  a  very  different  instrument  from  the  above 
letter,  offering  a  mere  provisional  iepeal  of  the  Decrees, 
Upon  conditions  utterly  inadmissible  :  conditions  too,  which 
really  formed  of  themselves  a  question  of  paramount  im-. 
portahce. 

The  condition  then  demanded,  and  which  was  brought 
forward  so  unexpectedly,  was  n  repeal  of  the  blockade  of 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  07 

May,  180(),  which  Mr.  Pinkney,  in  the  letter  you  have  re- 
fered  me  to,  declared  to  have  been  required  by  America  as 
indispensable  in  the  view  of  her  acts  of  intercourse  and  non- 
intercourse,  as  well  as  a  repeal  of  other  blockades  of  a  sim 
ilar  character,  whifth  were  maintained  by  G.  Britain,  to  be 
founded  on  strict  maritime  rights. 

The  conditions  now  annexed  to  the  French  demand  are 
much  more  extenstive,  and  as  I  have  shewn,  includes  astir- 
render  of  many  other  of  the  most  established  principles  of 
the  public  law  of  nations. 

I  cannot,  I  confess,  see  upon  what  ground  you  contend 
that  the  report  of  the  duke  of  Bassano,  afford*  no  proof 
against  any  partial  repeal  of  the  French  Decrees.  The 
principles  advanced  in  that  report  are  general  ;  there  is 
no  exception  made  in  favor  of  America,  and  in  the  corres 
pondence  of  Mr.  Barlow,  as  official ly  published,  he  seems 
to  allow  that  he  had  no  explanation  respecting  it.  How 
can  it,  therefore,  be  considered  in  any  other  light  than  as  a 
republication  of  the  Decrees  themselves  ?  which,  as  it  were 
to  take  away  ail  ground  for  any  doubt,  expressly  advances 
a  doctrine  that  can  only  be  put  in  practice  on  the  high  seas, 
namely,  'that  free  ships  shall  make  free  goods/  since  the 
application  of  such  a  principle  to  vessels  in  port  is  absolute 
ly  rejected  under  his  continental  system. 

It  is,  indeed,  impossible  to  see  how,  under  such  circum 
stances,  America  can  call  upon  G.  Britain  to  revoke  her 
Orders  in  Council.  Il  is  impossible  that  she  can  revoke 
them  at  this  moment,  in  common  jnsfr.ce  to  herself  and  to 
her  allies  ;  but,  sir,  while  under  the  necessity  of  continu 
ing  them,  she  will  be  ready  to  manage  their  exercise,  so  as 
to  alleviate  as  much  as  possible,  the  pressure  upon  America; 
and  it  would  give  me  great  pleasure  to  confer  with  you,  at 
any  time,  upon  the  most  advisable  manner  of  producing 
that  effect.  I  have  the  honor  to  bc>,  Sec. 

AUGUSTUS  J.  FOSTER. 

Mr.  Monroe  to  Mr.  Foster. 
DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  June  13,1812. 
SIR — I  am  not  aware  that  any  letter  of  yours,  on    any 
subject,  on  which  the  final   decision  of  this  government  had 
not  been  communicated  to  you,  has  been  suffered  to  remain 
without  a  prompt  and  written   answer  :  and  even  in  Hm 


08  HISTORY  OF  THE  AVAR. 

cases  thus  supposed  to  have  been  settled,  which  you  thought 
proper  to  revive,  although  no  favorable  change  had  taken 
place  in  the  policy  or  measures  of  your  government,  1  have 
never  failed  to  explain  to  you  informally,  in  early  inter 
views,  the  reasons  which  made  it  imperiously  the  duty  of 
the  U.  States  to  continue  to  afford,  to  their  rights  and  inter 
ests,  all  the  protection  in  their  power.  The  acknowledg 
ment  of  this  on  your  part,  was  due  to  the  frankness  of  the 
communications  which  have  passed  between  us  on  the  high 
ly  important  subjects  on  which  we  have  treated,  and  I  am 
happy  to  find  by  your  letter  of  the  lOthinst.  that  in  relying 
on  it,  1  have  not  been  disappointed. 

The  impropriety  of  the  demand  made  by  your  govern 
ment  of  a  copy  of  the  instrument  of  instructions  given  by 
the  French  government  to  its  cruizers,  after  the  repeal  of 
the  Berlin  and  Milan  Decrees,  was  sufficiently  shown  in 
Mr.  Pinkney's  letter  to  the  Marquis  of  Wellesley  of  the 
10th  of  December,  1810,  and  in  my  letters  to  you  of  the 
23d  July  1811,  and  14th  January  last  It  was  for  this  rea 
son  that  I  thought  it  more  suitable  to  referyou  to  those  letters, 
for  the  answer  to  that  demand,  than  to  repeat  it  in  a  formal 
communication. 

It  excites,  however  no  small  surprise,  that  you  should 
continue  to  demand  a  copy  of  that  instrument,  or  any  new 
proof  of  the  repeal  of  the  French  Decrees,  at  the  very  time 
that  you  declare  that  the  proof  which  you  demand,  in  the 
extent  to  which  we  have  a  right  to  claim  the  repeal,  would 
not,  if  afforded,  obtain  a  corresponding  repeal  of  the  Orders 
in  Council.  This  demand  is  the  more  extraordinary,  when 
it  is  considered,  that  since  the  repeal  of  the  Decrees,  as  it 
respects  the  U.  States,  was  announced,  your  government 
has  enlarged  its  pretensions,  as  to  the  conditions  on  which 
the  Orders  in  Council  should  be  repealed,  and  even  invigor 
ated  its  practice  under  them. 

Il  is  satisfactory  to  find  that  there  has  been  no  misapprehen 
sion  of  the  condition,  without  which  your  government  refu 
ses  to  repeal  the  Orders  in  Council.  You  admit  that  to 
obtain  their  repeal,  in  respect  to  the  IT.  States,  the  repeal  of 
the  French  Decrees  must  be  absolute  and  unconditional, 
not  as  to  the  U.  States  only,  but  to  all  other  neutral  nations  ; 
nor  as  far  as  they  affect  neutral  commerce  only,  but  as  they 
operate  internally  and  affect  the  trade  in  British  manufac- 


HISTORY  OP  THE  WAR.  99 

lures  with  the  enemies  of  G.  Britain.  As  the  Orders  in 
Council  havre  formed  a  principal  cause  of  the  differences 
which  unhappily  exist  between  our  countries,  a  condition 
of  their  repeal,  communicated  in  any  authentic  document  or 
manner,  was  entitled  to  particular  attention  ;  and  surely 
none  could  have  so  high  a  claim  to  it,  as  the  letter  from 
Lord  CastltTeagh  to  you,  submitted  by  his  authority  to  my 
view,  for  the  express  purpose  of  making' that  condition, 
with  its  other  contents,  known  to  this  government. 

With  this  knowledge  of  the  determination  of  your  gov 
ernment,  to  say  nothing  of  the  other  conditions  annexed  to 
the  repeal  of  the  Orders  in  Council,  it  is  impossible  for  me 
to  devise  or  conceive  any  arrangement  consistent  with  the 
honor,  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  U.  States,  that  could 
be  made  the  basis  or  become  the  result  of  a  conference  on 
the  subject.  As  the  President  nevertheless  retains  his  soli 
citude  to  see  a  happy  termination  of  any  differences  be 
tween  the  two  countries,  and  wishes  that  every  opportunity, 
however  unpromising,  which  may  possibly  lead  to  it,  should 
be  taken  advantage  of,  I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that 
I  urn  ready  to  receive  and  pay  due  attention  to  any  com 
munication  or  propositions,  having  the  object  in  view,  which 
you  may  be  authorised  to  make. 

Under  existing  circumstances,  it  is  deemed  most  advisa 
ble,  in  every  respect,  that  this  should  be  done  in  writing, 
as  most  susceptible  of  the  requisite  precision,  and  least  liable 
to  misaprehension.  Allow  me  to  add,  that  it  is  equally 
desirable  that  it  should  be  done  without  delay.  By  this  it  is 
not  meant  to  preclude  any  additional  opportunity  which 
may  be  afforded  by  a  personal  interview.  I  have  the  honor 
to  be,  &c.  JAMES  MONROE. 

Mr.  Foster  to  Mr.  Dfonroe. 

WASHINGTON,  June  14,  1812. 

SIR — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
your  letter  of  the  13th.  instant. 

It  is  really  quite  painful  to  me  to  perceive,  that  notwith 
standing  the  length  of  the  discussions  which  have  taken 
place  between  us,  misapprehensions  have  again  arisen  res 
pecting  some  of  the  most  important  features  in  the  questions 
at  issue  between  our  two  countries ;  which  misapprehen 
sions,  perhaps,  proceeding  from  my  not  expressing  mvself 


100  HISTORY  OF 'THE  WAR 

sufficiently  clear  in  my  note  of  the  10th  inst.  in  relation  to 
one  of  those  questions,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  should  be 
done  away. 

I  beg1  leave  a^ain  to  state  to  you,  sir,  that  it  is  not  the 
operation  of  the  French  Decrees  upon  the  British  trade  with 
the  enemies  of  G.  Britain,  that  has  ever  formed  a  subject  of 
discussion  between  us,  and  thatit  is  the  operation  of  those 
Decrees  upon  G.  Britain,  through  neutral  commerce  o»»ly, 
which  has  really  been  the  point  at  issue.  Had  America 
resisted  the  effect  of  those  Decrees  in  their  full  extent  upon 
her  neutral  rights,  we  should  never  have  had  a  difference 
upon  the  subject  ;  but  while  French  crui/ers  continue  to 
capture  her  ships  under  their  operation,  she  seems  to  have 
been  satisfied  if  those  ships  were  released  by  special  impe 
rial  mandates,  issued  as  the  occasion  arose ;  and  she  has 
chosen  to  call  municipal  an  unexampled  assumption  of  au 
thority  by  France,  in  countries  not  under  French  jurisdic 
tion,  and  expressly  invaded  for  the  purpose  of  preventing 
their  trade  with  England,  on  principles  directly  applicable 
to,  if  they  could  be  enforced  against  America. 

I  beg  you  to  recollect,  sir,  that  if  no  revocation  had  been 
made  of  the  Orders  in  Council,  upon  any  repeal  of  the 
French  Decrees,  as  hitherto  shown  by  America  to  have 
taken  place,  it  has  not  been  the  fault  of  his  majesty's  gov 
ernment.  It  was  France,  and  afterwards  America,  that 
connected  the  question  relative  to  the  right  of  blockade  with 
that  arising  out  of  the  Orders  in  Council.  You  well  know 
that  if  these  two  questions  had  not  been  united  together,  the 
Orders  in  Council  would  have  been,  in  1810,  revoked. 
How  could  it  be  expected  that  G.  Britain,  in  common  jus 
tice  to  other  neutral  nations,  to  her  allies,  and  to  herself, 
should  not  contend  for  a  full  and  absolute  repeal  of  the 
French  Decrees,  or  should  engage  to  make  any  particular 
concession  in  favor  of  America,  when  she  saw  that  Ame 
rica  would  not  renounce  her  demand  for  a  surrender  with 
the  Orders  in  Council  of  some  of  our  most  important  mari 
time  rights. 

Even  to  this  clay,  sir,  yo\\  have  not  explicitly  stated  in 
any  of  the  letters  to  which  you  refer  me  that  the  American 
p'overnment  would  expressly  renounce  asking  for  a  revoca 
tion  of  the  blockade  of  May,  180t>,  and  the  other  blockade 
alluded  to  in  Mr.  Pinkney's  letter ;  much  less  have  I  been 


HIST    RY  OF  THE  V/AB;  '10! 

able  to  obtain  from  you  any  disclaimer  of  the  rights  asserted 
by  France  to  impose  upon  the  world  the  new  maritime  code 
promulgat  d  by  France  in  the  late  rqmbiieation  of  her 
Decrees,  although  I  have,  by  order  of  my  government,  ex 
press!  v  stated  their  expectation  of  such  disclaimer,  and  re 
peat*  dly  called  for  an  explanation  on  this  point. 

1  will  now  say  that  1  feel  entirely  authorised  to  assure 
you  that  if  you  can,  at  any  time,  produce  a  full  and  uncon 
ditional  repeal  of  the  French  Decrees,  as  you  have  a  right 
to  demasid  it  in  your  character  of  a  neutral  nation,  and  that 
it  be  disengaged  from  any  connection  wi«h  the  question 
concerning1  our  maritime  rights,  we  shall  be  ready  to  meet 
you  with  a  revocation  of  the  Orders  in  Council.  Previous 
to  your  producing  such  an  instrument,  which  I  am  sorry  to 
see  you  regard  as  unnecessary,  you  cannot  expect  of  us  to 
g-ive  up  our  Orders  in  Council. 

In  reference  to  the  concluding  paragraph  of  your  letter 
in  answer  to  that  in  mine  of  the  10th  inst.  I  will  only  say, 
that  I  am  extremely  sorry  to  find  you  think  it  impossible  to 
devise  or  conceive  any  arrangement  consistent  with  the 
honor,  rights,  and  interests,  of  the  U.  States,  which  might 
tend  to  alleviate  the  pressure  of  the  Orders  in  Council  on 
the  commerce  of  America.  It  would  have  given  me  great 
satisfaction  if  we  could  have  fallen  upon  some  agreement 
that  might  have  had  such  effect.  My  government,  while 
under  the  imperious  necessity  of  resisting  France  with  her 
own  weapons,  most  earnestly  desires  that  the  interest  of 
America  may  suffer  as  little  as  possible  from  the  inciden 
tal  effect  of  the  conflict.  They  are  aware  that  their  retal 
iatory  measures  have  forced  the  ruler  of  France  to  yield  in 
some  degree  from  his  hostile  Decrees,  and  whether  it  were 
more  advisable  to  push  those  measures  rigorously  on  until 
they  complete  the  breaking  of  it  up  altogether,  (the  main 
object  ot  our  retaliatory  system)  or  to  take  advantage  of  the 
partial  and  progressive  retractions  of  it,  produced  by  the  ne 
cessities  of  the  enemy,  has  been  a  question  with  his  majesty's 
government.  It  is  one  on  which  they  would  have  been 
most  desirous  to  consult  the  interest  of  America.  Under 
existing  circumstances,  however,  and  from  our  late  com 
munications,  1  have  not  felt  encouraged  to  make  you  any 
written  proposal  arising  out  of  ihis  state  of  things ;  I  sjiall, 
therefore,  merely  again  express  to  yoii,  that  as  the  object  of 


illSTORY  OF  THE  WAU. 


O.  Britain  lias  been  throughout  to  endeavor,  while  forced, 
in  behalf  of  her  most  important  rights  and  interest  to  reta 
liate  upon  the  French  Decrees,  to  combine  that  retaliation 
with  the  greatest  possible  degree  of  attention  to  the  interest 
of  America,  it  would  give  his  majesty's  government  the 
most  sincere  satisfaction  if  some  arrangement  could  be  found 
which  would  have  so  desirable  an  effect. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

AUGUSTUS  J.  FOSTER. 

MESSAGE, 

To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  U.  States. 

I  communicate  to  Congress  copies  of  a  letter  to  the  Se 
cretary  of  State,  from  the  charge  d'  affairs  of  the  U.  States  at 
London,  and  of  a  note  to  him  from  the  British  Secretary 
for  foreign  affairs. 

JAMES  MADISON, 

June  22,  1812. 

Mr.  Russell  to  the  Secretary  of  State. 

LONDON,  May  2,  1812. 

SIR-  —  After  closing  the  duplicated  of  my  letter  to  you  of 
the  26th  ult.  I  discovered  the  copy  of  the  note  of  lord  Cas- 
tlereagh  to  me  of  the  21st  ult.  had  been  left  out  by  mistake. 
I  take  the  liberty  of  now  handing  it  to  you. 

JONATHAN  RUSSELL. 
[Enclosed  in  the  above.] 

The  undersigned,  his  majesty's  principal  Secretary  of 
State  for  foreign  affairs,  is  commanded  by  his  royal  high 
ness,  the  prince  regent,  to  transmit  to  Mr.  Russell,  charge 
<V  affairs  of  the  government  of  the  U.  States  of  America, 
ihe  enclosed  copy  of  a  Declaration  accompanying  an  Order 
in  Council  which  has  been  this  day  passed  by  his  royal 
highness,  the  prince  regent  in  Council. 

The  undersigned  is  commanded  by  the  prince  regent  to 
request  that  Mr.  Russell,  in  making  this  communication  to 
his  government,  will  represent  this  measure  as  conceived 
in  the  true  spirit  of  conciliation,  and  with  a  due  regard,  on 
the  part  of  his  royal  highness,  to  the  honor  and  interest  of 
Uie  U.  States  ;  and  the  undersigned  ventures  to  express 
bis  confident  hope,  that  this  decisive  proof  of  the  amicable 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  103 

sentiments  which  animate  the  councils  of  his  royal  high 
ness  towards  America,  may  accelerate  the  return  of  amity 
and  mutual  confidence  between  Great-Britain  and  the 
United  States. 

The  undersigned  avails  himself  of  this  opportunity  to  re 
peat  to  Mr.  Russell  the  assurances  of  his  high  consideration. 

CASTLEREAGH. 

Foreign  Office,  April  21,  1812. 

ORDER  IN  COUNCIL. 

Atthe  Court  at  Carlton-House,  the  21st  day  of  April, 
1812,  present  his  royal  highness  the  prince  regent  in 
Council. 

Whereas  the  government  of  Prance  has,  by  an  official 
report,  communicated  by  its  minister  of  foreign  affairs  to 
the  conservative  Senate,  on  the  10th  of  March  last,  remov 
ed  all  doubts  as  to  the  perseverence  of  that  government  in 
the  assertion  of  principles,  and  in  the  maintainance  of  a 
system,  not  more  hostile  to  the  maritime  rights  and  com 
mercial  interest  of  the  British  empire,  than  inconsistent  with 
the  rights  and  independence  of  neutral  nations,  and  has 
thereby  plainly  developed  the  inordinate  pretensions  which 
that  system,  as  promulgated  in  the  Decrees  of  Berlin  and 
Milan,  was  from  the  first  designed  to  enforce. 

And  whereas  his  majesty  has  invariably  professed  his 
readiness  to  revoke  the  Orders  in  Council  adopted  there 
upon,  as  soon  as  the  said  Decrees  of  the  enemy  should  be 
formally  and  unconditionally  repealed,  and  the  commer  ce 
of  neutral  nations  restored  to  its  accustomed  course  : 

His  royal  highness  the  prince  regent  (anxious  to  give  the 
most  decisive  proof  of  his  royal  highness7  disposition  to- 
perform  the  engagements  of  his  majesty's  government)  is 
pleased,  in  the  name  and  on  the  behalf  of  his  majesty,  and 
by  and  with  the  advice  of  his  majesty's  privy  Council,  to 
order  and  declare,  and  it  is  hereby  ordered  and  declared, 
that  if,  at  any  time  hereafter,  the  Berlin  and  Milan  Decrees 
shall  by  some  authentic  act  of  the  French  government,  pub 
licly  promulgated,  be  absolutely  and  unconditionally  re 
pealed,  then,  and  from  thenceforth,  the  Order  in  Council  o! 
the  7th  day  of  January,  1807,  and  the  Order  in  Council  of 
the  26th  day  of  April,  1809,  shall,  without  any  further  or 
der,  be,  and  the  same  are  hereby  declared  from  thenceforth 
to  be  wholly  and  absolutely  revoked  :  and  further,  that  th* 


H1STOHY  OF  THE  WAR, 

full  benefit  of  this  order  shall  be  extended  to  any  ship  or 
cargo  captured  subsequent  to  such  authentic  act  of  repeal 
of  the  French  Decrees,  although  antecedent  to  such  repeal 
such  ship  or  vessel  shall  have  commenced  and  shall  have 
been  in  the  prosecution  of  a  voyage,  which,  under  Ihe  said 
Orders  in  Council,  or  one  of  them,  would  have  subjected 
her  to  capture  and  condemnation  ;  and  the  claimant  of  any 
ship  or  cargo  which  shall  be  captured  or  brought  to  adjudi 
cation,  on  account  of  any  alleged  breach  of  either  of  the 
saiti  Orders  in  Council,  at  any  t. me  subsequent  to  such  au 
thentic  act  ot  repeal  by  the  French  government,  shall  with 
out  any  further  Order  or  Declaration  on  the  part  of  his 
majesty's  government  on  this  subject,  be  at  liberty  to  give 
in  evidence  in  the  high  Courts  of  Admiralty,  or  any  Court 
of  Vice- Admiralty,  before  which  such  ship  or  cargo  shall 
be  brought  for  adjudication,  that  such  repeal  by  the  French 
government  had  been,  by  such  authentic  act,  promulgated 
prior  to  such  capture  ;  and  upon  proof  thereof,  the  voyage 
shall  be  deemed  a  id  taken  to  have  been  as  lawful  as  ii  the 
said  Orders  in  Council  had  never  been  made  :  saving,  nev 
ertheless,  to  the  captors,  such  protection  and  indemnity  as 
they  may  be  equitably  entitled  to  in  the  judgment  of  the 
said  Court,  by  reason  of  their  ignorance,  of  uncertainty  as  to 
the  repeal  of  the  French  Decrees,  or  of  the  recognition  of 
such  repeal  by  his  majesty's  government  at  the  time  of  such 
capture. 

His  royal  highness,  however  deems  it  proper  to  declare, 
that  should  the  repeal  ol  the  French  Decrees,  thus  anticipat 
ed  and  provided  for,  prove  afterwards  to  have  been  illusory 
on  the  part  ef  the  e  temy  ;  and  should  the  restrictions  there 
of  be  still  practically  enforced,  or  revived  by  the  enemy; 
G.  Britain  will  be  compelled,  however  reluctantly,  after 
reasonable  notice,  to  have  recourse  to  such  measures  of  re- 
laliation  as  may  then  appear  to  be  jusland  necessary, 

And  the  Right  Honorable  the  lords  commissioners  of 
his  Majesty's  treasury,  his  Majesty's  principal  Secretaries 
of  state,  the  lords  Commissioners  of  the  Admiralty,  ami 
the  Judges  of  the  high  Court  of  Admiralty,  and  the  Judges 
of  the  Courts  of  Vice- Admiralty,  are  to  take  the  necessary 
measures  therein  as  to  them  shall  respectively  appertain. 

CHETWYND 


HISTORY   OP   THE  WAR. 

Ms.  Rmstll  to  Lord  Castlereat/J*. 

My  Lord — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt 
.*f  the  note  which  your  lordship  addressed  to  me  on  the  '21st 
of  this  month,  enclosing,  by  command  of  his  royal  highness, 
the  prince  regent,  a  copy  of  a  declaration  accompanying  an 
Order  in  Council  which  had  this  day  been  passed. 

It  would  afford  me  the  highest  satisfaction,  in  communi 
cating  that  declaration  and  order  to  my  government,  to 
have  represented  them,  as  conceived  in  (he  true  spirit  of 
conciliation  and  with  a  due  regard  to  the  honor  arid  inter 
ests  of  tiie  U.  Stales.  I  regret,  however,  that  so  far  from 
perceiving  in  them  any  evidence  of  the  amicable  sentiments 
which  are  professed  to  animate  the  councils  of  his  royal 
highness,  I  am  compelled  to  consider  them  as  an  unequi 
vocal  proof  of  the  determination  of  his  B  i.annic  majesty's 
government  to  adhere  to  a  system,  which,  both  as  to  prin 
ciple  and  fact,  originated,  and  has  been  continued  in  error ; 
and  against  which,  the  government  of  the  U.  States,  so 
long  as  it  respects  itself  and  the  essential  rights  of  the  na 
tion  over  which  it  is  placed,  cannot  cease  to  contend. 

The  U.  States  have  never  considered  it  their  duty  to  en 
quire,  nor  do  they  pretend  to  decide,  whether  England  or 
France  was  guilty,  in  relation  to  the  other,  of  the  tirst  viola 
tion  of  the  public  law  of  nations;  but  they  do  consider  it 
their  most  imperious  duty  to  protect  themselves  from  the 
unjust  operation  of  the  unprecedented  measure  of  retalia 
tion  professed  by  boih  powers  to  be  founded  on  such  vioia- 
tion.  In  this  operation,  by  whichever  party  directed,  the 
U.  States  have  never,  for  a  moment,  acquiesced,  nor  by  ihe 
slightest  indication  of  such  acquiescence,  afforded  a  pretext, 
for  extending  to  them  the  evils,  by  which  England  and 
France  affect  to  retaliate  un  each  other.  They  have  ;u  no  in 
stance  departed  from  the  observance  of  thatstrict  impartiality 
which  their  peaceful  position  required,  and  which  ought 
to  have  secured  to  them  the  unmolested  enjoyment  of  their 
neutrality.  To  their  astonishment,  however,  they  perceiv 
ed  that  both  these  belligerent  powers,  under  the  pretence 
of  annoying  each  other,  adopted  and  put  in  practice  new 
principles  of  retaliation,  involving  the  destruction  of  those 
commercial  and  maritime  rights  which  the  U.  States  re 
gard  as  essential  and  inseperable  attributes  of  their  inde- 
ueiuleivf  Allhniigh  alive  to  all  the  injury  and  injustice  of 

11 


106  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

this  system,  the  American  government  resorted  to  no 
ures  to  oppose  it,  which  were  not  of  the  most  pacific  a  <:  i:n- 
partial  character  in  relation  to  both  the  aggressors,  I;*  re 
monstrances,  its  restrictions  of  commercial  intercourse,  a<\d 
its  overtures  for  accommodation,  were  equally  addressed  to 
England  and  France  :  and  if  there  is  now  an  inequality  in 
the  relations  of  the  U.  Stales  with  these  countries,  ft  can 
onis  be  ascribed  to  England  herself,  who  rejected  the  terms 
proffered  to  both,  while  France  acce  ted  then!,  and  who 
continues  to  execute  her  retaliatory  Edicts  on  th  high  s«  as, 
while  those  of  Frame  have  here  ceased  to  operate. 

If  G.  Britain  could  not  be  persuaded  by  ro  Moderations 
of  universal  equality,  to  refrain  from  adopting-  ;iiiy  lice  of 
conduct,  however  unjust,  for  which  she  might  discover  a 
precedent  in  the  conduct  of  her  enemy,  or  to  abaiido.ii  an 
attempt  of  remotely  and  uncertainly  annoying1  that  enemy 
through  the  immediate  and  sure  destruction  ot' the  vital  in 
terest  of  a  neutral  and  unoffending  slate,  yet  it  was  confi 
dently  expected  that  she  would  be  willing  to  follow  that 
enemy  also  in  his  return  towards  justice,  and,  from  a  res 
pect  to  her  own  declarations  to  proceed  pari  passu  with  him 
in  thr  revocation  of  the  offending  Edicts.  This  just  expec 
tation  has,  however,  been  disappointed,  and  an  exemption 
of  the  flag  of  the  U.  States  from  the  operation  of  the  Berlin 
and  Milan  Decrees,  has  produced  no  corresponding  modi 
fication  of  the  British  Orders  in  Council.  On  the  contrary, 
he  fact  of  such  exemption  OM  the  part  of  Fr  uce,  appears, 
by  the  declaration  and  Order  in  Council  of  the  British  go 
vernment  on  the  21st  of  this  month,  to  be  denied,  and  the  en 
gagements  of  the  latter,  to  proceed,  step  by  step,  with  its 
enemy,  in  the  work  of  repeal  and  relaxation,  to  be  disown 
ed  or  disregarded. 

That  France  has  repealed  her  Decrees  so  far  as  they  re 
spected  the  U.  States,  has  been  established  by  declarations 
and  facts,  satisfactory  to  them,  and  which  it  was  presumed 
should  have  been  equally  satisfactory  to  the  British  govern 
ment.  A  formal  and  authentic  declaration  of  the  French 
government  communic  aled  to  the  minister  plenipotentiary 
of  the  U.  States  at  Paris,  on  the  5lh  of  August,  1810,  an 
nounced  that  the  Decrees  of  Berlin  and  Milin  were  revoked, 
and  should  cease  to  operate  on  t!»e  1st  of  the  succeed  ing- 
November,  provided  that  a  condition  presented  to  Eng~ 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  107 

land,  or  another  condition  presented  to  the  IT.  States  should 
be  performed.  The  condition  presented  to  the  U.  States 
\vas  performed,  and  their  performance  rendered  absolute 
the  repeal  of  the  Decrees.  So  far  therefore,  from  this  re 
peal  depending  upon  a  condition  in  which  G.  Britain  could 
not  acquiesce,  it  became  absolute,  independent  ot  any  act 
of  G.  Britain,  the  moment  the  act  proposed  for  the  perform 
ance  oi  the  U.  States  was  accomplished.  Such  was  the 
construction  given  to  this  measure  by  the  TJ.  States  trom 
the  first  ;  and  that  it  was  a  correct  one  has  been  sufficiently 
evinced  by  the  subsequent  practice. 

Several  instances  of  the  acquittal  of  American  vessels  and 
cargoes,  to  which  the  Decrees  would  have  attached,  it  stiU 
in  force  against  the  U.  Stales,  have  from  time  to  time,  be^n 
presented  to  his  Britannic  majesty's  government.  That 
these  cases  have  been  few,  is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  few  cap 
tures,  in  consequence  of  this  repeal,  made  by  French  cruiz- 
ers  ;  and  should  no  other  such  case  occur,  it  would  be  ow 
ing  to  the  efficacy  of  this  repeal,  and  to  the  exact  observ 
ance  of  it,  even  by  the  most  wanton  and  irregular  of  those 
cruizers. 

From  the  1st  of  November,  1810,  to  the  29th  of  January 
of  the  present  year,  as  appears  by  a  note  which  I  had  the 
honor  to  address  to  the  predecessor  of  your  lordship,  on  the 
8th  of  February  last,  the  Berlin  and  Milan  Decrees  had  not 
been  applied  to  American  property,  nor  have  I  heard  that 
such  application  has  since  been  made. 

But  against  the  authentic  act  of  the  French  government 
of  the  5th  August,  1810,  and  the  subsequent  conduct  ot  the 
government,  mutually  explaining  each  other,  and  conform 
ing  the  construction  adopted  b>  the  U.  States,  a  re  port  said 
to  be  communicated  by  the  French  minister  of  Foreign  af 
fairs  to  the  conservate  senate,  is  opposed.  Without  preten 
ding  to  doubt  the  genuineness  of  that  report,  although  it 
has  reached  this  country  only  in  a  newspaper,  yet  it  is  to  be 
lamented  that  as  much  form  and  evidence  of  authenticity 
have  not  been  required,  in  an  act  considered  as  furnishing 
cause  for  the  continuance  of  the  Orders  in  Council,  as  an 
act  which  by  the  very  terms  of  these  Orders  challenged 
their  revocation. — The  act  of  the  6th  of  August,  1810, 
emanating  from  the  sovereign  of  France,  officially  commu 
mcated  to  the  British  government,  and  satisfactorily  expound 


108  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAK. 

ed  and  explained  by  the  practical  comments  or  more  lliau 
eighteen   months,  is  denied  to  afford  convincing  evidence 
of  the  repeal  of  the  French  Decrees,    while  full  proof  of 
their  continuance  is  inferred  from  a  report,  which,  from  its 
very  nature,  must  contain  the  mere  opinions  and  specula 
tions,  of  a  subject  which  is  destitute  of  ail  authority  until  act- 
ed  upon  by  the  body  to  winch  it  was  presented,  which  has 
found  its  way  hither  in  no  more  authentic  shape  than  the 
columns  of  the  Moniteur,   and  for  the  proper  understand 
ing"  of  which  not  a  moment  has  been  allowed. — But  even 
\\ere  the  cause  thus  assigned  to  the  report  just,  it  is  still  dif 
ficult  to  discover  what  inference  can  befuirly  deduced  from 
it  incompatible  with  the  previous  declarations  and  conduct 
of  the  French  government    exempting  the   United  States 
fiom  the  operation  of  its  Decrees.      The  very  exception  in 
that  report  with   regard  to  nations  who  do  not  sillier  their 
flag   to  be  denationaliz&t,  was  undoubtedly  made  with  re- 
fen  nee  to  >he  U.  States,  and  with  a  view  to  reconcile  the 
general  tenor  of  th  it  report  with  the  good  faith  with  which 
it  became  France  to  observe  the  conventional  repeal  of  those 
Decrees  in  their  favor.     However  novel  may  lie  the  terms 
employed,  or  whatever  may  be  their  precise  meaning,  they 
ought  to  be  interpreted  to  accord  with  the  engagements  of 
tlu  French  government,  and  with  justice  and  good  faith. 

Your  lordship  will.  1  doubt  not,  the  more  readily  ac 
knowledge  the  propriety  of  considering  the  report  in  this 
light,  bv  a  reference  to  similar  reports  made  to  the  same 
conservative  sei.ate,  on  the  13th  of  Dec.  1810,  by  the  duke 
ot  Cadore  (the  predecessor  of  the  present  French  minister 
of  exterior  relations)  and  by  the  count  de  Simonvilie.  in 
these  reports  they  say  to  the  emperor,  (which  proves  that- 
such  reports  are  not  to  be  considered  as  dictated  by  him) 
'  Sire,  as  long  as  England  shall  persist  in  her  Orders  in 
Council,  so  long  your  majesty  will  persist  in  your  Decrees,' 
ami  '  the  Decrees  of  Berlin  a-.-d  Milan  are  an  answer  to 
the  Orders  n  Council.  The  British  Cabinet,  has,  thus  to 
s|  eak,  dictated  them  to  France.  Europe  receives  them 
for  her  code,  and  this  code  shall  become  the  palladium  oi 
the  lii  erty  ot  the  seas  '  Surely,  tins  I mguage  is  as  strong 
as  that  of  the  report  of  the  tOth  of  March,  and  still  more 
absolute  ;  .or  there  is  i  o  qualification  in  it  in  favor  ot  any 
nation  ,  tins  language  has  both,  by  an  explanation  of  the 


HISTORY  OP  THE  WAR.  109 

iluke  of  Cadore  to  me  at  the  same  time,  and  by  the  uniform 
conduct  of  the  French  government  since,  been  reconciled 
with  the  repeal  of  these  Decrees,  so  far  as  they  concerned 
the  U.  States. 

Had  the  French  Decrees  originally  afforded  an  adequate 
foundation  for  the  British  Orders  in  Council,  and  been  con- 
tinned  after  these  reports,  in  full  force,  and  extent,  surely, 
during  a  period  in  which  above  a  hundred  American  ves 
sels  and  their  cargoes  have  fallen  a  prey  to  these  Orders, 
some  one  solitary  instance  of  capture  and  confiscation  must 
have  happened  under  those  Decreed.  That  no  such  in 
stance  lias  happened  incontrovertibly  proves,  either  that 
those  Decrees  are  of  themselves  harmless,  or  that  they  have 
been  repealed;  and  in  either  case  they  can  afford  no  right 
ful  plea  or  pretext  for  G.  Britain,  for  these  measures  of  pre 
tended  retaliation,  whose  sole  effect  is  to  lay  waste  the  neu 
tral  commerce  of  America. 

With  the  remnant  of  those  Decrees,  which  is  still  in 
force,  and  which  consists  of  municipal  regulations,  confined 
in  their  operation  within  the  proper  ana  undeniable  juris 
diction  of  the  States  where  they  are  executed,  the  U.  States 
have  no  concern  ;  nor  do  they  acknowledge  themselves  to 
be  under  any  political  obligation,  either  to  examine  into  the 
ends  proposed  to  be  attained  by  this  surviving  portion  of 
the  continental  system,  or  to  oppose  their  accomplishment. 
Whatever  may  be  intended  to  be  clone  in  regard  to  other 
nations  by  this  system,  cannot  be  imputed  to  the  U.  States, 
nor  are  they  to  be  made  responsible,  while  they  religiously 
observe  the  obligations  of  their  neutrality  for  the  mode  in 
•which  belligerent  nations  may  choose  to  exercise  their  pow 
er,  for  the  injury  of  each  other.  When,  however,  these  na 
tions  exceed  the  just  limits  of  their  power  by  the  invasion 
of  the  rights  of  peaceful  states  on  the  ocean  which  is  sub 
ject  to  the  common  and  equal  jurisdiction  of  all  nations, 
the  U.  States  cannot  remain  indifferent,  and  by  quietly  con 
senting  to  yield  up  their  share  of  this  jurisdiction,  abandon 
their  maritime  rights. — France  has  respected  these  rights 
b)  the  d.sco ..tinuance  of  her  Edicts  on  the  high  seas, 
leaving  no  part  of  these  Edicts  m  operation  to  the  injury  of 
the  U.  States;  and  of  course,  no  part  in  which  they  can  be 
supposed  to  acquiesce,  or  against  which  they  can  be  re 
quired  to  contend.  They  ask  G.  Britain,  by  a  like  respecl 


1 10-  HISTORY  OP  THE  WAR. 

for  their  rights,  to  exempt  them  from  the  operation  of  her 
Orders  in  Council.  Should  such  exemption  involve  the 
total  practical  extinction  of  these  Orders,  it  will  only  prove 
that  they  were  exclusively  applied  to  the  commerce  of  the 
TI.  States,  and  that  they  had  not  a  single  feature  of  resem 
blance  to  the  Decrees,  against  waich  they  are  professed  to 
retaliate. 

It  is  with  patience  and  confidence  that  the  United  States 
have  expected  this  exemption,  and  to  which  they  believed 
themselves  entitled,  by  all  those  considerations  of  right  and 
promise,  which  I  have  freely  stated  to  your  lordship.  With 
what  disappointment,  therefore,  must  they  learn  that  G. 
Britain,  in  professing  to  do  away  their  disaffection,  explicit 
ly  avows  her  intention  to  persevere  in  her  Orders  in  Coun 
cil,  until  some  authentic  act  hereafter  to  be  promulgated  by 
thr  French  government,  shall  declare  the  Berlin  and  Milan 
Decrees  are  expressly  and  unconditionally  repealed.  To 
obtain  such  an  act,  can  the  United  States  interfere  ?  Would 
such  an  interference  be  compatible  either  with  a  sense  of 
justice,  or  with  what  is  due  to  their  own  dignity  ?  Can  they 
be  expected  to  falsify  their  repeated  declarations  of  their 
satisfaction  with  the  act  of  the  5th  of  Argust,  1810,  con 
firmed  by  abundant  evidence  of  its  subsequent  observance, 
and  by  now  affecting  to  doubt  of  the  sufficiency  of  that  act, 
to  demand  another,  which  in  its  form,  its  mode  of  publica 
tion,  and  its  import,  shall  accord  with  the  requisitions  ot  G. 
Britain?  And  can  it  be  supposed  that  the  French  govern 
ment  would  listen  to  such  a  proposal  made  under  such  cir 
cumstances,  and  with  such  a  view  ? 

While,  therefore,  I  can  perceive  no  reason,  in  the  report 
of  the  French  minister,  of  the  10th  of  March,  to  believe  that 
the  U.  States  erroneously  assumed  the  repeal  of  the  French 
Decrees,  to  be  complete  in  relation  to  them  ;  while  aware 
that  the  condition  of  which  the  Orders  in  Council  is  now 
distinctly  made  to  depend,  is  the  total  repeal  of  both  the 
Berlin  and  Milan  Decrees,  instead  as  formerly  of  the  Berlin 
Di'Cree  only  ;  and  while  I  feel  that  to  ask  the  performance 
of  this  condition  from  others,  inconsistent  with  the  honor  of 
the  U.  States,  and  to  perform  it  themselves  beyond  their 
power;  your  lordship  will  permit  me  frankly  to  avow  that 
I  cannot  accompany  the  communication  to  my  government, 
of  the  declaration  and  Order  in  Council  of  the  21st  of  this 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR, 

aaonth,  with  any  felicitation  on  the  prospect  which  thismea- 
smv  presents  of  an  accelerated  return  of  amity  and  nuuual 
confidence  between  the  two  states. 

It  is  with  real  pain  that  I  make  to  your  lordship  this  a- 
vowal,  and  I  will  seek  still  to  confide  in  the  spirit  which 
your  lordship  in  your  note,  and  in  the  conversation  of  this 
morning,  has  been  pleased  to  say  actuates  the  councils  of 
his  'oyai  highness  in  relation  to  America,  and  still  to  cher 
ish  a  hope  that  the  spirit  will  lead,  upon  a  review  of  the 
whole  ground,  to  measures  of  a  nature  better  calculated  to 
attain  this  object,  and  that  this  object  will  no  longer  be  nude 
to  depend  on  the  conduct  of  a  third  power,  or  contingencies 
over  which  the  U.  States  have  no  controul,but  alone  u.«on 
the  rights  of  the  U.  States,  the  justice  of  G.  Britain,  and 
the  common  interests  of  both. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sec. 

JONATHAN  RUSSELL. 


Previous  to  the  Declaration  of  War,  Gen.  Hull,  with 
about  two  thousand  men,  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  De 
troit. — The  army  arrived  at  the  head  of  Lake  Erie,  about 
the  time  war  was  declared  ;  and  several  officers,  and  la 
dies,  with  the  baggage  of  the  General  Officers,  proceeded 
dovyn  the  Lake  for  Detroit,  in  a  gun  vessel.  The  British 
received  the  news  of  the  war  before  Gen.  Hull,  and  sent  a 
brig  in  pursuit  of  his  baggage,  which  succeeded  in  ca  dur 
ing  the  vessel,  and  carried  her  into  [Maiden. — The  British 
commander  sent  the  iadies  over  to  Detroit,  in  a  flag  of  truce, 
which  was  the  first  intelligence  they  had  received  of  the 
war. 

Gen.  Hull,  after  concentrating  his  forces,  at  Detroit, 
crossed  over  the  river  to  Sandwich,  and  issued  the  follow 
ing  singular  and  extraordinary  Proclamation. 

BY  WILLIAM  HULL, 

Brigadier  General  and  Commander  of  the  North  Western 
Arm  i/  of  the  Untied  States: 
A  PROCLAMATION. 
INHABITANTS  OF  CANADA! 

After  thirty  years  of  peace  and  prosperity,  the  U.  States 
have  been  driven  to  arms.  The  injuries  and  aggressions, 
the  insults  and  indignities  of  G.  Britain  have  once  more  left 


112  HISTORY  OF  THE -WAR. 

them  no  alternative  but  manly  resistance,  or  unconditional 
submission.  The  army  under  my  command  has  invaded 
your  country  ',  the  standard  of  the  Union  now  waves  over 
the  territory  of  Canada.  To  the  peaceable  unoffending  mr 
habitant,  it  brings  neither  danger  nor  difficulty.  I  come  to 
find  enemies,  not  to  make  them,  i  come  to  protect,  not  to 
injure  you. 

Separated  by  an  immense  ocean  and  an  extensive  wil 
derness  from  G.  Britain,  you  have  no  participation  in  her 
councils;  no  interest  in  her  conduct.  You  have  felt  her  ty 
ranny  ;  you  have  seen  her  injustice.  But  1  do  not  ask  you 
to  avenge  the  one,  or  to  redress  the  other.  The  IT.  States 
are  sufficiently  powerful  to  afford  ever)  security,  consistent 
with  their  rights  and  your  expectations.  1  tender  \ou  the 
invaluable  blessing  of  civil,  political,  and  religious  liberty, 
and  their  necessary  result,  individual  and  general  prosperi 
ty  ;  that  liberty  which  gave  decision  to  our  councils,  and 
energy  to  our  conduct  in  a  struggle  for  independence, 
which  conducted  us  safely  and  triumphantly  through  the 
stormy  period  of  the  revolution — that  liberty  which  has  rais 
ed  us  to  an  elevated  rank  among-  the  nations  of  the  world  ; 

O  * 

and  winch  afforded  us  a  greater  measure  of  peace  and  se 
curity,  of  wealth  and  improvement,  than  ever  fell  to  the  lot 
of  any  people.  In  the  name  of  my  country,  and  the  au- 
thonty  of  government,  I  promise  you  protection  to  your 
persons,  property,  and  rights ;  remain  at  your  homes ;  pursue 
your  peaceful  and  customary  avocations;  raise  not  jour 
hands  against  your  brethren.  Many  of  your  fathers  fought, 
for  the  freedom  and  independence  we  now  enjoy.  Being 
children  therefore  of  the  same  family  with  us,  and  heirs  lo 
the  same  heritage,  the  arrival  of  an  army  of  friends  must 
be  hailed  by  you  with  a  cordial  welcome.  —You  will  be 
emancipated  from  tyranny  and  oppression,  and  restored  to 
the  dignified  station  of  freedom.  Had  I  any  doubt  oi 
eventual  success,  I  might  ask  your  assistance,  but  1  do  not, 
1  come  prepared  for  every  contingency — I  have  a  force-, 
which  will  break  down  all  opposition,  and  that  force  is  but 
the  van-guard  of  a  much  greater. — If,  contrary  to  your  own 
interest  and  the  just  expectations  of  my  country,  you  should 
take  part  in  the  appro-idling1  contest,  you  will  be  consider 
ed  and  treated  as  enemies,  and  the  horrors  and  calamities 
of  war  will  stalk  before  you.  If  the  barbarous  and  .savage 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAB,  113 

policy  of  G.Britain  be  pursued,  and  the  savages  are  let 
Joo  e  to  murder  our  citizens  and  butcher  our  women  and 
children,  this  war  will  be  a  war  oj  extermination.  The 
first  stroke  of  the  tomahawk— the -first  attempt  with  the 
scalping  knife,  will  be  the  signal  of  one  indiscriminate 
scene  of  desolation.  No  white  man  found  fighting  b\  the 
side  of  an  Indian  will  be  taken  prisoner — instant  death  w.ll 
be  his  lot.  If  the  dictates  of  reason,  duty,  justice,  and  hu 
manity,  cannot  prevent  the  employment  of  a  force  which 
respects  no  rights,  and  knows  no  wrong,  it  will  be  prevent 
ed  by  a  severe  and  relentless  system  of  retaliation.  I  doubt 
not  your  courage  and  firmness — I  w.ll  not  doubt  your  at 
tachment  to  liberty.  If  you  tender  your  services  volunta 
rily,  they  will  be  accepted  readily.  The  IT.  States  offer 
you  peace,  liberty*  and  security.  Your  choice  lies  between 
these  and  war,  slavery  and  destruction. — Choose  then  ;  but 
choose  wisely  ;  and  may  He  who  knows  the  justice  of  our 
cause,  and  who  holds  in  his  hand  the  fate  of  nations,  guide 
you  to  a  result  the  most  compatible  with  your  rights  and 
interests,  your  peace  and  happiness. 
By  the  General, 

A.  P.  HULL, 

Captain  of  the  \3th  United  States1  regiment  of  Infantry, 

and  Aid-de-camp. 
Head-quarters,  Sandwich,  July  12,  1812. 

WILLIAM  HULL, 

On  the  10th  of  July,  Colonels  Gass  and  Miller,  attempt 
ed  to  surprise  a  British  post,  oOO  strong,  at  a  bridge  about 
five  miles  from  Maiden. — They  were  discovered  by  the 
British,  and  after  a  slight  skirmish,  the  enemy  retreated, 
leaving  eleven  men  killed  and  wounded,  on  the  field  ;  our 
troops  returned  to  head-quarters,  at  Sandwich,  and  the 
British  re-posted  themselves  again,  at  the  bridge.  On  the 
19th  and  24th  there  was  considerable  skirmishing,  with 
trifling  success,  on  either  side — our  loss  was  six  men  killed 
and  wounded — the  British  and  Indians,  lost  sixteen  killed, 
and  several  wounded. 

Soon  after  General  Hull  had  crossed  from  Detroit,  into 
Canada,  and  had  issued  his  Proclamation,  the  greater  part 
of  the  militia  of  the  neighboring  country  gave  themselves 


1 1  4  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

up  to  his  protection,  or  returned  home  peaceably,  resolvino 
to  stand  neutral,  in  the  contest, — Large  bodies  of  the  sav 
age  tribes  offered  their  services  to  Gen.  Hull,  previous  to 
his  leaving  Detroit,  but  he  informed  them  that  he  was  not 
authorised  to  accept,  them,  and  wished  them  to  remain  si 
lent  spectators,  and  not  engage  on  either  side  ;  but  this 
was  not  their  choice — they  immediately  crossed  over  to 
Maiden,  where  they  were  accepted,  and  put  into  service  by 
the  British  ;  which  circumstance  contributed  largely  to 
overthrow  Gen.  Hull,  as  will  be  s^enby  the  official  account 
of  his  capitulation. 

HULL'S  VICTORY. 

Com.  tluil  fo  tk  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 
V.  S.  F.  Constiluttun,  oft' Boston,  Avy.  30,  1812, 
SIR — 1  have  the  honor  to  inform  you,  that  on  the  l()th 
instant,  at  2  P.  M.  bei;ig  in  latitude  41,  42,  longitude  55, 
48,  w;th  the  Constitution,  under  my  command,  a  sail  was 
discovered  from  the  masthead  bearing  E.  by  S.  or  E.  S  EC 
but  rit  such  a  distance  we  could  not  tell  what  she  was. 
AUsa>l  was  instantly  made  in  chase,  and  soon  found  we 
ca  e  no  with  her.  At  3  P.  M.  could  plainly  see  that  she 
was  a  ship  on  the  starboard  tack,  under  easy  sail,  close  en 
a  wind  ;  at  half  past  3  P.  M.  made  her  out  to  be  a  frigate  ; 
continued  the  chase  until  we  were  within  about,  three  mile  s, 
wheu  1  ordered  the  tight  sails  taken  in,  the  courses  hauled 
NIK  and  the  .ship  cleared  for  action.  At  this  time  tht--  chase 
had  backed  his  main-  opsaii,  waiting  for  us  to  come  down 
As  soon  as  the  Constitution  was  ready  for  action,  I  bore 
<l>wu  with  an  intention  to  bring  him  to  close  action  imme 
diately  ;  but  on  our  coming  within  gun-shot  she  gave  us  a 
broadside,  and  filed  away,  and  wore,  giving  us  a  broad 
side  00  the  other  tack,  but  without  effect ;  her  shot  falling 
short.  She  continued  v\ earing  and  manopvremg  for  about 
three  quarters  of  an  hour,  to  g'jt  a  raking  position,  but 
finding  she  could  not,  she  bore  up,  and  run  under  her  top 
sails  and  gib,  with  the  wind  on  the  quarter.  Immediately 
made  sail  to  bring  the  ship  up  with  her,  and  5  minutes  be 
fore  six,  P.  M.  being  alongside  within  half  pistol  shot,  we 
commenced  a  heavy  fire  from  all  our  guns,  double  shotted 
MMlh  round  and  grape,  and  so  well  directed  were  they,  and 
so  warmly  kept  up,  that  m  15  minutes  his  uiizen-mast  wen! 


HfSTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  116 

by  the  board,  and  his  main  yard  in  the  slings,  and  the  hull, 
rigging,  and  sails,  very  much  torn  to  pieces.  Tiie  lire  was 
kept  up  with  equal  warmth  tor  15  minutes  longer,  when 
his  main-mast  and  fore-mast  went,  taking  with  .them  every 
spar,  excepting  the  bowsprit:  on  seeing  this  we  ceased 
firing,  so  that  in  30  minutes  ;.fter  we  got  fairly  alongside 
the  enemy,  she  surrendered,  and  had  not  a  spar  standing, 
and  her  hull,  below  and  above  water,  so  shattered,  that  a 
few  more  broadsides  must  have  carried  her  down. 

Ace;1  informing  youthatsotine  a  ship  astheGuerriere,  com 
manded  by  an  able  and  experienced  officer,  had  been  totally 
dismasted,  and  otherwise  cut  to  pieces,  so  as  to  makeher  -.ot 
worth  towing  into  port,  in  the  short  space  ot£>0  minutes,  \ou 
€a  i  have  no  doubt  of  the  gallantry  arid  good  conduct  of  the 
officers  and  ship\  company  I  have  the  honor  to  command  ; 
it  only  remains,  therefore,  for  me  to  assure  you,  that  they  all 
fought  with  great  bravery  ;  and  it  g'iyes  me  great  pleasure 
to  say,  that  from  the  smallest  boy  in  the  ship  to  the  oldest 
seamen,  not  a  look  of  fear  was  seen.  They  all  went  into 
action,  giving  three  cheers  and  requested  to  be  laid  along 
side  the  eneniv. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  8cc. 

ISAAC  HULL, 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 

Kilied  7 — wounded  7. 

BRITISH  LOSS. 

Killed  15 — wounded  02 — missing  24.* 


ORDERS  IN  COUNCIL  REVOKED. 

At  the  Court  at  Carlton  House,  the  23d  day  of  June, 
present,  his  rovat  highness,  the  pn.ice  regent  in  council. 

Whereas  his  royal  highness,  the  prince  regent  was  ple-is- 
ed  to  declare,  in  the  name  and  on  behalf  of  his  majesty,  on 
the  21st  of  A';>ril,  1812,  *  That  if  at  any  time  hereafter,  the 
Berlin  and  Milan  Decrees  shall  by  some  authentic  act  of 
the  French  government,  publicly  promulgated,  be  absolute 
ly  and  unconditionally  repealed,  then,  and  from  thence,  the 
Order  in  Council  of  thi^  7«h  of  January,  1807,  and  the  Or 
der  in  Council  of  the  26th  of  April,  180&,  shall  with  ut 
anv  further  order,  be,  a<td  the  s  >me  are  hereby  declared 
from  thenceforth  to  be  wholly  and  absolutely  revoked.' 

#  Supposed  to  have  gone  overboard  with  the  mads. 


116  HISTORY  OP  THE  WAR. 

And  whereas  the  charge  d'affairs  of  the  U.  States  of 
America,  resident  at  this  Court,  did,  on  the  21si  day  oi  May 
last,  transmit  to  lord  viscount  Castiereagh,  one  of  his  ma 
jesty's  principal  secretaries,  a  copy  of  a  certain  instrument, 
then  for  the  first  time  commun.cated  to  this  Court,  purpor 
ting  to  be  a  Decree  passed  by  the  government  of  France, 
on  the  28th  of  April,  1811,  by  which  the  Decrees  ot  Berlin 
and  Milan  are  declared  to  be  definitely  no  longer  in  force 
in  regard  to  American  vessels  : 

And  whereas  his  royal  highness,  the  prince  regent,  aL 
though  he  cannot  consider  the  tenor  of  said  instrument  as 
satisfying  the  conditions  set  forth  in  the  said  Order  of  ihe 
21st  of  April  last,  upon  which  the  said  Orders  were  to  cease 
and  determine,  is  nevertheless  disposed,  on  his  part,  to  take 
such  measures  as  may  tend  to  re-establish  the  intercourse 
between  neutral  and  belligerent  nations,  upon  its  accustomed 
principles,  his  ro\al  highness,  the  prince  regent,  in  the  name 
and  on  the  befell'  of  his  m  -jesty,  is  therefore  pleased,  by  and 
Wfth  the  advice  <jf  his  majesty's  privy  O;mcil,  to  order  and 
dectare,  and  it  is  hun  i  t»  ordered  a  u  dt-.ciared,  that  the  Or 
der  in  Council  bearing  date  the  7th  day  oi  January,  1807, 
and  the  Order  in  Council  bearing  date  the  26lh  day  of 
April,  1809,  be  revoked,  so  far  as  may  regard  American, 
vessels  and  their  cargoes,  being  American  properly,  from 
the  1st  day  of  August  next. 

But  whereas  by  certain  acts  of  the  government  of  the 
TT  Stales  ot  America,  all  Br  tish  armed  vessels  aie  exclud 
ed  from  the  harbors  and  wa;ers  of  the  said  U.  States,  the 
aimed  vessels  of  France  being  permitted  to  enter  therein, 
and  the  commercial  intercourse  between  G  Britain  and  the 
said  U.  States  is  interdicted,  the  commercial  intercourse 
between  France  and  the  said  U.  States  having  been  restor 
ed  :  his  royal  highness,  the  pnnce  regent  is  pleased  hereby 
further  to  declare,  in  the  name  and  on  the  behalf  of  his  ma 
jesty,  that  if  the  government  of  the  said  D.  States  si  all  not 
as  soon  as  may  be,  ailer  this  order  shall  have  been  uuiy 
notified  by  his  majesty's  minister  in  America  to  the  said 
government,  revoke  or  cause  to  be  revoked  the  said  acts, 
this  present  Order  shall  in  that  case,  after  clear  notice  signi 
fied  by  his  majesty's  minister  in  America,  to  the  said 
ernmeut,  be  thenceforth  null  and  of  no  effect. 


HIST011Y  OF  THE  WAR.  117 

It  is  farther  ordered  and  declared,  that  all  American  ves 
sels  a  >d  their  cargoes,  being1  American  property,  that  shall 
have  been  captured  subsequently  to  the  28th  of  May  last,  for 
a  breach  of  the  aforesaid  Orders  in  Council  alone,  and 
'which  shall  not  have  been  actually  condemned  before  the 
date  of  this  Order,  and  that  all  ships  and  cargoes  as  afore 
said,  that  shall  henceforth  be  captured  under  the  said  Or 
ders,  prior  to  the  1st  day  of  August  next,  shall  not  be  pro 
ceeded  against  to  condemnation,  until  further  orders,  but 
shall,  in  the  event  of  this  Order  not  becoming  null  and  o  s»o 
effect,  in  the  case  aforesaid,  be  forthwith  liberated  and  re 
stored,  subject  to  such  reasonable  expences  on  the  part  of 
the  captors,  as  shall  have  been  justly  incurred. 

Provided  that  nothing*  in  the  Order  contained  respecting* 
the  revocation  of  the  Orders  herein  mentioned,  shall  be 
taken  to  revive  wholly,  or  in  part,  the  Orders  in  Council  of 
the  llth  of  November,  1807,  or  any  other  Order  not  herein 
mentioned,  or  to  deprive  parties  of  any  legal  remedy  to 
which  they  may  be  entitled,  under  the  Order  in  Council,  of 
the  21st  of  April,  1812. 

His  royal  highness,  the  prince  regent  is  hereby  pleased 
further  to  declare,  in  the  name  and  o-«  the  behalf  of  his  ma 
jesty,  that  nothing  in  the  present  Order  contained  shall  be 
understood  to  preclude  his  royal  highness,  the  prince  regent, 
if  circumstances  shall  so  require,  from  restoring1,  after  rea 
sonable  notice,  the  Orders  ot  the  7th  uf  January,  1807,  and 
th  26th  of  April,  1809,  or  any  part  thereof,  *to  their  full 
effect,  or  from  taking  such  other  measures  of  retaliation 
against  the  enemy,  as  may  appear  to  his  royal  highness  to  be 
just  and  necessary. 

And  the  right  honorable  the  lords  commissioners  of  his 
majesty's  treasury,  his  majesty's  principal  secretaries  oi  state, 
the  lords  commissioners  of  the  Admiralty  and  the  Judge 
oftuehigh  Court  of  Admiralty,  and  the  Judge  of  the 
Court  of  Yice  Admiralty,  are  to  take  the  necessary  mea 
sures  herein,  as  to  them  may  respectively  appertain. 

Gen.  Hull  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

MONTREAL,  bept.  8th,  1812. 

SIR— The  inclosed  dispatch  was  prepared  on  my  arri 
val  ai  Fort  George,  and  it  was  my  intention  to  have  for- 
warded  it  from  that  place  by  Major  Witherell.  of  thr 


118  HISTORY  OP  THE  WAR. 

Michigan  volunteers.  I  made  application  to  the  com 
manding1  officer  at  that  post,  and  was  refused  ;  he  stating 
that  he  was  not  authorised,  and  Gen.  Brock  was  then  at 
York.  We  were  immediately  embarked  tor  this  place, 
and  Major  Withereil  obtained  liberty  at  Kingston  to  go 
home  o:>  parole. 

This  is  the  first  opportunity  I  have  had  to  forward  the 
dispatches. 

The  fourth  U.  States' regiment  is  destined  for  Quebec, 
wi>h  a  part  of  the  first.  The  whole  consist  of  a  little  over 
three  hundred 

Sir  Gerorge  Prevost,  without  any  request  on  my  part, 
has  offered  to  take  my  parole,  and  perm  it  me  to  proceed  to 
the  States. 

Lieut.  Anderson,  of  the  eighth  regiment,  is  the  bearer  of 
my  dispatches.  He  was  formerly  a  Lieut,  in  the  Artihtrv, 
and  resigned  his  commission  on  account  of  being  appoi  t* 
ed  Marshal  of  the  Territory  of  Michigan.  During  the 
campaign  he  has  had  a  command  in  the  Artillery  ;  and  I 
recommend  him  to  you  as  a  valuable  officer. 

He  is  particularly  acquainted  with  the  state  of  things 
previous,  and  at  the  time  when  the  capitulation  took  place. 
He  will  be  able  to  give  you  correct  information  on  anv 
points,  about  which  you  may  think  proper  to  enquire. 

J  am,  very  respectfully,  &c. 

WILLIAM  HULL. 
DISPATCH. 

Port  George,  August  26,  1812. 

SIR — Inclosed  are  the  articles  of  capitulation,  by  which 
the  Full  of  Detroit  has  been  surrendered  to  Major- General 
Brock,  commanding  his  Britannic  Majesty's  forces  in  Up 
per  Canada,  and  by  which  the  troops  have  become  prisoners 
oi' war.  My  situation  at  present  forbids  me  from  detailing 
the  particular  causes  which  have  led  to  this  unfortunate 
event.  I  will,  ho v\ ever,  generally  observe,  that  alter  the 
surrender  of  JVLchihtnacktnac,  almost  every  tribe  and  nation 
of  Indians,  excepting  a  part  ot  the  Miamies  and  Delavvares, 
north  from  beyond  Lake  Superior,  west  from  beyond  the 
Mississippi,  south  from  the  Ohio  and  Wabash,  and  east  from 
every  part  of  Upper  Canada,  and  from  all  the  intermediate 
co'jiiirv,  joined  in  open  hostility  under  the  British  standard, 
the  army  I  commanded,  contrary  to  the  most  solemn 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

assurances  of  a  large  portion  of  them  to  remain  neutral ; 
even  the  Ottawa  Cheifsfrom  Abercrotch,  who  formed  the 
delagation  to  Washington  the  last  summer,  in  whose  friend 
ship  I  know  you  had  great  confidence,  are  among-  the  hos 
tile  tr.bes,  and  several  of  them  distinguished  leaders. 
Among  the  vast  number  of  chiefs  who  led  the  hostile  bands, 
Tecumseh,  Marplot,  Logan,  Walk-in- 'he- water,  Split-Log*, 
&c.  are  considered  the  principals.  This  numerous  assem 
blage  of  savages,  under  the  entire  influence  and  direction 
of  the  British  commander,  enabled  him  totally  to  obstruct 
the  only  communication  which  I  had  with  my  country. 
Tsiis  communication  had  been  opened  from  the  settlements 
in  the  state  or  Ohio,  two  hundred  mi:es  through  a  wilder 
ness,  by  the  fatigues  of  the  army,  which  I  marched  to 
the  frontier  on  the  river  Detroit.  The  body  of  the  Lake  be 
ing  commanded  by  the  British  armed  ships,  nnd  the  shores 
and  rivers  by  gun-boats,  the  army  was  totally  deprived  ot  all 
communication  by  water.  On  this  extensive  road  t  depend 
ed  for  transportation  of  provisions,  military  stores,  medicine., 
clothing,  and  every  other  supply,  on  pack-horses — all  its- 
operations  were  successful  until  its  arrival  at  Detroit, — in  a 
few  days  it  passed  into  the  enemy's  country,  and  all  oppo 
sition  seemed  to  fall  before  it.  One  month  it  remained  in 
possession  of  this  country,  and  was  fed  from  its  resources, 
In  different  directions  detachments  penetrated  sixty  miles 
in  thesc.'ttled  part  of  the  province,  and  the  inhabitants  seem 
ed  satisfied  with  the  change  of  situation,  which  appeared  lo 
be  taking  place — the  militia  from  Amhertsburg  were  daily 
deserting,  and  the  whole  country,,  then  wilder  the  control 
of  the  army,  was  asking  for  protection.  The  Indians  gen 
erally,  in  the  first  instance,  appeared  to  be  neutralized,  and 
determined  to  take  no  pait  in  the  contest. 

The  fort  of  A  nherstburgh  was  eighteen  miles  below  my 
encampment.  Not  a  single  cannon  or  mortar  was  on 
wheels  suitable  to  carry  before  that  place.  I  consulted  my 
officers  whether  it  was  exped=ent  to  make  an  attempt  on  it 
with  the  bayonet  alone,  without  cannon  to  makeabre  ich  in 
the  first  instance.  The  council  I  called  was  ^f  opinion  it 
was  not. — The  greatest  industry  was  exerted  in  making 
preparation,  and  it  was  not  until  the  7th  of  August,  that  two 
24-pounders,  and  three  howitzers  were  prepared.  It  was 
then  my  intention  to  have  proceeded  on  the  enterprise.- 


1?0  &ISTORY  OF  T#E  WAfc. 

While  the  operations  of  the  army  were  delayed  by  thes* 
preparations  the  clouds  of  adversity  had  been  ;br  some  nu:f 
and  seemed  still  thickly  to  be  gathering  around  me.  The 
surrender  of  Michilimackinac  opened  the  northern  hive  o£ 
Indians,  and  they  were  swarming;  down  in  every  direction1. 
Reinforcements  from  Niagara  had  arrived  at  Amherstburg 
under  the  command  of  Col.  Proctor.  The  desertion  of  the 
.militia  ceased.  Besides  the  reinforcements  that  came  by 
water,  i  received  information  of  a  very  considerable  force 
wider  the  command  of  Major  Chambers,  on  the  river  Lfc 
French,  wit  four  field-pieces,  and  collecting"  the  militia  on 
bis  route,  evidently  destined  for  Amherstburg ;  and  in  ad 
dition  to  tLs  combination,  and  increase  of  force,  contrary  to 
ail  my  expectations,  the  Wyandots,  Cl.ippewas,  Ottawas, 
Potawattamies,  Munsef  s,  Delawares,  &c.  with  whom  I  had 
the  most  friendly  intercourse,  at  once  passed  over  to  Am- 
herstburg,  and  accepted  the  tomahawk  and  scalping  knife. 
There  being  now  a  vast  number  of  Indians  at  the  British 
post,  they  were  sent  to  the  river  Huron,  Bro  vnstown,  and 
Maguago,  to  intercept  my  communication.  To  open  this 
communication,  I  detached  Major  Vanhorn,  of  the  Ohio 
Toluciteers,  with  two  hundred  men  to  proceed  as  far  as  the 
river  Raisin,  under  a  ;  expectation  that  he  would  ni'-ct  Capt, 
Brush  with  150  volunteers  from  Ohio,  and  a  quantity  of  pro* 
Tision  for  the  a-  my.  An  ambuscade  was  formed  at  Browns- 
town,  and  Major  Yanhoni's  detachment  defeated  and  re 
turned  to  camp  without  effecting  theobjectot  the  expedition. 
In  my  letter  of  the  7Ui  mst.  you  have  the  particulars  of 
that,  transaction,  with  a  return  of  the  killed  and  wounded. 
Under  this  sudden  and  unexpected  change  of  things,  and 
baling1  received  an  express  from  General  Hal:, Command- 
iir'.  opposite  the  British  shore  on  the  Niagara  river,  by 
which  it  appeared  that  there  was  no  prospect  of  any  co-op 
eration  from  iliat  quarter,  and  the  two  senior  officers  of  the 
arti-lerv  having  slated  to  mean  opinion  that  it  would  be 
extremely  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  pass  the  Turkey 
river  and  rivei  Anx-Cannard,  with  the  24  pou.  ders,  and 
that  they  could  not  be  transported  by  water,  as  the  Queen 
Charlotte  which  earned  eighteen  24  pounders,  lay  in  tno 
river  Detroit  above  the  mouth  of  the  river  Aux-C  mnard  ; 
aiid  as  it  appeared  indispensibly  necessary  to  open  the  com- 
mmucatioii  to  the  river  Raisin  and  the  Miami,  I  found 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAKi  121 

myself  compelled  to  suspend  the  operation  against  Am- 
lierstburg,  and  concentrate  the  main  force  of  the  army  at 
Detroit.  Fully  intending,  at  that  time,  after  the  commu 
nication  was  opened,  to  re-cross  the  river,  and  pursue  the 
object  at  Amherstburg,  and  strongly  desirous  of  continuing 
protection  to  a  very  large  number  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Upper  Canada,  who  had  voluntarily  accepted  it  under  my 
proclamation,  I  established  a  fortress  on  the  banks  of  the 
river,  a  little  below  Detroit,  calculated  for  a  garrison  of 
three  hundred  men.  On  the  evening  of  the  7th,  and  morn 
ing  of  the  8th  inst.  the  army,  excepting  the  garrison  of -250 
infantry,  and  a  corps  of  artillerists,  all  under  the  command 
of  Major  Denny,  of  the  Ohio  volunteers,  re-crossed  the  riv 
er,  and  encamped  at  Detroit.  In  pursuance  of  the  object 
of  opening  the  communication,  on  which  I  considered  the 
existence  of  the  army  depending,  a  detachment  of  six  hun 
dred  men,  under  the  command  of  Lieut.  Colonel  Miller  was 
immediately  ordered.  For  a  particular  account  of  the 
proceedings  of  this  detachment,  and  the  memorable  battle 
which  was  fought  at  Maguago,  which  reflects  the  highest 
honor  on  the  American  arms,  I  refer  you  to  my  letter  of 
the  13th  of  August,  a  duplicate  of  which  is  enclosed,  in 
this.  Nothing  however  but  honor  was  acquired  by  this 
victory  ;  and  it  is  a  painful  consideration,  that  the  blood 
of  seventy-five  gallant  men  could  only  open  the  communi 
cation  as  far  as  the  points  of  their  bayonets  extended. 
The  necessary  care  of  the  sick  and  wounded,  and  a  very 
severe  storm  of  rain,  rendered  their  return  to  camp  indis 
pensably  necessary  for  their  own  comfort.  Captain  Brush, 
with  his  small  detachment,  and  the  provisions,  being  still  at 
the  river  Raisin,  and  in  a  situation  to  be  destroyed  by  the 
savages,  on  the  13th  inst.  in  the  eveaing,  I  permitted 
Colonels  M' Arthur  and  Cass  to  select  from  their  regiment 
four  hundred  of  their  most  effective  men,  and  proceed  an 
upper  route  through  the  woods,  which  I  had  sent  an  express 
to  Capt.  Brush  to  take,  and  had  directed  the  militia  of  the 
river  Raisin  to  accompany  him  as  a  reinforcement.  The 
force  of  the  enemy  continually  increasing,  and  the  neces 
sity  of  opening  the  communication,  and  acting  on  the  de 
fensive,  becoming  more  apparent,  I  had,  previous  to  de 
taching  Colonels  M' Arthur  and  Cass,  on  the  llth  inst- 
evacuated  and  destroyed  the  fort  on  the  opposite  bank. 


122  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAK. 

On  the  13th,  in  the  evening,  Gen.  Brock  arrived  at  Am- 
herstburg  about  the  hour  Colonels  JVT Arthur  and  Cass 
marched,  of  which  at  that  time  I  had  received  no  informa 
tion.  On  the  15th,  I  received  a  summons  from  him  to 
surrender  fort  Detroit,  of  which  I  herewith  enclose  you  a 
copy,  together  with  my  answer.  At  this  time  I  had  receiv 
ed  no  information  from  Colonels  M'Arthur  and  Cass.  An 
express  was  immediately  sent,  strongly  escorted,  with  or 
ders  for  them  to  return. 

On  the  15th,  as  soon  as  General  Brock  received  my  let 
ter,  his  batteries  opened  on  the  town  and  fort,  and  continu 
ed  until  evening.  In  the  evening  all  the  British  ships  of 
-war  came  nearly  as  far  up  the  river  as  Sandwich,  three 
miles  below  Detroit.  At  daylight  on  the  16th,  (at  which 
time  I  had  received  no  information  from  Colonels  M' Arthur 
and  Cass,  my  expresses  sent  the  evening  before,  and  in  the 
night,  having  been  prevented  from  passing  by  numerous 
bodies  of  Indians)  the  cannonade  recommenced,  and  in  a 
short  time  I  received  information,  that  the  British  army  and 
Indians,  were  landing  below  the  Spring  wells,  under  the 
cover  of  their  ships  of  war.  At  this  time  the  whole  effec 
tive  force  at  nay  disposal  at  Detroit  did  not  exceed  eight 
hundred  men.  Being"  new  troops  and  unaccustomed  to  a 
camp  life ;  having  performed  a  laborious  march ;  having 
been  in  a  number  of  battles  and  skirmishes,  in  which  many 
had  fallen,  and  more  had  received  wounds,  in  addition  to 
which  a  large  number  being  sick,  and  unprovided  with 
.medicine,  and  the  comforts  necessary  for  their  situation: 
are  the  general  causes  by  which  the  strength  of  the  army 
was  thus  reduced.  The  fort  at  this  time  was  tilled  with 
women,  children,  arid  the  old  and  decrepit  people  of  the 
town  and  country  ;  they  were  unsafe  in  the  town,  as  it  was 
entirely  open  and  exposed  to  the  enemy's  batteries.  Back 
ot  the  iort,  above  or  below  it,  there  was  no  safety  for  them 
on  account  of  the  Indians.  In  the  first  instance,  the  enemy's 
fire  was  principally  directed  against  our  batteries;  towards 
the  close,  it  was  directed  against  the  fort  alowe,  and  almost 
every  shot  and  shell  had  their  effect. 

It  now  became  necessary  either  to  fight  the  enemy  in  the 
field  ;  collect  the  whole  force  in  the  fort  ;  or  propose  terms 
of  capitulation.  I  could  not  have  carried  into  the  field 
more  than  six  hundred  men,  and  left  any  adequate  force  iu 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

the  fort.  There  were  landed  at  that  time  of  the  enemy'a  re 
gular  force  of  much  more  than  that  number,  and  twice  that 
number  of  Indians.  Considering  this  great  inequality  of 
force,  I  did  not  think  it  expedient  to  adopt  the  first  measure. 
The  second  must  have  been  attended  with  a  great  sacrifice 
of  blood,  and  no  possible  advantage,  because  the  contest 
could  not  have  been  sustained  more  than  a  day  tor  the 
want  of  powder,  and  but  a  very  few  days  for  the  want  of 
provisions.  In  addition  to  this,  Cols.  M' Arthur  and  Cass 
would  have  been  in  a  most  hazardous  situation.  I  feared 
nothing  but  the  last  alternative.  I  have  dared  to  adopt  it — 
I  well  know  the  high  responsibility  of  the  measure,  and  I 
take  the  whole  of  it  on  myself.  It  was  dictated  by  a  ser.se 
4)f  duty,  and  a  full  conviction  of  its  expediency.  The 
band&of  savages  which  had  then  joined  the  British  force, 
were  numerous  beyond  any  former  example.  Their  num 
bers  have  since  increased,  and  the  history  of  the  barbarians 
of  the  north  of  Europe  does  not  furnish  examples  of  more 
greedy  violence  than  these  savages  have  exhibited.  A 
large  portion  of  the  brave  and  gallant  officers  and  men  I 
commanded  would  cheerfully  have  contested  until  the  last 
cartridge  had  been  expended,  and  the  bayonets  worn  to  the 
sockets.  I  could  not  consent  to  the  useless  sacrifice  of  such 
brave  men,  when  I  knew  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  sus 
tain  my  situation.  It  was  impossible  in  the  nature  of  things 
that  an  army  could  have  been  furnished  with  the  necessary 
supplies  of  provision,  military  stores,  clothing,  and  comforts 
for  the  sick,  on  pack  horses,  through  a  wilderness  of  two 
hundred  miles,  filled  with  hostile  savages.  It  was  impos 
sible,  sir,  that  this  little  army,  worn  down  by  fatigue,  by 
sickness,  by  wounds  and  deaths,  could  have  supported  it 
self  not  only  against  the  collected  force  of  all  the  northern 
nations  of  Indians,  but  against  the  united  strength  of  Upper 
Canada,  whose  population  consists  of  more  than  twenty 
times  the  number  contained  in  the  territory  of  Michigan, 
aided  by  the  principal  part  of  the  regular  forces  of  the  pro 
vince,  and  the  wealth  aud  influence  of  the  North-West,  and 
other  trading  establishments  among  the  Indians,  which 
have  in  their  employment,  and  under  their  entire  control, 
more  than  two  thousand  white  men. 

Before  I  close  this  despatch  it  is  a  duty  I   owe   my  res 
pectable  associates  in  command,  Colonels  M'  Arthur,  Find- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

ley,  Cass,  and  lieut.  Col.  Miller,  to  express  my  obligations 
to  them  tor  the  prompt  and  judicious  manner  in  which  they 
Jiave  performed  their  respective  duties.     If  aught  has  taken 
place  during  the  campaign  which  is  honorable  to  the  army, 
these  officers  are  entitled  to  a  large  share  of  it.     If  the  last> 
act  should  be  disapproved,  no  part  of  the  censure   belongs, 
to  them.     I  have  likewise  to  express  my  obligation  to  Gen< 
Taylor,  who  has  performed  the  duty   of  quarteivm aster- 
General,  for  his  great  exertions  in  procuring  every  thing  in 
his  department  which  it  was  possible  to  furnish  for  the  con 
venience  of  the   army;  likewise  to   brigade-major  Jessup 
for  the  correct  and  punctual  manner  in  which  he  has  dis 
charged  his  duty  ;  and  to  the  army  generally  for  their  ex* 
ertion,  and  the  zeal  they  have  manifested  for  the  public  in 
terest.     The  death  of  Dr.  Foster,  soon  after  he  arrived   at 
Detroit,  was  a  severe   misfortune    to  the  army  ;  it  was  in 
creased  by  the  capture  of  the  Chachaga  packet,  by  which 
the  medicine  and  the  hospital  stores  were  lost.     He  was 
commencing  the  best  arrangements  in  the   department  of 
which  he  was  the  principal,   with  the  very   small    means 
which  he  possessed.     I  was  likewise  deprived  of  the  ne 
cessary  services  of  Capt.  Partridge,   by  sickness,  the  only- 
officer  of  the  corps  of  engineers  attached  to  the  army.     All 
the  officers  and  men  have  gone  to  their  respective  homes, 
excepting  the  4th  U.  States'  regiment,  and  a  small  part  of 
the  first,  and  Capt.  Dyson's   company  of  artillery.     Capt, 
Dyson's  company  was  left  at  Amherstburg,  and  the  others 
are  with  me  prisoners — they  amount  to  about  340.     I  have 
only  to  solicit  an  investigation  of  my  conduct,  as    early  as 
my  situation,  and  the  state  of  things  will  admit ;  and  to  add 
the  further  request,  that  the    government  will  not  be  un 
mindful  of  my  associates  in  captivity,  and  of  the  families  of 
those  brave  men  who  have  fallen  in  the  contest. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

W.  HULL. 

[ENCLOSED  IN  THE  PRECEDING  DISPATCH.] 

SANDWICH,  August?,  1812. 

SIR — On  the  4th  inst.  Major  Yanhorn,  of  Col.  Findley's 
regiment  of  Ohio  volunteers,  was  detached  from  this  army, 
with  the  command  of  200  men,  principally  riflemen,  to  pro- 
seed  to  the  river  Raisin,  and  further,  if  necessary,  to  met* 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAK.  126 

and  reinforce  Capi.  Brush,  of  the  state  of  Ohio,  command 
ing  a  company  of  volunteers,  and  escortn  g  prov.siv  1=  for 
this  army.  At  Brownstown  a  large  body  of  Ifj.i:-rii»s  had 
formed  an  ambuscade,  and  the  Major's  detachment  received 
a  heavy  fire,  at  the  d  stance  or  fifty  yards  from  the  en-my. 
The  whole  detachment  retreated  isi  disorder.  Major  Van- 
horn  made  every  exertion  to  form,  and  prevent  the  retreat, 
that  was  possible  for  a  brave  and  g-dlant  officer,  but  Without 
success.  Bv  the  return  of  killed  ai.d  wounded,  it  will  be 
perceived  that  the  loss  of  oncers  was  uncommonly  great. 
Their  efforts  to  rally  their  companies  was  the  occasion  of  it. 
I  am,  very  respectfully,  yours,  &c, 

WILLIAM  HULL. 

Killed,  in  Major  Vanliorn's  defeat — i  Captains — 1  Lieu 
tenant — -2  Ensigns — 10  privates — total  17. 

[ENCLOSED  IN  THE  PKECEDING  DISPATCH.] 

DETKOIT,  i:3tii  August,  1812. 

SIR — The  main  body  of  the  army  having  re  crossed  the 
river  at  Detroit,  on  the  night  and  morning  of  the  8th,  mst.  six 
hundred  men  were  immediately  detached  under  the  com 
mand  of  Lieut.  Col.  Miller,  to  open  the  communication  to 
the  river  Raisin,  and  protect  the  provisions,  which  were 
under  the  escort  of  Capt.  Brush.  This  detachment  consist 
ed  of  the  4th  U.  States  regiment,  and  two  small  detachments 
under  the  command  of  Lieut.  Stansbury  and  Ensign 
M'Labe  of  the  1st  regiment;  detachments  from  the  Ohio 
and  Michigan  volunteers,  a  corps  of  artillerists,  with  one 
six-pounder  and  an  howitzer  under  the  command  of  Lieut. 
Eastman,  and  a  part  of  Captains  Smith  and  Sloan's  Cavalry, 
commanded  by  Capt.  Sloan  of  the  Ohio  volunteers.  Lieut. 
Col.  Miller  marched  from  Detroit  on  the  afternoon  of  the 
8th  instant,  and  on  the  9th,  about  four  o'clock  p.  M.  the 
van  guard,  commanded  by  Capt.  Snelling  of  the  4th  IL 
States'  regiment,  was  tired  on  by  an  extensive  line  of  Bri 
tish  troops  and  Indians  at  the  lower  part  of  the  Maguago 
about  fourteen  miles  from  Detroit.  At  this  time  the  main 
body  was  marching  in  two  columns,  and  Capt.  Snelling 
maintained  his  position  in  a  most  gallant  manner,  under  a 
very  heavy  fire,  until  the  line  was  formed  and  advanced  to 
the  ground  he  occupied,  when  the  whole,  excepting  the  rear 
guard,  was  brought  into  action. 


126  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

The  enemy  were  formed  behind  a  temporary  breast  work 
of  log's,  the  Indians  extending  in  a  thick  wood  on  their  left. 
Lt.  Col.  Miller  ordered  his  whole  line   to  advance,   and 
when  within  a  small  distance  of  the  enemy,  made  a  general 
discharge,  and  proceeded  with  charged  ba\onets,  when  the 
British  line  and  Indians  commenced  a  retreat     They  were 
pursued  in  a  most  vigorous  manner  about  two  miles,  and 
the  pursuit  discontinued  only  on  account  of  the  fatigue  of 
the  troops,  the  approach  of  evening,  and  the  necessity  of  re 
turning  to  take  care  of  the  wounded.     The  judicious  ar 
rangements  made  by  Lt  Col.  Miller,  and  the  gallant  man 
ner  in  which  they  were  executed,  justly  entitle  him  to  the 
highest  honor.     From  the  moment  the  line  commenced  the 
fire,  it   continually  moved  on,  and  the  enemy  maintained 
their  position  until  forced  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.     The 
Indians  on  the  left,  commanded  by  Tecumseh,  fought  with 
great  obstinacy,  but  were  continually  forced  and  compelled 
to  retreat.     The  victory  was  complete  in  every  part  of  the 
line,  and  the  success  would  have  been  more  brilliant  had 
the  cavalry  charged  the  enemy  on  the  retreat,  when  a  most 
favorable  opportunity  presented.     Although   orders  were 
given  for  the  purpose,  unfortunately  they  were  not  execut 
ed.    Majors  Vanhorn  and  Morrison,  of  the  Ohio  volunteers, 
•were  associated  with  Lt.  Col.  Miller,  as  field  officers  in  this 
command,  and  were  highly  distinguished  by  their  exertions 
in  forming  the  line,  and  the  firm  and  intrepid  manner  they 
led  their  respective  commands  into  action. 

Capt.  Baker,  of  the  1st.  Capt  Brevort,  of  the  2d.  and 
Capt.  Hull,  of  the  13th,  my  aid-de-camp,  and  Lieut.  Whist 
ler,  of  the  1st  Regt  U.  S.  Infantry,  requested  permission  to 
join  the  detachment,  as  volunteers.  Lieut  Col.  Miller  as 
signed  commands  to  Capt.  Baker  and  Lieut.  Whistler  5  and 
Capts.  Brevort  and  Hull,  at  his  request,  attended  his  person 
and  aided  him  in  the  general  arrangements.  Lieut.  Colonel 
Miller  has  mentioned  the  conduct  of  these  officers  in  terms 
of  high  approbation.  In  addition  to  the  captains  who  have 
been  named,  Lt.  Col.  Miller  has  mentioned  Capts.  Burton 
and  Fuller,  of  the  4th  Regt.  Capts.  Saunders  and  Brown,  of 
the  Ohio  Volunteers,  and  Capt  Delandre,  of  the  Michigan 
Volunteers,  who  were  attached  to  his  command — and  dis 
tinguished  by  their  valor.  It  is  impossible  for  me,  in  this 
communication  to  do  justice  to  the  officers  and  soldiers,  wfea 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  127 

gained  the  victory  which  I  have  described.  They  have  ac 
quired  high  honor  to  themselves  and  are  justly  entitled  to 
the  gratitude  of  their  country. 

Major  Muir,  of  the  41st  Regt.  commanded  the  British  in 
this  action.  Their  regulars  and  volunteers  consisted  of 
about  400,  and  a  large  number  of  Indians.  Major  Muir, 
and  two  subalterns  were  wounded,  one  of  them  since  dead. 
The  militia  and  volunteers  attached  to  his  command,  were 
in  the  severest  part  of  the  action,  and  their  loss  must  have 
been  great — it  has  not  yet  been  ascertained. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c.'  WM.  HULL. 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 

Killed  18— Wounded  57. 

BRITISH  LOSS. 

Killed  51 — Wounded  65 — Prisoners  4. 


GENERAL  ORDERS. 

H.   Q.  Detroit,  Any.  16,  1812. 

It  is  with  pain  and  anxiety  that  Brigadier  General  Hull 
announces  to  the  North- Western  army,  that  he  has  been 
compelled  from  a  sense  of  duty,  to  agree  to  the  following 
articles  of  capitulation. 

Camp  Detroit,  Aug.  16,  1812. 

Capitulation  of  surrendering  fort  Detroit,  entered  into 
between  Major-General  Brock,  commanding  his  Britannic 
majesty's  forces,  of  the  one  part,  and  Brig.  General  Hull, 
commanding  the  North- Western  army  of  the  U.  States,  of 
the  other  part : 

Article  1st.  Fort  Detroit  with  all  the  troops,  regulars  as 
well  as  militia,  will  be  immediately  surrendered  to  the  Bri 
tish  forces  under  command  of  Major-General  Brock,  and 
will  be  considered  as  prisoners  of  war,  with  the  exception 
of  such  of  the  Militia  of  the  Michigan  territory,  who  have, 
not  joined  the  army. 

Article  2d.  All  public  stores,  arms,  and  public .  docu 
ments,  including  every  thing  else  of  a  public  nature,  will  be 
immediately  given  up. 

'Article  3d.  Private  persons  and  private  property  of  every 
description  will  be  respected. 

Article  4th.  His  excellency  Brig.  General  Hull,  having 
expressed  a  desire  that  a  detachment  from  the  state  of  Ohio, 
on  its  way  to  join  the  army,,  as  well  as  one  sent  from  fort 


HISTORY  OF  T4IE  WAR. 

Detroit,  under  the  command  of  Col.  M' Arthur,  should  be, 
included  in  the  above  stipulation,  it  is  acordingiy  agreed 
to.  It  is,  however,  to  be  understood,  that  such  parts  of  the 
Oh'.o  militia  as  have  not  jon»ed  the  army,  will  be  permitted 
to  return  home  on  condition  that  they  will  not  serve  during 
the  var — their  arms,  however,  will  be  delivered  up  if  be 
longing  to  the  public. 

Article  5th.  The  garrison  will  march  out  at  the  hour  of 
12  o'clock  this  day,  and  the  British  forces  will  take  imme 
diate  possession  of  the  fort. 

J.  M'DOWEL,Lt.  Col.  Militia  B.  A.  D.  C. 
I.  B.  GREGG,  Major  A.  D.  C. 
(Approved)     WILLIAM  HULL,  Brig.  Gen. 
JAMES  MILLER,  Lt.  Col.  5th  U.  8.  Infantry. 
E.  BRUSH,  Col.  1st.  Regt.  Michigan  Militia. 
(Approved)  ISAAC  BROCK,  Maj.  Gen. 

The  army  at  12  o'clock  this  day  will  inarch  out  of  the 
east  gate,  where  they  will  stack  their  arms,  and  will  be  then 
subject  to  the  articles  of  capitulation. 

WILLIAM  HULL,  Brig.  Gen. 

Colonel  Cass  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

WASHINGTON,  Sept.  10,  1812. 

SIR — Having  been  ordered  onto  this  place  by  Col, 
M' Arthur,  for  the  purpose  of  communicating  to  the  govern 
ment  particulars  respecting*  the  expedition  lately  command 
ed  by  Brig.  General  Hull,  and  its  disastrous  result,  as 
might  enable  them  correctly  to  appreciate  the  conduct  of 
the  officers  and  men  ;  and  todevelope  the  causes  which  pro 
duced  so  foul  a  stain  upon  the  national  character,  I  have 
the  honor  to  submit  for  your  consideration,  the  following' 
statement. 

When  the  forces  landed  in  Canada,  they  landed  with  an 
ardent  zeal  and  stimulated  with  the  hope  of  conquest.  No 
enemy  appeared  within  view  of  us,  and  had  an  immediate 
and  vigorous  attack  been  made  upon  Maiden,  it  would 
doubtless  have  fallen  an  easy  victory.  1  know  I: en.  Hull 
afterwards  declared  he  regretted  this  attack  had  not  been 
made,  and  he  h;ul  every  reason  to  believe  success  would 
have  crowned  his  efforts.  The  reason  given  for  delaying* 
our  operations  was  to  mount  our  heavy  cannon,  and  to  af 
ford  to  the  Canadian  militia  time  and  opportunity  to 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  1:29 

un  obnoxious  service.     In  the  course  of  two  weeks  the 
number  of  their  militia,  who  were  embodied,  had  decreas 
ed  by  desertion  from  six  hundred  to  one  hundred  men  ;  and 
in  the  course  of  three  weeks,  the    cannon    were  mounted, 
the  ammunition  fixed,  and  every  preparation   made  for  an 
immediate  investment  of  the  fort.     At  a  Council,  at  which 
were  present  all  the  field  officers,  and  which  was  held  two 
days  before  our  preparations  were  completed,   it  was  una 
nimously  agreed  to  make  an  immediate  attempt,  to  accom 
plish  the  object  of  the  expedition.     If  by  waiting'  two  days 
we  could  have   the  service  of  our  heavy  artillery,  it  was 
agreed  to  wait:  if  not,  it  was  determined  to  go  without  it, 
and  attempt  the  place  by  storm.     This   opinion    appeared 
to  correspond  with  the  views  of  the  General,   and  the  day 
was  appointed  for  commencing  our  march.     He   declared 
to  me,  that  he  considered  himself  pledged  to  lead  the  army 
to  Maiden.     The  ammunition  was  placed  in  the  waggons ; 
the  cannon  embarked  on  board  the  floating  batteries,   and 
every  requisite  article  was  prepared.     The  spirit  and   zeal, 
the  ardor  and  animation  displayed  by  the  officers  and  men, 
on  learning  the  near  accomplishment  of  their  wishes,   was 
a  sure  and   sacred   pledge,   that   in  the  hour  of  trial  they 
would  not  be  found  wanting  in  their  duty  to  their  country 
and  themselves.     But  a  change  of  measures,  in  opposition 
to  the  wishes  and  opinions  of  all  the  officers,   was  adopted 
by  the  General.     The  plan  of  attacking  Maiden  was  aban 
doned,  and  instead  of  acting  offensively,  we  broke  up  our 
camp,  evacuated  Canada,  and  re- crossed  the  river,   in   the 
ivght,  without  even  the  shadowof  an  enemy  to  injure  us.  We 
left  to  the  tender  mercy  of  the  enemy  the  miserable  Canadians 
who  had  joined  us,  -and  the  protect  ion  we  afforded  them  was 
but  a  passport  to  vengeance.     This  fatal  and  unaccounta 
ble  step  dispirited  the  troops,  and  destroyed  the  little  con 
fidence  which  a  series  of  timid,  irresolute,  and   indecisive 
measures  had  left  in  the  commanding  officer. 

About  the  10th  of  August,  the  enemy  received  a  rein 
forcement  of  four  hundred  men.  On  the  12th,  the  com 
manding  officers  of  three  of  the  regiments,  (the  fourth  was 
absent)  were  informed  through  a  medium  which  admitted 
of  no  doubt,  that  the  General  had  stated  that  a  capitulation 
would  be  necessary.  They  on  the  same  day  addressed  to 
Governor  Meigs  of  Ohio,  a  letter  of  which  the  following  is 
an  extract  17 


130  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

*  Believe  all  the  bearer  will  tell  you.  Believe  it,  however 
it  may  astonish  you,  as  much  as  ifithadbeentoldyou  by  one 
of  us.  Even  a  c  n,  is  talked  of  by  the 

The  bearer  will  Jill  the  vacancy.' 

The  doubtful  fate  of  this  letter  rendered  it  necessary  to 
use  circumspection  in  its  details,  and  therefore  these  blanks 
were  left.  The  word  *  capitulation'  will  fill  the  first,  and 
<  commanding  general'  the  other.  As  no  enemy  was  near 
us,  and  as  the  superiority  of  our  force  was  manifest,  we 
could  see  no  necessity  for  capitulating,  nor  any  propriety 
in  alluding  to  it.  We  therefore  determined  in  the  last  re 
sort  to  incur  the  responsibility  of  divestmg  the  General  of 
his  command.  This  plan  was  eventually  prevented  by 
two  of  the  commanding  officers  of  regiments  being  ordered 
upon  detachments. 

On  the  13th  the  British  took  a  position  opposite  to  De 
troit,  and  began  to  throw  up  works.  During  that  and  the 
two  following  days,  they  pursued  their  object  without  in 
terruption,  and  established  a  battery  for  two  18  pounders 
and  an  8  inch  howitzer.  About  sunset  on  the  evening"  of 
the  14th,  a  detachment  of  350  men  from  the  regiments  com 
manded  by  Col.  M'Arthur  and  myself,  was  ordered  to 
march  to  the  river  Raisin,  to  escort  the  provisions,  which 
had  some  time  remained  there  protected  by  a  party  under 
the  command  of  Capt.  Brush. 

On  Saturday,  the  loth  about  1  o'clock,  a  flag  of  truce 
arrived  from  Sandwich,  bearing  a  summons  from  General 
Brock  for  the  surrender  of  the  town  and  fort  of  Detroit, 
stating  he  could  no  longer  restrain  the  fury  of  the  savages. 
To  this  an  immediate  and  spirited  refusal  was  returned. 
About  four  o'clock  their  batteries  began  to  play  upon  the 
town.  The  fire  was  returned  and  continued  without  inter 
ruption  and  with  little  effect  till  dark.  Their  shells  were 
thrown  till  eleven  o'clock. 

At  day-light  the  firing  on  both  sides  re-commenced; 
about  the  same  time  the  enemy  began  to  land  troops  at 
the  Spring  wells,  three  miles  below  Detroit,  protected  by 
two  of  their  armed  vessels.  Between  6  and  7  o'clock  they 
had  effected  their  landing,  and  immediately  took  up  their 
line  of  march.  They  moved  in  close  column  of  platoons, 
twelve  in  front,  upon  the  bank  of  the  river. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  131 

The  fourth  regiment  was  stationed  in  the  fort ;  the  Ohio 
volunteers  and  a  part  of  the  Michigan  militia,  behind  some 
pickets,  in  a  situation  in  which  the  whole  flank   of  the   ene- 
inv  would  have  been  exposed.     The  residue  of  the  Michi 
gan  militia  were  in  the  upper  part  of  the  town  to  resist  the 
incursions  of  the  savages.     Two  '24  pounders,  loaded  with 
grape  shot,  were  posted  on  a  commanding  eminence,  ready 
to  sweep  ti,e  advancing  column.     In  this  situation  the  su 
periority  of  our  position  was  apparent,    and  our  troops,   in 
the  eager  expectation  of  victory,  awaited   the   approach  of 
the  e  em;.-.     Not  a  discontent  broke   upon  the  ear  ;  not  a 
look  of  cowardice  met   the  eye.     Every    man   expected  a 
proud  day  for  his  country,  and  each  was  anxious    that   his 
ind;\  idual  exertion  should  contribute  to  the  general  result. 
When  the  head  of  their   column   arrived    within   about 
live  hundred  yards  of  our  line,  orders  were   received  from 
Gen.  Hull  for  the  whole  to  retreat  to  the  fort,  and   for  the 
24  pounders  not  to  open  upon    the   enemy.     One   univer 
sal  burst  of  indignation  was  apparent  upon  the  receipt  of 
this  order.     Those,  whose  conviction    was  the  deliberate 
result  of  a  dispassionate  examination  of  passing  events,  saw 
the  folly  and  impropriety  of  crowding  1100  men  into  a  lit 
tle  work,  which  300  men  could  fully  man,  and  into  which 
the  shot  and  shells  of  the    enemy    were  falling.     The  fort 
was  in  this  manner  tilled ;  the  men  were  directed  to  stack 
their  arms,  and  scarcely  was  an    opportunity    afforded  of 
moving.     Shortly  after,  a  white  flag  was  hung  out  upon  the 
walls.     A  British  officer  rode  up  to  enquire  the  cause.     A 
communication  passed  between  the  commanding  Generals, 
which  ended  in  the  capitulation  submitted  to  you.     In  en 
tering  into  this  capitulation,  the  General  took  counsel  from 
his  own  feelings  only.     Not  an  officer  was  consulted.     Not 
one  anticipated  a  surrender,  till  he  saw  the  white  flag  dis 
played.     Even  the  women  were  indignant  at  so  shameful 
a  degradation  of  the  American  character,  and  all   felt    as 
they  should  have   felt,  but  /*£  who  held  in  his    hands  the 
reins  ot  authority. 

Our  morning  report  had  that  morning  made  our  effec 
tive  men  present,  fit  for  duty  1000,  without  including  the 
detachment  before  alluded  to,  and  without  including  300 
of  the  Michigan  militia  on  duty. 


132  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

About  dark  on  Saturday  evening- the  detachment  sent  to 
escort  the  provisions,  received  orders  from  Gen.  Hull  to  re 
turn  with  as  much  expedition  as  possible.  About  ten 
o'clock  the  next  day  they  arrived  within  sight  of  Detroit. 
Had  a  firing  been  heard,  or  any  resistance  visible,  they 
would  have  immediately  advanced  and  attacked  the  rear 
of  the  enemy.  The  situation  in  which  this  detachment 
was  placed,  although  the  result  of  accident,  was  the  best  for 
annoying  the  enemy  and  cutting  off  his  retreat  that  could 
have  been  selected.  With  his  raw  troops  enclosed  between 
two  fires,  and  no  hopes  of  succor,  it  is  hazarding  little  to 
say,  that  very  lew  would  have  escaped. 

I  have  been  informed  by  Col.  Findley,  who  saw  the  re 
turn  of  their  quarter-master  General  the  day  after  the  sur 
render,  that  their  whole  force  of  every  description,  white, 
red,  and  black,  was  1030.  They  had  twenty-nine  platoons, 
twelve  in  a  platoon,  of  men  dressed  in  uniform.  Many  of 
these  were  evidently  Canadian  militia.  The  rest  of  the 
militia  increased  their  white  force  to  about  seven  hundred 
men.  The  number  of  their  Indians  could  not  be  ascer 
tained  with  any  degree  of  precision ;  not  many  were  visible. 
And  in  the  event  of  an  attack  upon  the  town  and  fort,  it 
was  a  species  of  force  which  could  have  afforded  no  mate 
rial  advantage  to  the  enemy. 

In  endeavoring  to  appreciate  the  motives,  and  to  investi 
gate  the  causes,  which  led  to  an  event  so  unexpected  and 
dishonorable,  it  is  impossible  to  find  any  solution  in  the  re 
lative  strength  of  the  contending  parties,  or  in  the  measures 
of  resistance  in  our  power.  That  we  were  far  superior 
to  the  enemy ;  that  upon  any  ordinary  principles  of  calcu 
lation  we  could  have  defeated  them,  the  wounded  and  in 
dignant  feelings  of  every  man  there  will  testifj. 

A  few  days  before  the  surrender,  I  was  informed  by 
Gen.  Huls,  we  had  400  rounds  of  24  pound  shot  fixed,  and 
about  100,000  cartridges  made.  We  surrendered  \vith 
the  iort,40  barrels  of  powder,  and  2500  stand  of  arms. 

The  state  of  our  provision  has  not  been  generally  under 
stood.  On  the  day  of  the  surrender  we  had  fifteen  days' 
provisions  of  every  kind  on  hand.  Of  meat  there  was  plenty 
in  the  country,  and  arrangements  had  been  made  for  pur 
chasing  grain  arid  grinding  it  to  flour.  It  was  calculated 
we  could  readily  procure  three  months7  provisions,  indepen- 


HISTORY    OF   THE  WAR.  133 

dent  of  150  barrels  of  flour,  and  1300  head  of  cattle,  which 
had  been  forwarded  from  the  state  of  Ohio,  and  which  re 
mained  at  the  river  Raisin,  under  Capt.  Brush,  within  rfeach 
of  the  army. 

But  had  we  been  totally  destitute  of  provisions,  our  duty 
and  our  interest  undoubtedly  was  to  fight.  The  enemy  invit 
ed  ns  to  meet  him  in  the  field. 

By  defeating- him  the  whole  country  would  have  been 
open  to  us,  nnd  the  object  of  our  expedition  gloriously  and 
successfully  obtained.  If  we  had  been  defeated  we  had 
nothing  to  do  but  to  retreat  to  the  fort,  and  make  the  best 
defence  which  circumstances  and  our  situation  rendered 
practicable.  But  basely  to  surrender,  without  firing  a  gun 
• — tamely  to  submit,  without  raising  a  bayonet — disgrace 
fully  to  pass  in  review  before  an  enemy,  as  inferior  in  the 
quality,  as  in  the  number  of  his  forces,  were  circumstances, 
which  excited  feelings  of  indignation  more  easily  felt  than 
described.  To  see  the  whole  of  our  men  flushed  with  the 
hope  of  victory,  eagerly  awaiting  the  approaching  contest, 
to  see  them  afterwards  dispirited,  hopeless,  and  desponding, 
at  least  500  shedding  tears,  because  they  were  not  allowed 
to  meet  their  country's  foe,  and  to  fight  their  country's  bat 
tles,  excited  sensations,  which  no  American  has  ever  be 
fore  had  cause  to  feel,  and  which,  I  trust  in  God,  will  never 
again  be  felt,  while  one  man  remains  to  defend  the  stand 
ard  of  the  Union. 

I  am  expressly  authorised  to  state,  that  Col.  M'Arthur 
and  Col.  Findley,  and  Lieut.  Col.  Miller,  viewed  tiiis  trans 
action  in  the  light  which  I  do.  They  know  and  feel,  that 
no  circumstance  in  our  situation,  none  in  that  of  the  enemy, 
can  excuse  a  capitulation  so  dishonorable  and  unjustifiable. 
This  too,  is  the  universal  sentiment  among  the  troops  ;  and 
I  shall  be  surprised  to  learn,  that  there  is  one  man,  who 
thinks  it  was  necessary  to  sheath  his  sword,  or  lay  down 
his  musket. 

I  was  informed  by  Gen.  Hull  the  morning  after  the  ca 
pitulation,  that  the  British  forces  consisted  of  1800  regulars, 
and  that  he  surrendered  to  prevent  the  effusion  of  human 
blood.  That  he  magnified  their  regular  force  nearly  five 
fold,  there  can  be  no  doubt.  Whether  the  philanthropic 
reason  assigned  by  him  is  a  sufficient  justification  for  sur 
rendering  a  fortified  town,  an  army,  and  a  territory,  is  for 


134  HISTORY  OP  THE  WAR. 

the  government  to  determine.  Confident  I  am,  that  had  the 
courage  and  conduct  of  the  General  been  equal  to  the 
spirit  and  zeal  of  the  troops,  the  event  would  have  been  as 
brilliant  and  successful  as  it  now  is  disastrous  and  dishon 
orable. 

Very  respectfully  sir,  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

LEWIS  CASS. 
Col.  3d.  regiment  Ohio  volunteers. 

[By  the  following  Proclamation,  it  appears  that  Gen.   Hull 

surrendered  the  whole  of  Michigan    Territory,  to  Gen. 

Brock,  although  he  has  never  made  public  any  doc  ument 

to  that  effect  /] 

PROCLAMATION. 

By  Isaac  Brock,  Esq.  Major-General,  commanding  his  ma 
jesty's  forces  in  the  province  of  Upper  Canada. 

Whereas  the  Territory  of  Michigan  was  this  day  by 
capitulation,  ceded  to  the  arms  of  his  Britannic  majesty, 
without  any  other  condition  than  the  protection  of  private 
property  ;  and  wishing  to  give  an  early  proof  of  the  mo 
deration  and  justice  of  the  government,  I  do  hereby  an 
nounce  to  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  Territory  that  the 
laws  heretofore  in  existence  shall  continue  in  force  until  his 
majesty's  pleasure  be  known,  or  so  long  as  the  peace  and 
safety  of  the  Territory  will  admit  thereof.  And  I  do  here 
by  also  declare  and  make  known  to  the  said  inhabitants 
that  they  shall  be  protected  in  the  full  exercise  and  enjoy 
ment  of  their  religion  ;  of  which  all  persons,  both  civil  and 
military,  will  take  notice  and  govern  themselves  accor 
dingly. 

Ail  persons  having  in  their  possession,  or  having  any 
knowledge  of  any  public  property,  shall  forthwith  deliver 
in  the  same,  or  give  notice  thereof  to  the  officer  comman 
ding,  or  to  Lt.  Col  Nichol,  who  are  hereby  authorized  to 
receive  and  give  proper  receipts  for  the  same. 

Officers  of  militia  will  be  held  responsible  that  all  arms 
in    possession  of    militia-men   be  immediately   delivered 
up ;  and  all  individuals  whatever,  who  have  in  their  pos- 
^ession  arms  of  any  kind,  will  deliver  them  up  without  de 
lay.     Given  under  my  hand  at  Detroit,  this   16th  day  of 
August,  1812,  and  in  the  52d  year  of  his  majesty's  reign. 
ISAAC  BROCK,  Major-General. 
J.  M'DONNEIX,  Lt.  Col,  Militia  &  A.  D.  Cu 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

A  CARD. 

Colonel  Symmes,  of  the  senior  division  of  the  Ohio  mi 
litia,  presents  his  respectful  compliments  to  Major-General 
Brock,  commanding  his  Britannic  majesty's  forces,  white 
and  red  in  Upper  Canada. 

Colonel  Symmes,  observing,  that  by  the  4th  article  of  the 
capitulation  of  Fort  Detroit  to  Major-General  Brock,  all 
public  arms  moving  towards  Fort  Detroit,  are  to  be  deliv 
ered  up,  but  as  no  place  of  deposit  is  pointed  out  by  the  capit 
ulation,  forty  thousand  stand  of  arms  coming  within  the 
description,  are  at  the  service  of  Major-General  Brock  if 
his  excellency  will  condescend  to  come  and  take  them. 

TRIAL  OF  GENERAL  HULL. 

Adjt.and  Inspt.  Gen.  Office,  Washington,  April  26, 1814. 
GENERAL  ORDER. 

The  proceeding  of  the  court  martial,  in  the  case  of  Wm. 
Hull,  brigadeir-general  in  the  army  of  the  U.  States,  hav 
ing  been  submitted  to  the  President  of  the  U.  States,  and 
having  been  approved  by  him,  the  following  extract  there 
from  is  ordered  to  be  read  at  the  head  of  each  regiment  of 
the  army,  and  to  be  published  in  the  National  Intelligencer 
of  this  citv.  By  order, 

(Signed;  .1.  B.  WALBACH,   Adjl.  General 

At  a  general  court  martial  (ordered  by  the  President  of 
the  U.  States)  convened  at  Albany,  in  the  state  of  N.  York, 
on  the  3d  day  of  January,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
fourteen,  and  continued  by  adjournments,  to  the  twenty- 
fifth  day  of  March  following,  brigadier-General  YVm.  Hull, 
of  the  army  of  the  U.  States,  was  tried  on  the  following 
charges  a*nd  specifications,  viz  : 

CHARGE  I. — Charged  Gen.  Hull  with  treason  against 
the  U.  States,  between  the  9th  of  April  and  17th,  of  August, 
one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  twelve. 

Specification  JirsL — Charged  Gen.  Hull  with  hiring  an 
unarmed  vessel,  to  convey  his  baggage,  and  papers,  with 
the  Declaration  of  War,  his  muster  rolls,  and  instructions 
from  the  Secretary  of  War,  from  the  Miami  of  the  Lake  to 
Detroit,  for  the  purpose  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Bri 
tish,  Avhich  they  captured  the  same  day.  with  all  on  board  ; 
and  of  holding  traitorous  correspondence  with  the  enemy 
on  the  first  d:\y  of  July,  1S12,  while  at  ihe  said  Miami  oj 
the  Lake, 


136  HISTORY  OF  THE  WA&. 

Specification  second. — Charged  Gen.  Hull,  of  unofficer 
like  and  traitorous  conduct,  in  neglecting1  to  march  his 
whole  army,  after  he  arrived  at  Sandwich,  and  take,  or 
attempt  to  take  fort  Maiden;  and  finally  in  conspiring  with 
our  enemies  to  quit  and  abandon  the  Province  of  Upper 
Canada  on  the  8th  day  of  August ;  and  of  again  holding 
correspondence  with  our  enemies,  and  causing  the  army  tu 
recross  the  river  to  Detroit. 

Specification  third. — Charged  Gen.  Hull  of  traitorously 
conspiring  and  shamefully  surrendering  fort  Detroit,  with 
all  the  troops  public  stores,  arms,  and  public  Documents,  on 
the  16th  day  of  August,  1812,  to  the  British  forces. 

CHARGE  II. — Charged  Gen.  Hull  with  cowardice,  at 
and  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Detroit  between  the  1st  of 
July,  and  the  17th  of  August,  1812, 

Specification  first. — Charged  Gen.  Hull  with  misbehav 
iour  before  the  enemy,  and  shamefully  manifesting  an  undue 
•fear  and  apprehension  of  danger  by  a  course  of  conduct 
and  conversation  evincing  personal  alarm,  agitation  of 
mind,  and  privation  of  judgment  by  hastily  abandoning 
their  territory,  without  any  just  or  sufficient  cause  whatever 

Specification  second. — Charged  Gen.  Hull  on  the  15th  of 
August  with  personal  misbehaviour  and  fear  before  the  en 
emy,  after  they  had  commenced  their  cannonade  on  De 
troit,  by  a  course  of  conduct,  and  particularly  by  various  timid 
and  cowardly  actions  and  expressions  used  and  uttered  in 
the  presence  of  the  army,  as  well  "in  the  public  street  of 
Detroit,  as  in  posts  and  batteries  near  thereto. 

Specification  third. —  Charged  Gen.  Hull  on  the  loth  of 
August,  with  personal  fear  and  cowardice,  by  avoiding  all 
personal  danger,  or  making  an  attempt,  to  prevent  the  en 
emy's  crossing  the  river,  or  to  prevent  their  landing  by 
avoiding  all  personal  danger,  irom  reconnoitering  or  en 
countering  the  enemy  on  their  march  towards  fort  Detroit, 
and  by  hastily  sending  flags  of  truce  to  the  enemy  with 
overtures  for  capitulation  ;  by  anxiously  withdraw  ing  his 
person  from  the  American  troops  to  a  ;>bce  of  safety  :  by 
forbidding  the  artillery  to  tire  on  the  enemy  ;  by  calling  in 
the  troops,  and  crowding  them  into  thefort ;  by  a  precipitate 
declaration  to  the  enemy  that  he  surrendered,  before  terms 
of  capitulation  were  signed,  considered,  or  even  suggested. 

Specification  fourth.— -Charg-ed  Gen.  Hull,  with  shame- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  137 

fully  and  cowardly  surrendering  a  fine  army,  in  high  spirits, 
well  supplied  with  ammunition,  arms,  and  provisions,  by  a 
disgraceful  capitulation  with  the  enemy,  containing1  no  stip 
ulation  tor  the  security  and  protection  of  such  of  the  inha 
bitants  of  Upper  Canada,  as  had  joined  the  American  stan 
dard  ;  whereby  the  territorial  sovereignty,  rights,  and  prop 
erty,  were  shamefully  ceded  to  the  enemy  ;  a  brave  and 
patriotic  army  wantonly  sacrificed  to  the  personal  fear  of 
the  commander,  and  the  service  of  the  U.  States  suffered  a 
great  and  afflicting  loss. 

Cii^KGE  ill — Charged  Gen.  Hull  with  neglect  of  duty 
and  unofficerlike  conduct,  while  commanding*  a  separate 
army,  between  the  9th  of  April,  and  the  17th  of  August, 
1812. 

Specification  First — Charged  Gen.  Hull  with  unofficer 
like  conduct,  in  neglecting  and  omitting  to  train,  inspect, 
exercise,  and  order,  the  army  under  his  command,  where 
by  the  army  was  exposed,  to  the  hazard  of  disorder  and  de 
feat,  in  the  event  of  an  attack  being  made  thereon  by  the 
enemy. 

Specification  Second — Charged  Gen.  Hull  with  neglect 
of  duty  and  unofficerlike  conduct,  by  hiring,  or  causing  to 
be  hired,  an  unarmed  vessel  to  convey  his  baggage  and  pa 
pers,  with  his  sick  soldiers,  and  medicine  stores,  to  Detroit, 
from  the  Miami  of  the  Lake,  on  which  passage  the  vessel 
and  all  o>\  board  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  inform 
ing  him  of  the  declaration  of  war,  and  the  number,  state, 
and  condition  of  the  army,  to  the  great  injury  of  the  U. 
States. 

Specification  Third — Charged  Gen.  Hull  with  neglect 
of  duty  in  neglecting  to  repair  fort  Detroit,  and  its  arma 
ment,  on  his  arrival,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  be  able  to  repel, 
and  put  to  flight  an  enemy,  in  the  event  oi  an  invasion  and 
attack. 

Specification  Fourth — Charged  Gen.  Hull,  with  declai- 
ing  and  avowing  an  intention  to  invade  the  British  province, 
and  to  invest  and  attack  fort  Maiden,  in  the  said  province, 
and  having  taken  possession  of  Sandwich,  was  guilty  of 
neglect  of  duty,  and  unofficerlike  conduct,  in  neglecting- 
seasonably  to  repair,  and  have  transported  the  guns,  and 
gun  carriages,  which  were  necessary  for  the  operations  of 
the  army  against  fort  Maiden  ;  by  postponing  in  the  first 

18 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAIl. 

instance,  and  by  abandoning1  in  the  next,  an  investment  and 
attack  upon  fort  Maiden;  and  finally  evacuating  Upper 
Canada,  without  providing-  effectually  in  any  respect,  tor 
the  safety  of  the  inhabitants  thereof,  who  had  accepted  his 
invitation  to  join  the  American  standard  :  and  without  at 
tempting  to  accomplish  his  avowed  design. 

Specification  Fifth — Charged  Gen.  Hull,  of  neglect  of 
duty  by  not  keeping"  open  the  communication  between 
fort  Detroit,  and  a  military  post  at  the  river  Raisin,  which 
enabled  the  enemy  totally  to  interrupt,  and  cut  off  all  com 
munications  between  said  military  posts,  to  the  great  dis 
advantage  of  the  U.  States  service. 

Specification  Sixth — Charged  Gen.  Hull,  with  neglect  of 
duty,  in  neglecting  and  omitting  to  maintain  a  bridge 
over  the  river  Aux-'Cannard,  which  afforded  a  fair  oppor 
tunity  for  investing,  and  attacking  fort  Maiden,  whereby  a 
prospect  of  a  successful  investment  and  attack  upon  the 
fort  speedily  vanished. 

Specification  Seventh — Charged  Gen.  Hull,  with  neglect 
of  duty  in  not  erecting  batteries  at  the  spring  Wells,  or  pre 
venting  the  enemy  from  erecting  them  on  the  opposite  side 
of  the  river,  whereby  they  were  enabled  to  annoy  fort  De 
troit,  and  to  protect  their  army  across  the  river,  and  enabled 
them  to  attack  fort  Detroit  without  opposition  or  loss,  and 
to  approach  the  said  fort  Detroit  with  the  air  and  confidence 
of  triumph. 

A.  J.  DALLAS,  Judge  Adcocale. 

January  5, 1814. — The  court  met  at  the  capitol  pursuant 
to  adjournment. 

PRESENT — All  the  members. 

General  Hull  having  appeared,  the  charges  and  specifications 
were  read  to  him  by  the  judge  advocate,  and  being  asked  if 
he  was  ready  to  plead  to  them,  answered  that  he  mas,  and 
that  he  pleaded  not  guilty  to  all  the  charges  and  specifica 
tions. 

March  25,  1814. 

All  the  evidence  being  read,  (whether  on  the  part  of  the 
prosecution  or  the  defence,)  applicable  to  the  first  charge, 
and  the  specifications  attached  to  that  charge,  and  after  due 
deliberation  had  thereon,  the  court  express  the  following 
opinion  : 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  139 

The  accused  having  in  his  final  defence,  protested 
against  the  jurisdiction  of  the  •court  to  try  the  charge  of 
treason,  and  the  opinion  of  the  court  being,  that  the  objec 
tion  would  have  been  tenable,  if  the  sauife  had  been  pleaded 
by  the  accused  on  his  arraignment ;  and  believing  also,  that 
the  court  cannot  acquire  jurisdiction  of  the -offence  by  the 
waver  or  consent  of  the  accused,  they  decline  making  any 
formal  decision  on  that  charge.  The  evidence  on  the  sub 
ject  having,  however,  been  publicly  given,  the  court  deem 
it  proper,  in  justice  to  the  accused,  .to  say,  that  they  do  not 
believe  from  any  thing  that  has  appeared  before  them,  that 
brigadier-general  William  Hull  has  .committed  treason 
against  the  U.  States. 

On  Jhe  second  charge,  and  the  specifications  attached  te 
that  charge,  (after  hearing  all  the  evidence  and  defence, 
and  after  due  deliberation  thereon,)  the  court  find  briga 
dier-general  William  Hull  guilty  of  the  Jirsl,  second  and 
fourth  specifications  under  that  charge  ;  and  also  guilty  o(* 
the  third  specification  under  that  charge,  except  that  part 
which  charges  the  said  brigadier-general  William  Hull 
with  "  forbidding  the  American  artillery  to  tire  on  the 
enemy  on  their  march  to  wards  the  said  fort  Detroit." 

The  court  find  the  said  brigadier-general  William  Hull 
guilty  of  the  second  charge. 

On  the  third  charge,  the  court  after  having  heard  the 
evidence,  (as  well  as  the  defence,)  and  after  due  delibera 
tion,  find  the  said  brigadier-o-eueral  William  Hull  guilty 
of  neglect  of  duty,  and  un  officer- like  conduct,  as  charged 
in  the  first  specification  under  this  charge,  in  omitting,  with 
sufficient  care  and  frequency,  to  inspect,  train,  exercise,  and 
order,  and  to  cause  to  be  trained,  inspected,  exercised  and 
ordered  the  troops  under  his  command,  from  the  sixth  day 
of  July,  until  the  seventeenth  day  of  August,  18 12  :  and 
acquit  him  of  the  residue  of  the  charge  contained  in  that 
specification. 

The  court  acquit  the  said  brigadier- general  William 
Hull  of  the  second  and  third  specifications  of  the  same 
charge. 

The  court  find  the  said  brigadier-general  William  Hull 
guilty  of  the  whole  of  the  fourth  specification  of  that  charge, 
except  that  part  which  charges  him  with  not  seasonably  re 
pairing-,  fitting,  and  transporting,  or  causing  to  be  fitted.,  n 


140  HISTORY  OF  THIS  WAR. 

paired,  and  transported,  the  guns  and  gun-carriages  which 
were  necessary  to  the  operations  of  the  war  in  the  said 
British  province  of  Upper  Canada. 

The  court  tind  the  said  brigadier-general  William  Hull 
guilty  of  so  much  of  the  fifth  specification  to  that  charge  as 
relates  to  neglect  of  duty  and  unofticer-like  conduct,  in 
suffering  his  communication  with  the  river  Raisin  arid  the 
state  of  Ohio,  to  be  cut  off,  and  sending  major  Van  Horn 
to  attempt  to  open  the  same  with  an  adequate  force  ;  he 
the  said  brigadier-general  William  Hull,  having  reason  to 
know  or  believe  the  same  was  insufficient;  and  the  court 
acquit  him  of  the  residue  of  that  specification. 

The  court  find  the  said  brigadier-general  Wrilliam  Hull 
guilty  of  the  sixth  and  seventh  specifications  of  that  charge* 

The  court  find  the  said  brigadier  general  William  Hull 
guhty  of  the  third  charge. 

The  court  then  adjourned  to  meet  to-morrow  morning  at 
10  o'clock. 

March  26,  1814, 

The  court  met  pursuant  to  adjournment. 

PRESENT — Alt  the  members. 

The  court,  in  consequence  of  their  determination  respec 
ting  the  second  and  third  charges,  and  the  specifications 
under  these  charges,  exhibited  against  the  said  brigadier- 
general  William  Hull,  and  after  due  consideration,  do 
sentence  him  to  be  SHOT  to  deat/it  two  thirds  of  the  court 
concurring  in  the  sentence. 

The  court,  in  consideration  of  brigadier-general  Hull's 
revolutionary  services,  and  his  advanced  age,  earnestly  re 
commend  him  to  the  mercy  of  the  President  of  the  II  States. 

The  court  then  adjourned  to  meet  on  Monday  morning 
next,  at  10  o'clock 

March28, 1814. — The  court  met  pursuant  to  adjourn 
ment. — PRESENT — All  the  members. 

The  proceedings  having  been  read  over,    and    approved 
and  signed  by  the  President,  the  court  then  adjourned,  sine 
die.          H.  DEARBORN.  President  of  the  court. 
M.  V.  BUREN,  special  judge  advocate. 

PHILIP  S.  PARKER,  Aty*/ judge  advocate,  assistant. 

April  25,  1814 — The  sentence  of  the  Court  is  approved, 
and  the  execution  of  it  remitted. 

JAMES  MADISON, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  141 

By  directions  of  the  court  martial  the  President  gave  the 
following  directions  to  General  Hull : 

Albany,  March  28,  1814.     Sir — You  will  please  return 
to  your   usual    place    of  residence  in  Massachusetts,  and 
there  continue  until  you  shall  receive  orders  from  the  Pre 
sident  ot'the  United  States. 
Your  humble  servant, 

H.  DEARBORN,  President  of  the  court  martial. 

Acljt.  ami  Insp.  General's  office,  Washington  Apr.  25  1814. 

GENERAL  ORDER      The  roll  of  the  army   is  not  to  be 

longer  dishonored  by  having-  upon  it  the  name  of  brigadier 

General  William  Hull. 

The  general  court  martial  of  which  Major- General 
Dearborn  is  President,  is  hereby  dissolved.  By  order, 

J.  B.'WALBACH,  Adjt.  Gen. 

PORTER'S  VICTORY. 

Capt.  Porter  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

U.  S.  F.  Essex  at  sea,  August  17,  1812. 

SIR — I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  on  the  13th 
inst.  his  Britannic  majesty's  sloop  of  war  Alert,  Capt.  T.  P. 
Laugharne,  ran  down  on  our  weather  quarter,  gave  three 
cheers,  and  commenced  an  action  (If  so  trifling  a  skirmish 
deserves  the  name)  and  after  8  minutes  tiring  struck  her 
colors,  with  7  feet  water  in  her  hold,  and  much  cut  to  pieces, 
and  three  men  wounded. 

I  need  not  inform  you  that  the  officers  and  crew  of  the 
Essex  behaved  as  1  trust  all  Americans  will  in  such  cases, 
and  it  is  only  to  be  regretted  that  so  much  zeal  and  activi 
ty  could  not  have  been  displayed  on  an  occasion  which 
would  have  done  them  more  honor.  The  Essex  has  not  re 
ceived  the  slightest  injury. 

The  Alert  was  out  for  the  purpose  of  taking  the  Hornet! 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

DAYID  PORTER. 
Capt.  Porter  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

U.  S.  F.  Essex,  at  sea,  August  20. 

SIR — Finding  myself  much  embarrassed  by  the  Alert, 
from  the  great  number  of  prisoners  we  have  already  made, 
[about  500]  I  concluded  that  before  our  arrival  in  America, 
the  number  would  be  considerably  augmented,  and  as  soon 
as  I  found  my  provisions  and  water  getting*  short,  and  be- 


142  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR, 

ing  well  satisfied  that  a  plan  had  been  organized  by  them  for 
rising'  on  the  ship  in  the  event  of  an  engagement ;  I  consid 
ered  it  to  be  the  interest  of  my  country  to  get  clear  of  them 
as  speedily  as  possible,  particularly  as  I  was  well  assured 
that  immediately  on  their  arrival  in  St.  Johns  an  equal 
number  of  my  countrymen  would  he  released  and  find  .a 
sure  and  immediate  conveyance.  I  therefore  drew  up 
written  stipulations  corresponding  with  the  accompanying 
letters  ;  threw  all  the  guns  of  the  Alert  overboard  ;  with 
drew  from  her  all  the  men  belonging  to  the  Essex;  ap 
pointed  Lieut.  J.  P.  WUner  to  command  her  as  a  cartel, 
put  ail  my  prisoners  on  board  of  her,  and  dispatched  her 
for  St.  Johns,  in  Newfoundland,  with  Borders  to  proceed 
from  thence  to  New-York  with  such  Americans  as  he  may 
receive  in  exchange, 

At  a  more  suitable  opportunity  I  shall  do  myself  the 
honor  to  lay  before  you  copies  of  every  paper  relative  to 
this  transaction,  and  sincerely  hope  that  my  conduct  in  this 
affair  may  meet  with  your  approbation. 

As  the  Essex  has  been  so  annoying  about  Bermuda,  No 
va  Scotia,  and  Newfoundland,  I  expect  I  shall  have  to  run 
f  he  gauntlet  through  their  cruisers ;  you  may  however  rest 
assured  that  all  a  ship  of  her  size  can  do  shall  be  done,  and 
whatever  may  be  our  fate,  our  countrymen  shall  never 
l)lush  for  us. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

D.  PORTER, 

Capl.  Taylor  to  Gen.  Harrison. 

FORT  HARRISON,  Sept.  10,  1812. 
Dear  Sir — On  Thursday  evening,  the  3d  inst.  after  re- 
ireat  beating,  four  guns  were  heard  to  fire  in  the  direction 
where  two  young-  men  (citizens  who  resided  here)  were 
making  hay,  about  400  yards  distant  from  the  fort.  I  was 
immediately  impressed  with  an  idea  that  they  were  killed 
by  the  Indians,  as  I  had  that  day  been  informed  that  the 
Prophet's  party  would  soon  be  here  for  the  purpose  of  com 
mencing  hostilities.  Prudence  induced  me  to  wait  until 
8  o'clock  the  next  morning,  when  I  sent  out  a  corporal  with 
a  small  party  to  find  them,  which  he  soon  did;  they  had 
been  each  shot  with  two  balls,  and  scalped  and  cut  in  the 
most  shocking  manner.  I  had  them  brought  in  and  buried. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

In  the  evening  of  the  4th  inst.  old  Joseph  Lenar,  and  be 
tween  30  and  40  Indians  arrived  from  the  Prophet's  town, 
with  a  white  flag  ;  among  whom   were  about   ten  women  : 
the  men  were  composed  of  chiefs    of   the   different  tribes 
that  compose  the  Prophet's  party.     A  Shawanoe  man,  that; 
spoke  good  English,  informed  me  that  old  Lenar  intended  to 
speak  tome  next  morning,  and  try  to  get  something  to  eat. 
At  retreat  beating,  I  examined  the  men's  arms,  and  found 
them  all  in  good  order,  and  completed  their  cartridges   to 
10  rounds  per  man.     As  I  had  not  been  able  to    mount  a 
guard  of  more  than  six  privates  and  two  non-commissioned 
officers,  for  some  time  past,  and    sometimes  part  of  them 
every  other  day,  from  the  unhealthiness  of  the  company  ;  I 
had  not  conceived  my  force  adequate    for    the  defence   of 
this  post,  should  it  be  vigorously  attacked.     I  had  just  re 
covered  from  a  very  severe  attack  of  the  fever,   and   was 
not  able  to  be  up  much  through  the  night.     After  tattoo  I 
cautioned  the  guard  to  be  vigilant,  and  ordered  one  of  the 
non-commissioned  officers,  as  centinels  could  not  see  every 
part  of  the  garrison,  to  walk  around  on  the  inside  during 
the  whole  night,  to  prevent  the  Indians  taking  any  advan 
tage  of  us,  provided  they  had  any  intention  of  attacking  us. 
About  1.1  o'clock,  I  was  awakened  by  the  tiring  of  one  of 
the  centinels ;  1  sprang  up,  run  out,  and  ordered   the  men 
to  their  posts  ;  when  my  orderly  sergeant  (who  had  charge 
of  the  upper  blockhouse)  called  out  that  the  Indians  had 
fired  the  lower  block  house  (which  contained  the  property 
of  the  contractor,  which  was  deposited   in  the   lower   part, 
the  upper  part  having  been  assigned  to  a  corporal  and  ten 
privates,  as  an  .alarm  post.)     The  guns  had  begun  to   fire 
pretty  smartly  from  both  sides.     1  directed  the   buckets  to 
be  got  ready,  and  wates1  brought  from  the  well,  and  the  fire 
extinguished  immediately,  as  it  was  hardly   perceivable  at 
that  time;  but  from  debility  or  some  other  cause,  the  men 
were  very  slow  in  executing  my  orders — the  word^/zre  ap 
peared  to  throw  the  whole  of  them  into  confusion  ;  and   by 
the  time  they  had  got  the  water,  and  broken  open  the  door, 
the  tire  had  unfortunately  communicated    to  a    quantity  of 
whiskey  (the  stock  having  licked  several  holes  through  the 
lower  part  of  the  building,  after  the   salt  that    was  stored 
there,  through  which  they  had  introduced  the  tire   without 
discovered,  as  the  night  was  very  dnrk.)  and  in   s 


144  HISTOUT  or  THE  WAR. 

of  every  exertion  we  could  make  use  of,  in  less  than  a  hio 
ment  it  ascended  to  the  roof  and  baffled  all  onr  efforts  te  ex 
tinguish  it.  As  that  block  house  adjoined  the  barracks 
that  make  part  of  the  fortifications,  most  of  the  men  imme 
diately  gave  themselves  up  for  lost,  and  I  had  the  greatest 
difficulty  in  getting  any  of  my  orders  executed  -  and,  sir. 
what  from  the  raging  of  the  fire — the  yelling  and  howling 
of  several  hundred  Indians — the  cries  of  nine  women  and 
children  va  part  soldiers'  and  a  part  citizens  wives,  who  had 
taken  shelter  in  the  fort) — and  the  desponding  of  so  many 
of  the  men,  which  was  worse  than  all,  I  can  assure  you  that 
my  feelings  were  very  unpleasant;  and  indeed  there  were 
not  more  than  10  or  15  men  able  to  do  a  great  deal,  the 
others  being  either  s.ck  or  convalescent — and  to  add  to  our 
other  misfortunes,  two  of  the  stoutest  men  in  the  fort,  and 
that  I  had  every  confidence  in,  jumped  the  picket  and  left 
us.  But  my  presence  of  mind  dm  not  for  a  moment  for 
sake  me.  I  saw,  by  throwing  off  part  of  the  roof  that  join 
ed  the  block  house  that  was  on  iire,  and  keeping  the  end 
perfectly  wet,  the  whole  row  of  buildings  might  be  saved, 
and  leave  only  an  entrance  of  18  or  20  feet  for  the  Indians 
to  enter  after  the  house  was  consumed  ;  and  that  a  tempo 
rary  breast-work  might  be  erected  to  prevent  their  even 
entering  there.  I  convinced  the  men  that  this  could  be 

^? 

accomplished,  and  it  appeared  to  inspire  them  with  new- 
life,  and  never  did  men  act  with  more  firmness  and  despe 
ration.  Those  that  were  able  (while  the  others  kept  up  a 
constant  fire  from  the  other  block  house,  and  the  two  bas 
tions)  mounted  the  roofs  of  the  houses  with  Dr.  Clark  at 
their  head,  uho  acted  with  the  greatest  firmness  and  pre 
sence  of  mind,  the  whole  time  the  attack  lasted,  which  was 
7  hours,  under  a  shower  of  bullets,  and  in  a  moment  threw 
off  as  much  of  the  roof  as  was  necessary.  This  was  done 
only  with  the  loss  of  one  man.  and  two  wounded,  and  I  am 
in  hopes  neither  of  them  dangerous. — The  man  that  \vns 
killed  was  a  little  deranged,  and  did  not  get  off  the  house 
as  soon  as  directed,  or  he  would  not  have  been  hurt;  and 
although  the  barracks  were  several  times  in  a  blaze,  and 
an  immense  quantity  of  fire  against  them,  the  men  used 
such  exertions  that  they  kept  it  under,  and  before  day 
raised  a  temporary  breast-work  as  high  as  a  man  s  head  ; 
although  the  Indians  continued  to  pour  in  a  heavy  fire  of 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAtf.  145 

,  and  an  innumerable  quantity  of  arrows,  during'  the 
whole  time  the  attack  lasted.  I  had  but  one  other  man  kill 
ed  inside  the  fort,  and  he  lost  his  life  by  being  too  anxious  ; 
he  got  into  one  of  the  gallies  of  the  bastions,  and  fired  over 
the  pickets,  and  called  out  to  his  comrades  that  he  had  kill 
ed  an  Indian,  and  neglecting-  to  stoop  down,  in  an  instant 
he  was  shot  dead.  One  of  the  men  that  jumped  the  pick 
ets,  returned  an  hour  before  day,  and  running  up  towards 
the  gate,  begged  for  God's  sake  for  it  to  be  opened.  I 
suspected  it  to  be  a  stratagem  of  the  Indians  to  get  in,  as 
I  did  not  recollect  the  voice — I  directed  the  men  in  the 
bastion,  where  I  happened  to  be,  to  shoot  him  let  him  be 
who  he  would,  and  one  of  them  fired  at  him,  but  fortunately 
he  run  up  to  the  other  bastion,  where  they  knew  his  voice, 
and  Dr.  Clark  directed  him  to  lie  down  close  to  the  pick 
ets  behind  and  empty  barrel  that  happened  to  be  there,  and 
at  day  light  I  had  him  let  in.  His  arm  was  broken  in  a 
most  shocking  manner,  which  he  says  was  done  by  the  In 
dians' — which  I  suppose  was  the  cause  of  his  returning- — I 
think  it  probable  that  he  will  not  recover.  The  other,  they 
caught  about  120  yards  from  the  garrison,  ar.d  cut  him  all 
to  pieces.  After  keeping  up  a  constant  tire  until  about  six 
o'clock  the  next  morning,  which  we  returned  with  some 
effect;  after  day  light,  they  removed  out  of  the  reach  of 
our  guns.  A  party  of  them  drove  up  the  horses  that  be 
longed  to  the  citizens  here,  and  as  they  could  not  catch 
them  very  readily,  shot  the  whole  of  them  in  our  sight,  as 
well  as  a  number  of  their  hogs.  They  drove  offihe  whole 
of  the  cattle,  which  amounted  to  sixty-five  head,  as  well  as 
the  public  oxen.  I  had  the  vacancy  filled  up  before  night, 
(which  was  made  by  the  burning  of  the  block  house)  with 
a  strong  row  of  pickets,  which  I  got  by  pulling  down  the 
guard  house.  We  lost  the  whole  of  our  provisions,  but 
must  make  out  to  live  upon  green  corn  until  we  can  get  a 
supply,  which  I  am  in  hopes  will  not  be  long.  I  believe 
the  whole  of  the  Miamies,  or  Weas,  were  among  the 
Prophet's  party,  as  one  chief  gave  his  orders  in  that  lan 
guage,  which  resembled  Stone  Eater's  voice,  and  I  believe 
Negro  Legs  was  there  likewise.  The  Indians  suffered 
smartly,  but  were  so  numerous  as  to  take  oft'  all  that  were 
shot, 

Z.  TAYLOR. 
19 


I4t>  HISTOUY  OF  THE  WAR, 

Copy  of  a  letter  f  ram  Major  Thomas  8.  Jessup  andJame& 

Baylor  Q.  M.  Gen.  N.   W.  Army  to  a  gentleman  in 

Washington  City,  dated 

C/dlicothe,  (Ohio)  Oct.  7,  1812. 

Sir — Your  letter  lias  been  received,  requesting  from  us 
a  corroboration  of  Col.  Cass's  statement  to  the  Secretary  of 
War,  of  the  surrender  of  the  north- western  army.  We 
have  read  the  Colonel's  statement  with  attention,  and  find 
it  a  pretty  correct  history  of  our  situation,  although  we 
have  observed  that  some  important  facts  have  been  omitted. 
We  have  also  read  and  examined  the  official  report  of 
Gen.  Hull,  and  have  found  it  abounding1  with  inaccuracies- 
and  misstattments  ;  the  General  has  not  only  underrated 
his  own  force,  but  has,  in  our  opinion,  magnified  infinitely 
that  of  the  enemy,  and  enumerated  dangers  and  difficulties 
that  existed  only  in  imagination. 

That  the  means  within  our  power  were  not  properly 
applied  is  a  melancholy  fact ;  and  that  the  army  was  unne 
cessarily  sacrificed,  and  the  American  arms  disgraced, 
none  but  the  base  and  cowardly  will  atcmpt  to  deny. 

You  are  authorised  to  make  what  use  you  may  think 
proper  of  this  letter, 

We  are  with  much  respect,  &c. 

THOMAS  S.  JESSUPy 

Brigade  Major  N.   W.  Arm?/. 

JAMES  TAYLOK, 

Q.  M.  Gen.  N.   W.  Army. 

Skirmishing — Capt.  Williams,  on  the  30th  of  August, 
with  '21  men,  and  two  waggons,  while  proceeding  from 
St.  Mary's  to  St.  John's  river,  was  attacked  by  an  ambus 
cading  party  of  Indians,  who  killed  one  man  and  wounded 
six,  including  Capt.  Williams,  who  received  seven  wounds ; 
three  through  one  hand,  and  four  in  one  leg. — He  effected 
a  retreat  about  200  yards  to  a  swamp,  where  he  made  a 
stand,  and  fought  until  all  the  ammunition  was  expended 
on  both  sides,  when  the  Indians  made  an  attempt  with 
their  tomahawks,  which  this  little  band  soon  put  a  stop  to, 
by  charging  bayonet,  and  rushing  on  them.  The  Indians 
destroyed  one  waggon  and  took  the  other  to  carry  off  their 
killed  and  wounded.  Capt.  Williams  then  proceeded  to 
St.  John's  with  his  well  and  wounded,  excepting  one 


HISTORY   OF   THE  WAR-  117 

•who  was  not  able  to  travel.  The  next  day  a  party  of  In 
dians  returned  to  the  spot,  when  the  wounded  man  rose  up 
as  well  as  he  could,  and  called  upon  his  party  to  rush  upon 
the  Indians,  which  startled  them  in  such  a  manner  that  one 
of  them  sprung*  from  his  horse,  which  ilui  wounded  man 
caught  and  arrived  safe  at  St.  John's. 

Capt.  Forsyth,  with  70  of  his  rifle  company,  and  34  mili 
tia  volunteers,  on  the  night  ©r'  the  20th  September,  1812, 
went  over  to  a  small  village  called  Gananoque  in  the  town 
-of  Leeds,  from  Cape  Vincent,  far  the  purpose  of  destroy 
ing  the  kings  store  house  at  that  place,.  They  landed  un 
observed,  but  were  soon  discovered  by  a  party  of  regulars 
of  about  12-5,  and  fired  upon. — Capt.  Forsyth  returned  the 
fire  with  such  spirit,  that  the  enemy  were  obliged  to  retreat 
to  the  village,  where  they  were  reinforced  .by  a  uumber  of 
militia,  and  ugam  rallieck  but  finding  the  contest  too  san 
guine,  retreated  the  secctjdtime  in  disorder,  leaving  10  kill 
ed  and  8  regulars  andto.  n amber  of  militia  prisoners: 
Captain  Forsyth  had  o.njy  one  ihan  killed  and  one 
slightly  wounded.  After  destroying  the  store  house, 
with  a  quantity  of  flour  and  pork,  our  little  band  of 
heroes,  returned  to  Cape  Vincent,  taking  with  them  the 
prisoners,  60  stand  of  arms,  two  barrels  ot  fixed  ammuni 
tion,  one  barrel  of  powder,  one  barrel  of  flints,  and  a  quan 
tity  of  other  public  property  .taken  from  the  store-house. 

•  »-.--.- . 

On  the  4th  of  October,  about  forty  -British  boats  escorted 
by  two  gun  boats,  attempted  to  pass  from  .Johnstown  to 
Prescott,  by  Ogdensburg. — On  their  leaving  Johnstown, 
the  batteries  at  Prescott  opened  on  Ogdensburg,  and  kept 
*ip  a  brisk  fire,  which  was  returned  in  a  spirited  manner, 
and  continued  two  hours.  The  next  morning  the  enemy 
commenced  a  heavy  cannonade  on  us  from  Prescott,  which 
was  continued  with  little  intermission,  through  the  day  with 
out  any  return  from  us ;  General  Brown  considered  it  use 
less  to  tire  such  a  distance.  The  enemy  was  very  busy 
during  the  day  in  preparing  for  an  attack  on  Ogdensburg — 
the  next  morning  about  10  o'clock,  25  boats,  aided  by  two 
g'un  boats  moved  up  the  river  three  quarters  of  a  mile, 
when  they  tacked  and  stood  over  for  our  shore.  As  soon 
as  the  boats  changed  their  course,  the  batteries  from  Pres- 
€ott  opened  their  fire  upon  us,  which  was  not  answered  till 


148  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

the  boats  had  advanced  to  about  the  middle  of  the  river, 
"when  our  batteries  commenced  a  tremendous  lire  upon 
them,  which  destroyed  three,  and  caused  the  remainder  to 
seek  shelter  under  the  batteries  of  Prescotl.  Cols.  Lethridge 
and  Breckenridge,  led  the  British.  There  was  not  one 
man  either  killed  or  wounded  on  our  side,  whilst  the  en 
emy  lost  twelve  killed  and  twenty  wounded. 

Affair  at  St.  Regis. — Major  Young,  of  the  Troy,  N.  Y, 
militia,  stationed  at  French  Mills,  on  the  St.  Regis  river, 
having  received  intelligence  that  a  party  of  the  enemy  had 
arrived  at,  and  taken  possession  of  St.  Regis  village,  march 
ed  a  detachment,  on  the  night  of  the  2 1st  October,  which 
crossed  the  river  about  3  o'clock,  and  arrived  within  half  a 
mile,  of  the  village  by  5  in  the  morning,  unobserved  by  the 
enemy.  Here  the  Major  made  such  a  judicious  disposi 
tion  of  his  force,  that  the  enemy  were  entirely  surrounded, 
when  a  few  discharges  caused  them  to  surrender,  after  hav 
ing  5  killed,  and  several  wounded. — The  result  of  this  af 
fair  .was  forty  prisoners,  with  their  arms,  equipments,  &c. 
one  stand  of  colors,  and  two  batteaux,  without  having  one 
man  hurt,  on  our  side. 

Major  Young  had  the  honor  of  taking  the  first  standard 
from  the  enemy  in  the  present  war. 

Captain  Elliot  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Nary. 

BLACK  ROCK,  Oct.  9, 1812. 

SIR — I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  8tn  irist.  two  British  vessels,  which  I  was[inform- 
ed  were  his  Britannic  majesty's  br;g  Detroit,  late  the  U. 
States  brig  Adams,  and  the  brig  Hunter,  mounting  14 
guns,  but  which  afterwards  proved  to  be  the  brig  Caledo 
nia,  both  said  to  be  well  armed  and  manned,  came  down 
the  Lake  and  anchored  under  the  protection  of  Fort  Erie. 
Having  been  on  the  lines  for  some  time  and  in  a  measure 
inactively  employed,  I  determined  to  make  an  attack,  and 
if  possible  to  get  possession  of  them.  A  strong  inducement 
to  this  attempt  arose  from  a  conviction  that  with  these  two 
vessels  added  to  those  which  I  have  purchased  and  am  fit 
ting  out,  I  should  be  able  to  meet  the  remainder  of  the  Bri 
tish  force  on  the  Upper  Lakes,  and  save  an  incalculable  ex 
pense  and  labor  to  the  government.  On  the  morning  of 
their  arrival  I  heard  that  our  seamen  were  but  a  short  dis- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  149 

tance  from  this  place,  and  immediately  dispatched  an  Ex 
press  to  the  officers,  directing  them  to  use  all  possible  dis 
patch  in  getting  their  men  to  this  place,  as  I  had  important 
service  to  perform.  On  their  arrival,  which  was  about 
12  o'clock  I  discovered  that  they  had  only  20  pistols  and 
neither  cutlasses  nor  battle  axes.  But  on  application  to 
Generals  Smith  and  Hall  of  the  regulars  and  militia,  I  wa,s 
supplied  with  a  few  arms,  and  ^  en.  Smith  was  so  good  on 
my  request  as  immediately  to  detatch  fifty  men  from  the  reg 
ulars,  armed  with  muskets. 

By  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  I  had  my  men  selected 
and  stationed  in  i\\  o  boats,  which  I  had  previously  prepared 
for  the  purpose.  With  these  boats,  50  men  in  each,  and 
under  circumstances  very  disadvantageous,  my  men  having 
scarcely  had  time  to  refresh  themselves  after  a  fatiguing 
march  of  500  miles,  I  put  oft'  from  the  mouth  of  Buffalo 
creek,  at  1  o'clock  the  following  morning,  and  at  o  I  was 
along  side  the  vessels.  In  the  space  of  about  ten  minutes  I 
had  the  prisoners  all  secured,  the  topsails  sheeted  home,  and 
the  vessels  under  way.  Unfortunately  the  wind  was  not 
sufficiently  strong  to  get  me  up  against  a  rapid  current  into 
the  Lake,  where  I  had  understood  another  armed  vessel  lay 
at  anchor,  and  I  was  obliged  to  run  down  the  river  by  the 
Forts,  under  a  heavy  fire  of  round,  grape, and  canister,  from 
a  number  of  pieces  of  heavy  ordnance,  and  several  pieces 
of  dying  artillery  and  compelled  to  anchor  at  a  distance  of 
about  400  yards  from  two  of  their  batteries.  After  the  dis 
charge  of  the  first  gun,  which  was  from  the  flying  artillery, 
I  hailed  the  shore,  and  observed  to  the  officer,  that  if  another 
gun  was  fired  1  would  bring  the  prisoners  on  deck,  and  ex 
pose  them  to  the  same  fate  we  would  all  share — but  notwith 
standing,  they  disregarded  the  caution  and  continued  a 
constant  and  destructive  fire.  One  single  moment's  reflec 
tion  determined  me  not  to  commit  an  act  that  would  subject 
me  to  the  imputation  of  barbarity.  The  Caledonia  had 
been  beached,  in  as  safe  a  position  as  the  circumstances 
would  admit  of,  under  one  of  our  batteries  at  the  Black 
Rock.  I  now  brought  all  the  guns  of  the  Detroit  on  one 
side  next  the  enemy,  stationed  the  men  at  them,  and  direct 
ed  a  fire  which  was  continued  as  long  as  our  ammunition 
lasted  and  circumstances  permitted.  During  the  contest  I 
endeavored  to  get  the  Detroit  on  our  side  by  sending  a 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

line,  there  being  no  wind,  on  shore,  with  all  the  line  I  coulcf 
muster  ;  but  the, current  being  so  strong,  the  boat  could 
not  reach  the  shore,  1  then  hailed  our  shore,  and  request* 
ed  that  warps  should  be  made  fast  on  land,  and  sent  on 
board,  the  attempt  to  all  which  again  proved  useless.  As 
the  fire  was  such  as  would,  in  all  probability,  sink  the  ves 
sel  in  a  short  time,  I  determined  to  drift  down  the  river  out 
of  the  reach  of  the  batteries,  and  make  a  stand  against  the 
flying  artillery.  I  accordingly  cut  the  cable,  made  sail 
with  very  light  airs,  and  at  that  instant  discovered  that  the 
pilot  had  abandoned  me.  I  dropped  astern  for  about  10 
minutes,  when  I  was  brought  up  on  our  shore  -on  Squaw 
Island — got  the  boarding  boat  ready,  had  the  prisoners 
put  in  and  sent  on  shore,  with  directions  for  the  officer  to 
return  for  me  and  what  property  we  could  get  from  the 
brig,  ije  did  not  return,  owing  to  the  difficulty  in  the 
boat's  getting  on  shore.  Discovering  a  skiff  under  the 
counter,  1  put  .the  four  remaining  prisoners  in  the  boat,  and 
with  my  officers  I  went  on  shore  to  bring  the  boat  off.  I 
asked  for  protection  to  the  brig  of  Lieut.  Col.  Scott  who 
readily  gave  it.  At  this  moment  1  discovered  a  boat  with 
about  40  soldiers  from  the  British  side,  making  for  the  brig. 
They  got  on  board,  but  were  soon  compelled  to  abandon 
her,  with  the  loss  of  nearly  all  their  men.  Major  Ormsbee, 
commandant  of  Fort  Erie,  and  #0  privates  were  killed, 
while  on  board.  During  the  whole  of  this  jnorning  both 
sides  of  the  river  kept  up  alternately  a  continual  fire  on  the 
brig,  and  so  much  injured  her  that  it  was  impossible  to  have 
floated  her.  Before  I  left  her,  she  had  several  shot  of  large 
size  in  her  bends,  her  sails  in  ribbons,  and  rigging  all  cut 
£o  pieces. 

To  my  officers  and  men  I  feel  under  great  obligation 
To  Capt.  Towson  and  Lieut.  Roach  of  the  2d  regiment,  of 
artillery,  Ensign  Prestman  of  the  infantry,  Capt.  Chapin^ 
Mr.  John  M'Comb,  Messrs.  John  Town,  Thomas  Dain, 
Peter  Overstocks,  and  James  Sloan,  resident  gentlemen  of 
Buffalo,  for  their  soldier  and  sailor  like  conduct.  In  a 
word,  sir,  every  man  fought  as  if  with  their  hearts  animated 
only  by  the  interest  and  honor  of  their  country. 

The  prisoners  I  have  turned  over  to  the  military.  The 
Detroit  mounted  fourteen  long  guns,  and  two  small  guns, 
blunderbusses,  pistols,  muskets,  cutlasses,  and  boarding 
pikes. 


HISTORY  OP  THE  WAR,  151 

The  Caledonia  belongs  to  the  N.  W.  Company,  loaded 
ir ith  furs  worth  I  understood   S200,000. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

JESSE  D.  ELLIOT 

AMERICAN  LOSS= 

Killed  2 — wounded  6. 

BRITISH  L.OSS. 

Killed  3 1— Prisoners  11 1. 

Extract  of  a  Utter  from  Capt.  Heald, 

Dated  Pittsburg,  Oct.  23,  1812; 

On  the  9th  of  August  last,  I  received  orders  from  Gen* 
Hull  to  evacuate  the  post  and  proceed  with  my  command 
to  Detroit  by  land,  leaving"  it  at  my  discretion  to  dispose 
of  the  public  property  as  I  thought  proper.  The  neighbor 
ing  Indians  got  the  information  as  early  as  I  did,  and  came 
in  troni  all  quarters  in  order  U>  receive  the  goods  in  the 
factory  store  which  they  understood  were  to  be  given  them, 
On  the  13th,  Capt.  Wells,  of  fort  Wayne,  arrived  with 
about  30  Miamies,  for  the  purpose  of  escorting  us  in,  by 
the  request  of  General  Hull.  On  the  14th  I  delivered  the 
Indians  all  the  goods  in  the  factory  store,  and  a  consider 
able  quantity  of  provisions  which  we  could  not  take  away 
with  us.  The  surplus,  and  ammunition  I  thought  proper 
to  destroy,  fearing  they  would  make  bad  use  of  it  if  put  in 
their  possession.  I  also  destroyed  all  the  liquor  on  hand 
soon  after  they  began  to  collect.  The  collection  was  mv» 
usually  large  for  that  place,,  but  they  conducted  with  the 
strictest  propriety  till  after  I  left  the  fort.  On  the  loth,  at 
9  in  the  morning,  we  commenced  our  march  ;  a  part  of 
the  Miamies  were  detached  in  front  and  the  remainder  in 
our  rear,  as  guards,  under  the  direction  of  Capt.  Wells, 
The  situation  of  the  country  rendered  it  necessary  for  us  U> 
take  the  beach,  with  the  lake  on  our  left,  and  a  high  sand 
bank  on  our  right,  at  about  100  yards  distance.  We  had 
proceeded  about  a  mile  and  a  half,  when  it  was  discovered 
that  the  Indians  were  preparing  to  attack  ns  from  behind 
the  bank.  I  immediately  marched  up  with  the  company 
to  the  top  of  the  bank,  when  the  action  commenced.;  after 
firing  one  round,  we  charged,  and  the  Indians  gave  way 
in  front  and  joined  those  on  our  flanks.  In  about  15  min 
utes  they  got  possession  of  all  our  horses,  provisions,  and 


152  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

baggage  of  every  description,  and  finding  the  Miatniea 
did  not  assist  us,  I  drew  off  the  men  I  had  left  and  look 
possession  of  a  small  elevation  in  the  open  prairie  out  of 
shot  of  the  bank  or  any  other  cover.  The  Indians  did  not 
follow  me,  but  assembled  in  a  body  on  the  top  of  the  bank, 
and,  after  some  consultation  among  themselves,  made 
signs  for  me  to  approach  them.  I  advanced  towards  them 
alone  and  was  met  by  one  of  the  Potawattamie  chiefs  cal 
led  the  Black  Bird,  with  an  interpreter.  After  shaking 
hands,  he  requested  me  to  surrender,  promising  to  spare  the 
lives  of  all  the  prisoners.  On  a  few  moments  considera 
tion,  I  concluded  it  would  be  most  prudent  to  comply  with 
his  request,  although  I  did  not  put  entire  confidence  in  his 
promise.  After  delivering  up  our  arms,  we  were  taken 
back  to  their  encampment  near  the  fort,  and  distributed 
among  the  different  tribes.  The  next  morning  they  set 
lire  to  the  fort  and  left  the  place,  taking  the  prisoners  with 
them.  Their  number  of  warriors  was  between  four  and 
five  hundred,  mostly  of  the  Potawattamie  nation,  and  their 
loss,  from  the  best  information  I  could  get,  was  about  15. 
Our  strength  was  54  regulars  and  12  militia,  out  of  which 
26  regulars,  and  all  the  militia  were  killed  in  the  action, 
with  two  women  and  twelve  children.  Ensign  George 
Ronan,  and  Dr.  Isaac  V.  Van  Voorhis  of  my  company, 
with  Capt.  Wells  of  fort  Wayne,  are  to  my  great  sorrow, 
numbered  among  the  dead.  Lieut.  Lina  T.  Helm,  with 
25  non-commisioned  officers  and  privates,  and  11  women 
and  children,  were  prisoners  when  we  were  separated, 
Mrs.  Heald  and  myself  were  taken  to  the  mouth  of  the  riv 
er  St.  Joseph,  and, being  both  badly  wounded,  were  per 
mitted  to  reside  with  Mr.  Burnet,  an  Indian  trader.  In  a 
few  days  after  our  arrival  there,  the  Indians  all  went  off  to 
take  fort  Wayne,  and  in  their  absence  I  engaged  a  French- 
man  to  take  us  to  Michilimackinac  by  water,  where  I  gave 
myself  up  as  a  prisoner  of  war,  w;ith  one  of  my  sergeants. 
The  commanding  officer,  Capt.  Roberts,  offered  me  every 
assistance  in  his  power  to  render  our  situation  comfortable 
while  we  remained  there,  and  to  enable  us  to  proceed  01.; 
our  journey.  To  him  I  gave  my  parole  of  honor  and 
came  on  to  Detroit  and  reported  myself  to  Col.  Proctor, 
who  gave  us  a  passage  to  Buffaloe  ;  from  that  place  1  can;e 
by  the  way  of  Presque  Isle  and  arrived  here  yesterday. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  153 

Letter  from  Mr.  8.  T.  Anderson  enclosing  one  from  Com. 
Chauncey  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 
Sackett's  Harbor,  Nov.  13,  1812.— at  night. 

SIR — Since  the  enclosed  letter  from  the  Commodore 
was  written,  the  Growler  has  returned  with  a  prize,  and  in 
her  Captain  Brock,  brother  to  the  late  General  of  that 
name,  with  the  bag-gage  of  the  latter.  By  the  prize  we 
learned  that  the  Earl  Moira  was  off  the  False  Ducks,  and 
the  Commodore  has  put  off  in  a  snow  storm  in  the  hope 
of  cutting  her  off  from  Kingston. 

From  information  received  from  Capt.  Brock,  there  is 
no  question  but  that  Kingston  is  very  strongly  defended. 
He  expressed  surprise  to  find  our  vessels  had  got  out  of  the 
harbor  after  having  been  it;  and  says  that  the  regiment  to 
which  he  belongs  is  quartered  there,  500  strong,  besides 
other  regulars,  and  a  well  appointed  militia.  The  resis 
tance  made  fully  justifies  this  report.  Be  assured,  sir,  that 
in  the  action  of  which  the  Commodore  has  given  you  an 
account,  the  national  honor  has  been  most  ably  supported. 
In  great  haste,  &c. 

SAMUEL  T.  ANDERSON. 
Com.  Chauncey  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

Sackett's  Harbor,  Nov.  13,  1812. 

SCR — I  arrived  here  last  evening  in  a  gale  of  wind,  the 
pilots  having  refused  to  keep  the  lake.  On  the  8th  I  fell 
in  with  the  Royal  George,  and  chased  her  into  the  bay  of 
(Juai)ti,  where  I  lost  sight  of  her  in  the  night.  On  the 
morning  of  the  9th,  we  again  got  sight  of  her  lying  in 
Kingston  channel.  We  gave  chase,  and  followed  her  in 
to  thu  harbor  of  Kingston,  where  we  engaged  her  a  d  the 
batteries  for  one  hour  and  45  minutes.  I  had  made  up  my 
mind  to  board  her,  but  she  was  so  well  protected  by  the 
batteries,  and  the  wind  blowing  directly  in,  it  was  deemed 
imprudent  to  make  the  attempt  at  that  time  ;  the  pilots  al 
so  refused  to  take  charge  of  the  vessel.  Under  these 
circumstances,  and  it  being  after  sun  down,  I  determined 
to  haul  off  and  renew  the  attack  next  morning  We  beat 
up  in  good  order  under  a  heavy  tire  from  the  Royal  George 
and  batteries,  to  4  mile  point,  where  we  anchored.  It 
blew  heavy  in  squalls  from  the  westward  during  the  m^ht, 
and  there  was  every  appearance  of  a  gale  of  wind.  The 
pilots  Became  alarmed,  and  I  thought  it  most  prudent  to 


154  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

get  into  a  place  of  more  safety.  1  therefore  (very  reluc 
tantly)  deferred  renewing*  the  attack  upon  the  ships  and 
forts  until  a  more  favorable  opportunity. 

In  our  passage  through  the  bay  of  Quanti,  I  discovered 
a  schooner  at  the  village  of  Armingstovvn,  which  we  took 
possession  of,  but  finding  she  would  detain  us  (being  then 
in  chase  of  the  Royal  George;  I  ordered  Lieut.  Macpher- 
son  to  take  out  her  saiis  and  rigging  and  burn  her,  which 
he  did.  We  also  took  the  schooner  Mary,  Hall,  from  Ni 
agara,  at  the  mouth  of  Kingston  harbor,  and  took  her  with 
us  to  our  anchorage.  The  <,ext  morning,  finding  that  she 
could  not  beat  through  the  channel  with  us,  I  ordered  the 
sailing  master  of  the  Growler  to  take  her  under  convoy  and 
run  down  past  Kingston,  anchor  on  the  east  end  of  Long 
Island,  and  wait  for  a  wind  to  come  up  on  the  east  side.  I 
was  also  in  hopes  that  the  Royal  George  might  be  induced 
to  follow  for  the  purpose  ot  retaking  our  prize,  but  her  com 
mander  was  too  well  aware  of  the  consequences  to  leave 
his  moorings. 

We  lost  in  this  affair  one  man  killed,  and  three  slightly 
wounded,  with  a  few  shot  in  our  sails.  The  other  vessels 
lost  no  men  and  received  but  little  injury  in  their  hulls  and 
sails,  with  the  exception  of  the  Pert,  whose  gun  bursted  in 
the  early  part  of  the  action,  and  wounded  her  commander 
(sailing  master  Arundel)  badly,  and  a  midshipman  and 
three  men  slightly.  Mr.  Arundel,  who  refused  to  quit  the 
deck  although  wounded,  was  knocked  overboard  in  beat 
ing  up  to  our  anchorage,  and,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  was 
drowned. 

The  Royal  George  must  have  received  very  considera 
ble  injury  in  her  hull  and  in  men,  as  the  gun  vessels  with  a 
long  32  pounder  were  seen  to  strike  her  almost  every  shot, 
and  it  was  observed  that  she  was  reinforced  with  troops  four 
different  times  during  the  action. 

It  was  thought  by  all  the  officers  in  the  squadron  that 
the  enemy  had  more  than  thirty  guns  mounted  at  Kingston, 
and  from  1000  to  1,300  men.  The  Royal  George  protect 
ed  by  this  force  was  driven  into  the  inner  harbor,  under  the 
protection  of  the  musketry,  by  the  Oneida,  and  four  small 
schooners  fitted  out  as  gun  boats;  the  Governor  Tompkins 
not  having  been  able  to  join  in  the  action  until  about  sun- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  155 

down,  owing  to  the  lightness  of  the  winds,  and  the   Pert's 
gun  having  burst  the  second  or  third  shot. 
J  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

ISAAC  CHAUNCEY. 

Gen.  Van  Rensselaer  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

H.  ft    LEAVISTOWN,  October  14,  1812. 

SfR— As  the  movements  of  the  army  under  my  com 
mand,  since  I  had  the  honor  to  address  you  on  the  8th  insL 
have  been  of  a  very  important  character,  producing  con 
sequences  serious  to  many  individuals  ;  establishing  facts 
actually  connected  with  the  interest  of  the  service  and  safe 
ty  of  the  army  ;  and  as  I  stand  prominently  responsible  for 
some  of  these  consequences,  I  beg  leave  to  explain  to  you, 
sir,  and  through  y°u  to  nay  country,  the  situation  and  cir 
cumstances  in  which  I  have  had  to  act,  and  the  reasons  and 
motives  which  governed  me ;  and  if  the  result  is  not  all 
that  might  have  been  wished,  it  is  such,  that  when  the 
whole  ground  shall  be  viewed,  1  shall  cheerfully  submit  to 
the  judgment,  of  my  country. 

In  my  letter  of  the  8th  inst.  I  apprized  you  that  a  crisis 
in  this  campaign  was  rapidly  advancing  -,  and  that  (to  re 
peat  the  same  words )  '  the  blow  must  be  soon  struck,  or  all 
the  toil  and  expence  of  the  campaign  go  for  nothing  ;  and 
worse  than  nothing,  for  the  whole  will  be  tinged  with 
dishonor? 

Under  such  impressions,  I  had  on  the  5h  inst.  written 
to  Brigadier-General  Smyth,  of  the  U.  States'  forces  re 
questing  an  interview  with  him,  Major-General  Hall,  and 
the  commandants  of  the  U.  States'  regiments,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  conferring  upon  the  subject  of  future  operations. 

I  wrote  Major-General  Hall  to  the  same  purport,     On  the 

II  th,  I  had  received  no  answer  from  Gen.  Smyth  ;  but  in  a 
note  to  me  on   the   10th,  Gen.   Hall  mentioned  that  Gen. 
Smyth  had  not  yet  then  agreed  upon  any  day  for  consulta*- 
tion. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  partial  success  of  Lieut.  Elliot,  at 
Black  Rock,  (of  which  however,  I  have  received  no  official 
information)  began  to  excite  a  strong  disposition  in  the  troops 
to  act.  This  was  expressed  to  me  through  various  chan 
nels  in  the  shape  of  an  alternative  ;  that  they  must  have 
orders  to  act;  or  at  all  hazards,  they  would  go  home.  I 


156  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR," 

forbear  here  commenting1  upon  the  obvious  consequences 
to  me  personally,  of  longer  withholding-  my  orders  under 
such  circumstances. 

I  had  a  conference  with as  to  the  possibility  of  get 
ting  some  person  to  pass  over  to  Canada  and  obtain  correct 
information.  On  the  morning  of  the  4th,  he  wrote  to  me 
th  'the  had  procured  the  man  who  bore  his  letter  to  go  over. 
Instructions  were  given  him  ;  he  passed  over — obtained 
such .information  as  warranted  an  immediate  attack.  This 
was  confidently  communicated  to  several  of  my  first  officers, 
and  produced  great  zeal  to  act  j  more  especially  as  it  might 
have  accwtroling  effect  upon  the  movements  at  Detroit, 
ivhere  it  was  supposed  Gen.  Brock  had  gone  with  all  the 
force  he  dared  spare  from  the  Niagara  frontier.  The  best 
preparations  in  my  po\ver  were,  therefore,  made  to  dislodge 
the  enemy  from  the  Heights  ofQueenston,  and  possess  our 
selves  of  the  village,  where  the  troops  might  be  sheltered 
from  the  distressing  inclemency  of  the  weather. 

Lieut.  Coi.  Fenwick's  flying  artillery,  and  a  detachment 
of  regular  troops  under  his  command,  were  ordered  to 
be  up  in  season  from  Fort  Niagara.  Orders'  were  also  sent 
to  Gen.  Smyth  to  send  down  from  Buffaloe,  such  detach 
ments  of  his  brigade  as  existing  circumstances  in  that  vi 
cinity  might  warrant.  The  attack  was  to  have  been  made 
at  4  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  llth,  by  crossing  over 
in  boats  from  the  old  ferry  opposite  the  Heights.  To  avoid 
any  embarrassment  in  crossing  the  river,  (which  is  here  a 
sheet  of  violent  eddies)  experienced  boatmen  were  procured 
to  take  the  boats  f»orn  the  landing  below  to  the  place  of  em 
barkation.  Lieut.  Sim  was  considered  the  man  of  greatest 
skill  for  this  service.  He  went  ahead,  and  in  the  extreme 
darkness,  passed  the  intended  place  far  up  the  river  \  and 
there,  in  a  most  extraordinary  manner  fastened  the  boat  to 
the  shore  and  abandoned  fhe  detachment.  In  the  front 
boat  he  had  carried  nearly  every  oar  which  was  prepared 
for  >ll  the  boats.  L,  ttns*agonizing  dilemma,  stood  officers 
and  men  whose  ardor  had  not  been  cooled  by  exposure 
through  the  night  to  OIK*  of  the  most  tremendous  north-east 
storms,  which  continued  , unabated,  for  28  hours,  and  delug 
ed  the  whole  camp.  The  approach  of  day  light  extin 
guished  every  prospect  of  success,  and  the  detachment  re 
turned  to  c  amp.  Co!.  Van.  Rensselaer  was  to  have  com 
manded  the  detachment 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAK. 

After  this  result,  I  had  hoped  the  patience  of  the  troops 
\vould  have  continued  until  I  could  submit  the  plan  sug 
gested  in  my  letter  of  the  8lh,  that  1  might  act  under,  and 
in  conformity  to  the  opinion  that  might  be  then  expressed. 
But  rnv  hope  was  idle  ;  the  previously  excited  ardor  seem 
ed  to  gain  new  heart  from  the  late  miscarriage — the  brave 
were  mortified  to  stop  short  of  their  object,  and  the  timed 
thought  laurels  half  won  by  an  attempt. 

On  the  morning  of  the  12th,  such  was  the  pressure  upon 
me  from  all  quarters,  that  I  became  satisfied  that  my  refu 
sal  to  act  might  involve  me  in  suspicion  and  the  service  in 
disgrace. 

Viewing  affairs  at  Bufialoe  as  yet  unsettled,  I  had  im 
mediately  countermanded  the  march  of  General  Smyth's 
brigade,  upon  the  failure  of  the  first  expedition  ;  but  hav 
ing  now  determined  to  attack  Q,ueenston,  I  sent  new  orders 
to  Gen.  Smyth  to  march  ;  not  with  the  view  of  his  aid  in 
the  attack,  for  I  considered  the  force  detached  sufficient, 
but  to  support  the  detachment  should  the  conflict  be  obstin 
ate  and  long  continued. 

Lieut.  Col.  Chrystie,  who  had  just  arrived  at  the  four  mile 
Creek,  had  late  in  the  night  of  the  first  contemplated  attack, 
gallantly  offered  me  his  own  and  his  men's  service  ;  but 
he  got  my  permission  to  late.  He  now  again  came  for 
ward  ;  had  a  conference  with  Col.  Van  Rensselaer,  begged 
that  he  might  have  the  honor  of  a  command  in  the  expedi 
tion.  The  arrangement  was  made.  Col.  Van  Rensselaer 
was  to  command  one  column  of  t300  militia  ;  and  Lieut. 
Col.  Chrystie  a  column  of  the  same  number  of  regulaft 
troops. 

Every  precaution  was  now  adopted  as  to  boats,  and 
the  most  confidential  and  experienced  men'to  manage  them. 
At  an  early  hour  in  the  night,  Lieut.  Col.  Chrystie  march 
ed  his  detachment,  by  the  rear  road,  from  Niagara  to  camp. 
At  7  o'clock  in  the  evening,  Lieut.  Col.  Stranahan's  regi 
ment  moved  from  Niagara  falls — at  8  o'clock.  Mead's— 
and  at  9  Lieut.  Col.  Blan's  regiment  marched  from  the 
same  place.  All  were  in  camp  in  good  season.  Agreea 
bly  to  my  orders  issued  upon  this  occasion,  the  two  columns 
were  to  pass  over  together ;  and  as  soon  as  the  heights 
should  be  carried,  Lieut.  Col.  Fenwick's  flying  artillery 
was  to  pass  over  ;  then  Maj  *Mul Ian v's  detachment  of  reg 
ulars  :  and  other  troops  to  follow  in  order. 


158  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

At  dawn  of  clay  the  boats  were  in  readiness,  and  the 
troops  commenced  embarking1,  under  the  cover  of  a  com 
manding  battery,  mounting-  two  eighteen  pounders,  and 
two  sixes.  The  movements  were  soon  discovered,  and  a 
brisk  fire  of  musketry  was  poured  from  the  whole  line  of 
the  Canadian  shore.  Oar  batteries  then  opened  to  sweep  the 
shore;  but  it  was  for  some  minutes,too  dark  to  direct  much 
fire  with  safety.  A  brisk  cannonade  was  now  opened  upon 
the  boats  from  three  different  batteries.  Our  battery  returned 
their  fire  and  occasionally  threw  grape  upon  the  shore,  and 
was  itself  served  with  shells  from  a  small  mortar  of  the  en 
emy's.  Col.  Scott,  of  the  artillery,  by  hastening  his  march 
from  Niagara  Falls  in  the  night,  arrived  in  season  to  return 
the  enemy's  fire  with  two  six  pounders. 

The  boats  were  somewhat  embarrassed  with  the  eddies, 
as  well  as  with  a  shower  of  shot;  but  Col.  Van  Rensselaer, 
with  about  100  men,  soon  effected   his   landing  amidst  a 
tremendous  fire  directed  upon  him   from  every  point;  but 
to  the  astonishment  of  all  who  witnessed   the   scene,   this 
van  of  the  column    advanced   slowly  against  the  fire.     It 
was  a  serious  misfortune  to   the  van,  and  indeed  to  the 
whole  expedition,  that  in  a  few  minutes  after  landing.  Col, 
Van    Rensselaer    received  four    wounds — a    ball  passed 
through  his  right  thigh,  entering  just  below  the  hip  bone — 
smother  shot  passed  through  the  same  thigh,  a  little  below — 
the  third  through  the  calf  of  his  leg — and  a  fourth  cartused 
his  heel.     This  was  quite  a  crisis  in  the  expedition.     Un*- 
der  so  severe  a  fire  it  was  difficult  to  form  raw  troops,     By 
some  mismanagement  of  the  boatmen,  Lieut.  Col.  Chrystie 
did  not  arrive  until  some  time  after  this,  and  was  wounded 
in  the  hand  in  passing  the  river.     Col.  Van  Rensselaer  was 
still  able  to  stand  ;  and  with  great  presence  of  mind  order 
ed  his  officersto  proceed  with  rapidity  and  storm  the  fort, 
This  service  was  gallantly  performed,  and  the  enemy  driv 
en  down  the  hill  in  every  direction.     Soon  after  this   both 
parties  were  considerably  reinforced,  and  the  conflict  was 
renewed  in  several  places — many  of  the  enemy  took  shel 
ter  behind  a  stone  guard-house,  where  a  piece  of  ordnance 
was  now  briskly  served.     I  ordered  the  fire  of  our  battery 
directed  upon  the  guard-house  ;  and  it  was  so  effectually 
done,  that  with  8  or  10  shot  the  fire  was  silenced.     The  en^- 
emy  then  retreated  behind  a  large  store  house ;  but  in  a 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAK. 

short  time  the  rout  became  general,  and  the  enemy's  fire 
\vassilencedexceptfromaonegun  battery,  so  far  down 
the  river  as  to  be  out  of  the  reach  of  heavy  ordnance,  and 
our  light  pieces  could  not  silence  it.  A  number  of  boats 
now  passed  over  unannoyed,  except  from  one  unsilenced 
gun.  For  some  time  after  I  had  passed  over,  the  victory 
appeared  complete  j  but  in  the  expectation  of  further  at 
tacks,  I  was  taking  measures  for  fortifying  my  camp  imme 
diately — the  direction  of  this  service  1  committed  to  Lieut. 
Totten,  of  the  engineers.  But  very  soon  the  enemy  were 
reinforced  by  a  detachment  of  several  hundred  Indians 
from  Chippewa — they  commenced  a  furious  attack,  but 
were  promptly  met  and  routed  by  the  rifle  and  bayonet. 
By  this  time  I  perceived  my  troops  were  embarking  very 
slowly.  I  passed  immediately  over  to  accelerate  their 
movements;  but  to  my  utter  astonishment,  I  found  at  the 
very  moment  when  complete  victory  was  in  our  hands,  ths 
ardor  of  the  unengaged  troops  had  entirely  subsided.  I 
rode  in  all  directions — urged  men  by  every  consideration 
to  pass  over — but  in  vain.  Lieut.  Col.  Bloom,  who  had 
been  wounded  in  action,  returned,  mounted  his  horse,  and 
rode  through  the  camp;  as  did  also  Judge  Peck,  who 
happened  to  be  here,  exhorting  the  companies  to  proceed- 
but  all  in  vain. 

At  this  time  a  large  reinforcement  from  Fort  George 
were  discovered  coming  up  the  river.  As  the  battery  on 
.the  hill  was  considered  an  important  check  against  their 
ascending  the  heights,  measures  were  immediately  taken  to 
send  them  a  fresh  supply  of  ammunition,  as  we  had  learnt 
there  was  left  only  twenty  shot  for  the  eighteen  pounders. 
The  reinforcement,  however,  obliqued  to  the  right  from  the 
road,  and  formed  a  junction  with  the  Indians  in  the  rear 
of  the  heights.  Finding,  to  my  infinite  mortification,  that 
no  reinforcement  would  pass  over  ;  seeing  that  another  se 
vere  conflict  must  soon  commence  ;  and  knowing  that  the 
brave  men  on  the  heights  were  quite  exhausted,  and  nearly 
out  of  ammunition,  all  I  could  do  was  to  send  them  afresh 
supply  of  cartridges.  At  this  critical  moment,  I  despatched 
a  note  to  Gen.  Wadsworth,  acquainting  him  with  our  situa 
tion — leaving  the  course  to  be  pursued  much  to  his  owa 
judgment — with  assurance,  that  if  he  thought  best  to  retreat, 
I  would  endeavor  to  send  as  many  boats  as  I  could  com- 


160  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR, 

mand,  and  cover  his  retreat  by  every  lire  I  could  safely 
make.  But  the  boats  were  dispersed — many  of  the  boat 
men  had  fled,  panic  struck — and  but  *ew  got  off.  But  my 
note  could  but  little  more  than  have  reached  Gen.  Watis- 
worth  about  4  o'clock,  when  a  most  severe  and  obstinate 
conflict  commenced  and  continued  about  half  an  hour 
with  a  tremendous  fire  of  cannon,  flying  artillery  and  mus 
ketry.  The  enemy  succeeded,  in  repossessing  their  batte 
ry  ;  and  gaining'  advantage  on  every  side,  the  brave  men 
who  had  gained  the  victory,  exhausted  of  strength  and  ammu 
nition,  and  grieved  at  the  unpardonable  neglect  of  their 
fellow  soldiers,  gave  up  the  conflict. 

I  can  only  add,  that  the  victory  was  really  won  ;  but  lost 
for  the  want  of  a  small  reinforcement.  One  third  part  of 
the  idle  men  might  have  saved  alL 

I  cannot  injustice  close  this  without  expressing  the  very 
givat  obligation  I  am  under  to  Brigadier-General  Wads- 
worth,  Col.  VanRensselaer,  Gol.  Scott,  Lieut.  Cols.  Chrystie 
and  Fen  wick,  and  Capt.  Gibson.  Many  others  have  also 
behaved  most  gallantly.  As  I  have  reason  to  believe  that 
many  of  our  troops  fled  to  the  woods,  with  the  hope  of 
crossing  the  river,  I  have  notbeen  able  to  learn  the  probable 
number  of  killed,  wounded  and  prisoners.*  The  enemy 
have  suffered  severely. 

GENERAL,  BROCK,  is  among  their  slain,  and  his  aid-de 
camp  mortally  wounded* 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

STEPHEN  VAN  RENSSELAER, 


CHAPTER  Y. 

Documents  accompanying  the  President's  Message  of 

November  4,  1812. 
Mr.  Monroe  to  Mr.  Russell. 
DEPARTMENT  OP  STATE,  July  27,  1812. 
SIR — I  wrote  you  on  the  26th  of  June,  by  Mr.    Foster,  a 
letter  which  he  promised  to  deliver  to  you  ia  person  or  by 
a  safe  hand. 

*  It  is  since  ascertained  that  90  regular*  and  militia  were  killed^  and  33r 
regulars  and  37&mi/tfia,  $2  being  wounded,  r,vj,de  prisoners. 


HISTORY   OF   THE  WAR.  101 

f  In  that  letter  you  were  informed,  that  the  Orders  in 
Council,  and  other  illegal  blockades,  and  the  impressment 
of  our  seamen  by  Great-Britain,  as  you  well  knew  before, 
were  the  principal  causes  of  the  war,  and  that  if  they  were 
removed,  you  might  stipulate  an  armistice,  leaving  them 
and  all  other  grounds  of  difference,  for  final  and  more  pre 
cise  adjustment  by  treaty.  As  an  inducement  to  the  British 
government  to  discontinue  the  practice  of  impressment 
from  our  vessels,  by  which  alane  our  seamen  can  be  made 
secure,  you  were  authorised  to  stipulate  a  prohibition  by 
law,  to  be  reciprocal,  of  the  employment  of  British  seamen 
in  the  public  or  commercial  service  of  the  U.  States.  As 
such  an  arrangement,  which  might  be  made  completely 
effectual  and  satisfactory  by  suitable  regulations  and  penal 
ties,  would  operate  almost  exclusively  in  favor  of  Great- 
Britain,  for  as  few  of  our  seamen  ever  enter  voluntarily  into 
the  British  service,  the  reciprocity  would  be  nominal;  its 
advantage  to  G.  Britain  would  be  more  than  an  equivalent 
for  any  she  derives  from  impressment,  which  alone  ought 
to  induce  her  to  abandon  the  practice,  if  she  had  no  other 
motive  for  it.  A  stipulation  to  prohibit  by  law  the  em 
ployment  of  British  seamen  in  the  service  of  the  U.  States, 
is  to  be  understood  in  the  sense  and  spirit  of  the  constitution. 
The  passage  of  such  law  must  depend  of  course  on  Con 
gress,  who,  it  might  reasonably  be  presumed,  might  give 
effect  to  it. 

By  authorising  you  to  secure  these  objects  as  the  grounds 
of  an  armistice,  it  was  not  intended  to  restrict  you  to  any 
precise  form  in  which  it  should  be  done.  It  is  not  particu 
larly  necessary  that  the  several  points  should  be  specially 
provided  for  in  the  convention  stipulating  the  armistice. 
A  clear  and  distmet  understanding  with  the  British  go 
vernment  on  the  subject  of  impressment,-  comprising  in  it 
the  discharge  of  men  already  impressed,  and  on  future 
blockades,  if  the  Orders  in  Council  are  revoked,  is  all  that 
is  indispensable.  The  Orders  in  Council  being  revoked, 
and  the  proposed  understanding  on  the  other  points,  that  is, 
on  blockades  and  impressment,  being  first  obtained,  in  a 
manner,  though  informal,  to  admit  of  no  mistake  or  disa 
greement  hereafter,  the  instrument  providing  for  the  ar 
mistice  may  assume  a  general  form  especially  if  more 
agree  able  to  the  British  government.  It  may  for  example 

21 


1.6.2  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

be  said  in  general  terms  *  that  both  powes  being  sincerely 
desirous  to  terminate  the  diiferences  which  unhappily  sub 
sist  between  them,  and  equally  so,  that  full  time  should  be 
given  for  the  adjustment  thereof,  agree,  1st,  that  an  armis 
tice  shall  take  place  for  that  purpose  to  commence  on  the 
day  of. 

*  2.  That  they  will  forthwith  appoint  on  each  side  com 
missioners  with  full  power  to  form  atreaty,  which  shall  pro 
vide,  by  reciprocal  arrangements,  for  the  security  of  their 
seamen  from  being  taken  or  employed  in  the  service  of  the 
other  power,  for  the  regulation  of  their  commerce,  and  all 
other  interesting  questions  now  depending  between  them. 

'  3.  The  armistice  shall  not  cease  without  a  previous  no 
tice  by  one  to  the  other  party  of  clays,  and  shall 
not  be  understood  as  having  other  effect  than  merely  to  sus 
pend  military  operations  by  land  and  sea.' 

By  this  you  will  perceive  that  the  President  is  desirous 
of  removing  every  obstacle  to  an  accommodation  which 
consists  merely  of  form,  securing  in  a  safe  and  satisfactory 
manner,  the  rights  and  interest  of  the  U.  States  in  these  two 
great  and  essential  circumstances,  as  it  is  presumed  may  be 
accomplished  by  the  proposed  understanding  ;  he  is  wil 
ling  that  it  should  be  clone  in  a  manner  the  most  satisfactory 
and  honorable  to  G.  Britain,  as  well'asto  the  U.  Slates. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

JAMES  MONROE. 

Mr.  Graham  to  Mr.  Russell. 
DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  Aug.  9,  1812, 
SIR — The  Secretary  left  this  city  about  ten  days  ago, 
on  a  short  visit  to  Virginia.  Since  that  period  Mr.  Baker 
has,  in  consequence  of  some  despatches  from  his  govern 
ment  addressed  to  Mr.  Foster,  made  to  me  a  communica 
tion  respecting  the  intentions  of  his  government  as  regards 
the  Orders  in  Council.  It  was  of  a  character,  however,  so 
entirely  informal  and  confidential  that  Mr.  Baker  did  not 
feel  himself  at  liberty  to  make  it  in  the  form  of  a  note  verbal 
or  promemoria,  or  even  to  permit  me  to  take  a  memoran 
dum  of  it  at  the  time  he  made  it.  As  it  authorises  an  ex~ 
pectation  that  something  more  precise  and  definite,  in  and 
official  form,  may  soon  be  received  by  this  government,  it  is 
the  less  necessary  that  1  should  go  into  an  explanation  ot 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  163 

the  views  of  the  President  in  relation  to  it,  more  particularly 
as  the  Secretary  of  State  is  daily  expected,  and  will  be  able 
to  do  it  in  a  manner  more  satisfactory. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sec. 

JOHN  GRAHAM. 

Mr.  GmJtarn  to  Mr.   Russell. 
DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  Aug.  10, 1812. 

SIR— Thinking  that  it  may  possibly  be  useful  to  you,  I 
do  myself  the  honor  to  enclose  you  a  memorandum  of  the 
conversation  between  Mr.  Baker  and  myself,  alluded  to  in 
my  letter  of  yesterday's  date.  From  a  conversation  with 
Mr.  Baker  s'incethis  memorandum  was  made,  I  find  that  I 
was  correct  in  representing  to  the  President  that  the  inti 
mation  from  Mr.  Foster,  and  the  British  authorities  at  Hali 
fax  was  was  to  be  understood  as  connected  with  a  suspeu- 
sion  of  hostilities  on  the  frontiers  of  Canada.  Yours,  &tv 

JOHN  GRAHAM, 
Memorandum  referred  to  in  the  above  letter. 

Mr.  Baker  verbally  communicated  to  me  for  the  infor 
mation  of  the  President,  that  he  had  received  despatches 
from  his  government  addressed  to  Mr.  Foster,  (dated  I 
believe  about  the  17th  of  June)  from  which  he  was  author 
ised  to  say,  that  an  official  declaration  would  be  sent  to  this 
country,  that  the  Orders  in  Council,  so  far  as  they  affected 
the  U.  States,  would  be  repealed  on  the  1st  of  August,  to 
be  revived  on  the  1st  of  May,  1813,  unless  the  conduct  of 
the  French  government,  and  the  result  of  the  communica 
tions  with  the  American  government,  should  be  such  as, 
in  the  opinion  of  his  majesty,  to  render  their  revival  unne 
cessary.  Mr.  Baker  moreover  stated  that  the  Orders 
•would  be  revived,  provided  the  American  government  did 
not,  within  fourteen  days  after  they  received  the  official 
declaration  of  their  repeal,  admit  British  armed  vessels  into 
their  ports,  and  put  an  end  to  the  restrictive  measures  which 
liarl  grown  out  of  the  Orders  in  Council. 

The  despatches  authorising  this  communication  to  the 
American  government  expressly  directed  that  it  should  be 
made  verbally,  and  Mr.  Baker  did  not  considei  himself  at 
liberty  to  reduce  it  to  writing,  even  in  the  form  of  a  note 
verbal,  or  promemoria,  or  to  suffer  me  to  take  a  memoran 
dum  of  his  communication  at  the  time  he  made  it.  I  under- 


10,4  HiSTORV  OF  THE  WAK* 

stood  from  him  that  the  despatches  had  been  opened  by  IVI  i  „ 
Foster  at  Halifax,  who  in  consequence  of  a  conversation  he 
had  had  with  Vice  Admiral  Sawyer,  and  Sir  J.  Sherbroke, 
had  authorised  Mr.  Baker  to  say,  that  these  gentlemen  would 
agree,  as  a  measure  leading  to  a  suspension  of  hostilities, 
that  all  captures  made  after  a  day  to  be  fixed,  should  not 
be  proceeded  against  immediately,  but  be  detained  to  await 
the  future  decision  of  the  two  governments.  Mr.  Foster 
had  not  seen  Sir  George  Prevost,  but  had  written  to  him 
b'y  express,  and  did  not  doubt  but  that  he  would  agree  to 
an  arrangement  fur  the  temporary  suspension  of  hostilities. 
Mr.  Baker  also  stated  that  he  had  received  an  authority 
from  Mr.  Foster  to  act  as  charge  df  affairs,  provided  the 
American  government  would  receive  him  in  that  charac 
ter,  for  the  purpose  of  enabling*  him  officially  to  communi 
cate  the  declaration  which  was  to  be  expected  from  the 
British  government ;  his  functions  to  be  Understood,  of 
course,  as  ceasing  on  the  renewal  of  hostilities.  I  replied, 
that  although,  to  so  general  and  informal  a  communica 
tion,  no  answer  might  be  necessary,  and  certainly  no  par 
ticular  answer  expected,  yet,  I  was  authorised  to  say,  that 
the  communication  is  received  with  sincere  satisfaction,  as 
it  is  hoped  that  the  spirit  in  which  it  was  authorised  by  his 
government,  may  lead  to  such  further  communications  as 
will  open  the  way  not  only  to  an  eariy  and  satisfactory  ter 
mination  of  existing  hostilities,  but  to  that  entire  adjustment 
of  all  the  differences  which  produced  them,  and  that  perma 
nent  peace  and  sofid  friendship  which  ought  to  be  mutual- 
ly  desired  by  both  countries,  and  which  is  sincerely  desired 
by  this.  With  this  desire,  an  authority  was  given  to  Mr. 
Russell  on  the  subject  of  an  armistice  as  introductory  to  a 
final  pacification,  as  has  been  made  known  to  Mr.  Foster, 
and  the  same  desire  will  be  felt  on  the  receipt  of  the  fur 
ther  and  more  particular  communications  which  are 
shortly  to  be  expected  with  respect  to  the  joint  intimation 
from  Mr.  Foster  and  the  authorities  at  Halifax,  on  the  sub 
ject  of  suspending  judicial  proceedings  in  the  case  of  mar 
itime  captures,  to  be  accompanied  by  a  suspension  of  mili 
tary  operations.  The  authority  given  to  Mr.  Russell  just 
alluded  to,  and  of  which  Mr.  Foster  was  the  bearer,  is  lull 
proof  of  the  solicitude  of  the  government  of  the  U.  States 
to  bring  about  a  general  suspension  of  hostilities  oa  ad  mis 


HISTORY  OP  THE  WA&.  165 

terms,  with  as  little  delay  as  possible.  It  was  not  to 
be  demoted  therefore,  that  any  other  practical  expedient  for 
attaining1  a  similar  result  would  be  readily  concurred  in. 
Upon  the  most  favorable  consideration,  however,  which 
could  be  given  to  the  expedient  suggested  through  him,  it 
did  not  appear  to  be  reducible  to  any  practicable  shape  to 
which  the  executive  would  be  authorised  to  give  it  the  ne 
cessary  sanction,  nor  indeed  is  it  probable  that  if  it  was  less 
liable  to  insuperable  difficulties,  that  it  could  have  any  ma 
terial  effect  previous  to  the  result  of  Ihe  pacific  advance 
made  bv  this  government,  and  which  must  it  favorably  re 
ceived,  become  operative  as  soon  as  any  other  arrangement 
that  could  now  be  made.  It  was  stated  to  Mr.  Baker, 
that  the  President  did  not,  under  existing  circumstances, 
consider  Mr.  Foster  as  vested  with  the  power  of  appointing 
a  charge  d  'affairs  :  but  that  no  difficulty  in  point  of  form, 
would  be  made,  as  any  authentic  communication  through 
him,  or  any  other  channel,  would  be  received  with  atten 
tion  and  respect. 

Mr.  Monroe  to  Mr.  Pussell. 
DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  Aug,  2t,  1812. 

[Extract.']  SIR — My  last  letter  to  you  was  of  the  27th 
of  July,  and  was  forwarded  by  the  British  packet  Althea, 
under  the  special  protection  of  Mr.  Baker.  The  object  of 
that  letter,  and  of  the  next  preceding  one  of  the  '26\.h  of 
Jnne,  was  to  invest  you  with  power  to  suspend  by  an  armis 
tice,  on  such  fair  conditions  as  it  was  presumed  could  not 
be  rejected,  the  operation  of  the  war,  which  had  been 
brought  on  the  U.  States  by  the  injustice  and  violence  of 
the  British  government.  At  the  moment  of  the  declara 
tion  of  war,  the  President,  regretting  the  necessity  which 
produced  it,  looked  to  its  termination  and  provided  for  it, 
and  happy  will  it  be  for  both  countries,  if  the  disposition 
felt,  and  the  advances  made  on  his  part,  are  entertained  and 
met  by  the  British  government  in  a  similar  spirit. 

You  will  have  seen  by  the  note  forwarded  to  you  by  Mr. 
Graham,  of  Mr.  Baker's  communication  to  him,  that  Mr. 
Foster  had  authorised  him  to  slate  that  the  commanders  of 
the  British  forces  at  Halifax  would  agree  to  a  suspension, 
r  a  day  to  be  fixed,  of  the  condemnation  of  prizes,  to 
decision  of  both  governments,  without  however 


166  HISTORY  OP  THE  WAR. 

preventing'  captures  on  either  side.  It  appears  also,  tjiat 
Mr.  Foster  had  promised  to  communicate  with  Sir  George 
Prevost,  and  to  advise  him  to  propose  to  our  government 
an  armistice. 

Sir  GeorgePrevosthas  since  proposed  to  General  Dear 
born,  at  the  suggestion  of  Mr.  Foster,  a  suspension  of  of 
fensive  operations  by  land,  in  a  letter  which  was  transmit- 
ecl  by  the  General  to  the  Secretary  of  War.  A  provisional 
agreement  was  entered  into  between  General  Dearborn 
and  Colonel  Baynes,  the  British  adjutant-General,  bearer 
of  General  Prevost's  letter,  that  neither  party  should  act 
offensively  before  the  decision  of  our  government  should  be 
taken  on  the  subject 

Since  my  return  to  Washington,  the  document  alluded 
to  in  Mr,  Foster's  despatch,  as  finally  decided  on  by  the 
British  government,  has  been  handed  to  me  by  Mr.  Baker,, 
with  a  remark,  that  its  authenticity  might  be  relied  on. 
Mr.  Baker  added  that  it  was  not  improbable,  that  the  Ad 
miral  at  Halifax  might  agree  likewise  to  a  suspension  of 
captures,  though  he  did  not  profess  to  appear  to  be  acquaint 
ed  with  his  sentiments  on  that  point. 

On  full  consideration  of  all  the  circumstances  which 
merit  attention,  the  President  regrets  that  it  is  not  in  his 
power  to  accede  to  the  proposed  arrangement.  The  fol 
lowing*  are  among  the  principal  reasons  which  have  pro 
duced  this  decision. 

1st.  The  President  has  no  power  to  suspend  judicial 
proceedings  on  prizes.  A  capture,  if  lawful,  vests  a  right 
over  which  he  has  no  control.  Nor  could  he  prevent  cap 
tures  otherwise  than  by  an  indiscriminate  recal  of  the 
commissions  granted  to  our  privateers,  which  he  could  not 
justify  under  existing  circumstances. 

2d.  The  proposition  is  not  made  by  the  British  govern 
ment  nor  is  there  any  certainty  that  it  would  be  approved 
by  it.  The  proposed  arrangement,  if  acceded  to,  might 
not  be  observed  by  the  British  officers  themselves,  if  their 
government,  in  consequence  of  the  war,  should  give  them 
instructions  of  a  different  character,  even  if  they  were  giv 
en  without  a  knowledge  of  the  arrangement. 

3d.  No  security  is  given,  or  proposed,  as  to  the  Indians, 
nor  could  any  be  relied  on.  They  have  engaged  in  the 
war  on  the  side  of  the  British  government,  and  are  now  pro 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  167 

scenting'  it  with  vigor,  in  their  usual  savage  mode,  They 
can  only  be  restrained  by  force,  when  once  let  loose,  and 
that  force  has  already  been  ordered  out  for  that  purpose. 

4th.  The  proposition  is  not  reciprocal,  because  it  restrains 
the  United  States  from  acting  where  their  power  is  great 
est,  and  leaves  Great-Britain  at  liberty,  and  gives  her  time 
to  augment  her  forces  in  our  neighborhood. 

5th.  That  as  a  principal  object  of  the  war  is  to  obtain 
redress  against  the  British  practice  of  impressment,  an 
agreement  to  suspend  hostilities  even  before  the  British 
government  is  heard  from  on  that  subject,  might  be  con 
sidered  a  relinquishment  of  that  claim. 

6th.  It  is  the  more  objectionable,  and  of  the  less  impor 
tance,  in  consideration  of  the  instructions  heretofore  given 
you,  which,  if  met  by  the  British  government,  may  have 
already  produced  the  same  result  in  a  greater  extent  and 
more  satisfactory  form. 

I  might  add,  that  the  declaration  itself  is  objectionable- 
in  many  respects,  particularly  the  following — 

1st.  Because  it  asserts  a  right  in  the  British  government 
to  restore  the  Orders  in  Council,  or  any  part  thereof,  to  their 
full  effect  on  a  principle  of  retaliation  on  France,  under 
circumstances  of  which  she  alone  is  to  judge  ;  a  right 
which  this  government  cannot  admit,  especially  in  the  ex 
tent  heretofore  claimed,  and  acted  on  by  the  British  gov 
ernment.. 

2d.  That  the  repeal  is  founded  exclusively  on  the  Frenclt 
Decree  of  the  28th  of  April,  1811,  by  which  the  repeal 
of  the  Decrees  of  Berlin  and  Milan,  announced  on  the  5th 
of  August,  1810,  to  take  effect  on  the  1st  of  November,  o!f 
that  year,  at  which  time  their  operation  actually  ceased,  is- 
disregarded,  as  are  the  claims  of  the  U.  States  arising 
from  the  repeal  on  that  day,  even  according  to  the  British 
pledge, 

3d.  That  even  if  the  U.  States  had  no  right  to  claim  the 
repeal  of  the  British  Orders  in  Council  prior  to  the  French 
Decree  of  the  28th  of  April,  181 1,  nor  before  the  notifica 
tion  of  that  Decree  to  the  British  government,  on  the  20th 
of  May,  of  the  present  year,  the  British  repeal  ought  to 
have  borne  date,  from  that  day,  and  been  subiect  to 
of  the  limitations  attached  to  it. 


168  HISTORY  OF  TJE1E 

These  remarks  on  the  declaration  of  the  prince  regent, 
which  are  not  pursued  with  rigor,  nor  in  the  full  extent 
-which  they  might  be,  are  applicable  to  it,  in  relation  to  the 
state  of  things  which  existed  before  the  determination  of 
the  U.  States  to  resist  the  aggressions  of  the  British  gov 
ernment  by  war.  By  that  determination,  the  relations  be 
tween  the  two  countries  have  been  altogether  changed,  and 
it  is  only  by  a  termination  of  the  war,  or  by  measures  lead- 
ing  to  it,  by  consent  of  both  governments,  that  its  calami 
ties  can  be  closed  or  mitigated.  It  is  not  now  a  question 
whether  the  declaration  of  the  prince  regent  is  such  as 
ought  to  have  produced  a  repeal  of  the  non-importation 
act,  had  war  not  been  declared,  because,  by  the  declara 
tion  of  war,  that  question  is  superceded,  and  the  non-im 
portation  acl  having  been  continued  in  force  by  Congress, 
and  become  a  measure  of  war,  and  among  the  most  efficient, 
it  is  no  longer  subject  to  the  control  of  the  Executive  in  the 
sense,  and  for  the  purpose  for  which  it  was  adopted.  The 
declaration,  however,  of  the  prince  regent,  will  not  be  with 
out  effect.  By  repealing  the  Orders  in  Council  without 
reviving  the  blockade  of  May,  1806,  or  any  other  illegal 
blockade,  as  is  understood  to  be  the  case,  it  removes  a  great 
obstacle  to  an  accommodation.  The  President  considers 
it  an  indication  of  a  disposition  in  the  British  government 
to  accommodate  the  differences  which  subsist  between  the 
two  countries,  and  I  am  instructed  to  assure  you,  that,  if 
such  a  disposition  really  exists,  and  is  persevered  in,  and  is 
extended  to  other  objects,  especially  the  important  one  ol 
impressment,  a  durable  and  happy  peace  and  reconciliation 
ran  not  fail  to  result  from  it. 

Mr.  Russell  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

LONDON,  Sept,  1,  1812. 

SIR — You  will  perceive  by  the  enclosed  copies  of  notes 
which  have  passed  between  lord  Castlereagh  and  me,  that 
the  moderate  and  equitable  terms  proposed  for  a  suspen 
sion  of  hostilities,  have  been  rejected,  and  that  it  is  my  in 
tention  to  return  immediately  to  the  United  States. 

My  continuance  here,  after  it  has  been  so  broadly  inti 
mated  to  me  by  his  lordship,  that  I  am  no  longer  acknowl 
edged  in  my  diplomatic  capacity,  and  after  a  knowledge 
that  instructions  are  given  to  the  British  Admiral  to  nego- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

ciiate  an  arrangement  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic, 
would,  in  my  view  of  the  subject,  not  only  be  useless  but 
improper. 

It  is  probable,  however,  that  the  vessel  in  which  I  pro 
pose  to  embark  will  not  take  her  departure  before  the  loth 
or  20th  of  this  month. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

JONATHAN  RUSSELL. 

Mr.  Russell  to  lord  Casllereagh. 

LONDON,  Aug.  24,  1812. 

My  lord — It  is  only  necessary,  I  trust,  to  call  the  attention 
of  your  iordshipto  a  review  of  the  conduct  of  the  government 
of  the  U.  States,  to  prove  incontrovertibly  its  unceasing  anx 
iety  to  maintain  the  relations  of  peace  and  friendship  with  LI. 
Britain.  Its  patience  in  suffering  the  many  wrongs  which 
it  has  received,  and  ils  perseverance  in  endeavoring  by  am 
icable  means  to  obtain  redress,  are  known  to  the  worid. 
Despairing  at  length  of  rsceivingthis  redress  from  the  jus 
tice  of  the  British  government,  to  which  it  had  so  often  ap 
plied  in  vain,  and  feeling  that  a  further  forbearance  would 
be  a  virtual  surrender  of  rights  and  interests  essential  to  the 
prosperity  and  independence  of  the  nation  confided  to  its 
protection,  it  has  been  compelled  to  discharge  its  high  duty 
by  an  appeal  to  arms.  While,  however,  it  regards  this* 
course  as  the  only  one  which  remained  for  it  to  pursue 
with  a  hope  of  preserving  any  portion  of  that  kind  of  char 
acter  which  constitutes  the  vital  strength  of  every  nation, 
yet  it  is  still  willing  to  give  another  proof  of  the  spirit 
which  has  uniformly  distinguished  its  proceedings,  bv  seek 
ing  to  arrest,  on  terms  consistent  with  justice  and  honor, 
the  calamities  of  war.  It  has,  therefore,  authorised  me  to 
stipulate  with  his  Britannic  majesty's  government  an  ar 
mistice  to  commence  at  or  before  tSie  expiration  of  sixty 
days  after  the  signature  of  the  instrument  providing  for  it, 
on  condition  that  the  Orders  in  Council  be  repealed,  and 
no  illegal  blockades  to  be  substituted  to  them,  and  that 
orders  be  immediately  given  to  discontinue  the  impress 
ment  of  persons  from  American  vessels,  and  to  restore  the 
citizens  of  the  United  States  already  impressed ;  it  being; 
moreover  well  understood  that  the  British  government  will 
assent  to  enter  into  definite  arrangements,  as  soon  as  rnaf 


170  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR, 

be,  on  these  and  every  other  difference,  by  a  treaty  to  be 
concluded  either  at  London  or  Washington,  as  on  an  im 
partial  consideration  of  existing1  circumstances  shall  be 
deemed  most  expedient. 

As  an  inducement  to  G.  Britain  to  discontinue  the  prac 
tice  of  impressment  from  American  vessels,  I  am  authoris 
ed  to  give  assurance  that  a  law  shall  be  passed  (to  be  recip 
rocal)  to  prohibit  the  employment  of  British  seamen  in  the 
public  or  commercial  service  of  the  U.  States. 

It  is  sincerely  believed  that  such  an  arrangement  would 
prove  more  efficacious  in  securing  to  G.  Britain  her  sea 
men,  than  the  practice  of  impressment,  so  derogatory  to 
the  sovereign  attributes  of  the  U.  States,  and  so  incompati 
ble  with  the  personal  rights  of  their  citizens. 

Your  lordship  will  not  be  surprised  that  I  have  present 
ed  the  revocation  of  the  Orders  in  Council  as  a  preliminary 
to  the  suspension  of  hostilities,  when  it  is  considered  that 
the  act  of  the  British  government  of  the  23d  of  June  last, 
ordaining  that  revocation,  is  predicated  on  conditions,  the 
performance  of  which  is  rendered  impracticable  by  the 
change  which  is  since  known  to  have  occurred  in  the  rela 
tions  between  the  two  countries.  It  cannot  now  be  ex 
pected  that  the  government  of  the  U.  States  will  immedi 
ately  on  due  notice  of  that  act,  revoke  or  cause  to  be  re 
voked  its  acts,  excluding  from  the  waters  and  harbors  of 
the  U.  States  all  British  armed  vessels,  and  interdicting 
commercial  intercourse  with  G.  Britain.  Such  a  proce 
dure  would  necessarily  involve  conscquensestoo  unreason 
able  and  extravagant  to  be  for  a  moment  presumed. — The 
Order  in  Council  of  the  23d  of  June  last  will,  therefore  ac 
cording  to  its  own  terms  be  null  and  of  no  effect,  and  anew 
act  of  the  British  government,  adapted  to  existing  circum 
stances,  is  obviously  required  for  the  effectual  repeal  of  the 
Orders,  in  Council  of  which  the  United  States  complain. 

The  government  af  the  U.  States  considers  indemnity 
for  the  injuries  received  under  the  Orders  in  Council  and 
other  Edicts,  violating  the  rights  of  the  American  nation, 
to  be  incident  to  their  repeal,  and  it  believes  that  satisfaco- 
ry  provision  will  be  made  in  the  definite  treaty,  to  be  here 
after  negociated,  for  this  purpose. 

The  conditions  now  offered  to  the  British  government 
fo.r  the  termination  of  the  war  by  an  armistice  as  alum 


HISTORY  OP  THE  WAR.  171 

stated,  are  so  moderate  and  just  in  themselves,  and  so  en 
tirely  consistent  with  its  interest  and  honor,  that  a  confi 
dent  hope  is  indulged  that  it  will  not  hesitate  to  accept 
them.  In  so  doing  it  will  abandon  no  right;  it  will  sacri 
fice  no  interests;  it  will  abstain  only  from  violating  the 
rights  of  the  U.  States,  and  in  return 'it  will  restore  peace 
with  the  power  from  whom  in  a  friendly  coimriercial  in 
tercourse  so  many  advantages  are  to  be  derived. 

Your  lordship  is  undoubtedly  aware  of  the  serious  diffi 
culties  with  which  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  even  for  a 
short  period,  must  necessarily  embarrass  all  future  attempts 
nt  accommodation. — Passions  exasperated  by  injuries — 
alliances  or  conquests  on  terms  which  forbid  their  abandon 
ment — will  inevitably  hereafter  embitter  and  protract  a 
contest  which  might  now  be  so  easily  and  happily  termi 
nated. 

Deeply  impressed  with  these  truths,  I  cannot  but  per 
suade  myself  that  his  royal  highness,  the  prince  regent  will 
take  into  his  early  consideration,  the  propositions  herein, 
made  on  behalf  of  the  U.  States,  and  decide  on  them  in  a 
spirit  of  conciliation  and  justice. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

JONATHAN  RUSSELL. 

<• 

Lord  Castlereagli  to  Mr.  Rmsdl. 

FOKEIGN  OFFICE,  Aug.  29, 1812. 

SIR — Although  the  diplomatic  relations  between  the 
two  governments  have  been  terminated,  by  a  declaration 
of  war  on  the  part  of  the  U.  States,  1  have  not  hesitated, 
under  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  case,  and  the  au 
thority  under  which  you  act,  to  submit  to  the  prince  regent 
the  proposition  contained  in  your  letter  of  the  24lli  inst.  for 
a  suspension  of  hostilities. 

From  the  period  at  which  your  instructions,  must  have 
been  issued,  it  is  obvious,  that  this  overture  was  determin 
ed  upon  by  the  government  of  the  U.  States,  in  ignorance 
of  the  Order  in  Council  of  the  23d  of  June  last,  and  as  you 
inform  me  that  you  are  not  at  liberty  to  depart  from  the  con 
ditions  set  forth  in  you  letter,  it  only  remains  for  me  to  ac 
quaint  you  that  the  prince  regent  feels  himself  under  the 
necessity  of  declining  to  accede  to  the  proposition  therein 
contained,  as  being  on  various  grounds,  absolutely  in. ad 
missible. 


172  HISTOKY  OF  THE 

As  soon  as  there  was  reason  to  apprehend,  that  Mi*.  Pos 
ter's  functions  might  have  ceased  in  America,  and  that  he 
might  have  been  obliged  to  withdraw  himself,  in  conse 
quence  of  war  having  been  declared,  from  the  U,  States, 
before  the  above  mentioned  Order  of  the  23d  of  June,  and 
the  instructions  consequent  thereupon,  could  have  readied 
him,  measures  were  taken  for  authorising  the  British  Adr 
miral  on  the  American  station,  to  propose  to  the  govern 
ment  of  the  U.  States,  an  immediate  and  reciprocal  re 
vocation  of  all  hostile  Orders,  with  the  tender  of  giving  full 
effect,  in  the  event  of  hostilities  being  discontinued,  to  tlie 
provisions  of  the  said  Order,  upon  the  conditions  therein 
spec  fied. 

From  this  statement  you  will  perceive  that  the  view  you 
have  taken  of  this  part  of  the  subject  is  incorrect;  and  that 
in  the  present  state  of  the  relations  between  the  two  coun 
tries,  the  operation  of  the  Qrder  of  the  23d  June,  can  only 
be  defeated  by  a  refusal  on  the  part  of  your  government  to 
desist  from  hostilities,  or  to  comply  with  the  conditions  ex 
pressed  in  the  said  Qrder. 

Under  the  circumstances  of  your  having  no  powers  to 
negociate,  I  must  decline  entering  into  a  detailed  discus-; 
sionof  the  propositions  which  you  have  been  directed  to 
bring  forward. 

1  cannot,  however,  refrain  on  one  single  point,  from  ex 
pressing  my  surprise  ;  namely,  that,  as  a  condition  prelim 
inary  even  to  a  suspension  of  hostilities,  the  government  of 
the  U.  States,  should  have  thought  fit  to  demand,  that  the 
British  government  should  desist  from  its  ancient  and  ac 
customed  practice  of  impressing  British  seamen  from  the 
me;  chant  ships  of  a  foreign  state,  simply  on  the  assurance 
that  a  law  shall  hereafter  be  passed  to  prohibit  the  employ 
ment,  of  British  seamen  in  the  public  or  commercial  service 
of  that  state. 

The  British  government  now,  as  heretofore,  is  ready  to 
receive  from  the  government  of  the  U.  States,  and  amica 
bly  to  discuss,  any  proposition  which  professes  to  have  in 
•view  either  to  check  abuse  in  the  exercise  of  the  practice  of 
impressment,  or  to  accomplish  by  means  less  liable  to  vex 
ation,  the  object  for  which  impressment  has  hitherto  been 
found  necessary,  but  tley  cannot  consent  to  suspend  the 
exercise  of  a  right  upon  which  the  naval  strength  of  the 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  173 

empire  mainly  depends,  until  they  are  fully  convinced  that 
means  can  be  devised,  and  will  be  adopted,  by  which  the 
object  to  be  obtained  by  the  exercise  of  that  right,  can  be 
effectually  secured. 

J  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

CASTLEREAGH. 

Mr.  Russell  to  lord  Castkreagh. 

LONDON,  September  1,  1812. 

My  lord — 1  have  heard  with  much  regret,  by  your 
lordship's  note,  dated  the  the  29th  ult.  which  I  did  not  re 
ceive  until  this  morning,  that  the  prince  regent  has  thought 
proper  to  decline  to  accede  to  the  proposition  for  a  suspen 
sion  of  hostilities,  contained  in  my  note  ot  the  24th  of  Aug. 

It  has  been  matter  of  surprise  to  me  that  my  view  with 
regard  to  the  revocation  of  the  Order  in  Council  of  the  23d 
of  June  last, should  have  been  considered  to  have  been  in 
correct,  when  it  appears  by  your  lordship's  note  that  the 
British  government  itself  had  deemed  it  necessary  to  give 
powers  to  the  British  Admiral  to  stipulate  (or  its  full  effect, 
and  thereby  admitted  that  a  new  act  was  required  for  that 
purpose. 

It  now  only  remains  for  me  to  announce  to  you  lordship 
that  it  is  my  intention  to  embark  immediately  at  Plymouth, 
on  board  the  ship  Lark,  for  the  U.  States,  and  to  request 
that  permission  may  be  granted,  a  soon  as  may  be,  for  the 
embarkation  of  my  servants,  baggage,  and  the  effects  of 
this  legation,  and  that  the  necessary  passports  may  be  furn 
ished  tor  my  own,  and  their  safe  conduct  to  that  destination, 

I  avail  myself  of  this  occasion  to  apprize  your  lordship 
that  I  am  authorised  by  the  government  of  the  U.  States,  to 
leave  Reuben  Gaujit  Beasely,  Esq.  as  its  agent  for  prisoners 
of  war  in  this  country,  and  to  desire  that  every  necessary  fa 
cility  may  be  afforded  him  in  the  exercise  of  that  trust,  by 
Ihe  British  government. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

JONATHAN  RUSSELL. 

JtJr.  Russell  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

LONDON,  Sept.  3,  1812. 

SIR — I  enclose  herein  'a  copy  of  a  note,  received  yester 
day  from  lord Castlereagli,  which  will  acquaint  you  that! 


174  HISTORY  OF  THE  \VAR. 

have  obtained  my  passports  to  return  to  the  U.  States,  and 
that  Mr.  Beasely  is  permitted  to  remain  here  as  agent  for 
prisoners  of  war. 

Immediatelyvpn  demanding  my  passport  I  addressed  to 
the  consuls  a  circular  of  which  you  will  also  find  a  copy  en^- 
closed. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

JONATHAN  RUSSELL, 

Lord  Castlereagh  to  Mr.  Russell. 

FOREIGN  OFFICE,  Sept.  2, 1812. 

SIR — I  have  laid  before  his  royal  highness,  the  prince 
regent,  your  letter  of  the  1st  inst.  in  which  you  announce 
your  intention  to  embark  immediately  at  Plymouth  on  board 
the  ship  Lark,  for  the  II .  States. 

I  have  already  had  the  honor  of  forwarding  to  you  an 
Admiralty  ordtfr  for  the  protection  of  that  ship  as  a  cartel, 
on  her  voyage  to  America,  and  I  herewith  enclose  to  you 
a  passport  for  the  free  embarkation  of  yourself  and  family, 
in  comformity  to  your  request.  The  lords  commissisners 
of  his  majesty's  treasury  will  issue  directions  to  the  commis 
sioners  of  the  customs  to  give  every  facility  to  the  embarka- 
tion  of  your  effects. 

If  previous  to  your  departure  from  England,  you  can 
point  out  to  me  any  particular  manner  in  which  lean  facil 
itate  your  arrangements,  I  beg  that  you  will  command  my 
services. 

His  royal  highness  has  commanded  me  to  signify  toycu, 
for  the  information  of  your  government,  that  there  will  be 
no  difficulty  in  allowing  Mr.  R.  G.  Boasely,  as  stated  in 
your  letter,  to  reside  in  this  country,  as  the  U.  State's  agent 
for  prisoners  of  war. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

CASTLEREAGH. 

Sir  J.  B.   Warren  to  Mr.  Monroe. 

HALIFAX,  No\a  Scotia,  Sept.  30,1812. 
SIR — The  departure  of  Mr.  Foster  from  America,  has 
devolved  upon  me  the  charge  of  making  known  to  you,  for 
the  information  of  the  government  of  the  U.  States,  the  sen 
timents  entertained  by  his  royal  highness,  the  prince  regent, 
upon  the  existing  relations  of  the  two  countries, 


HISTORY  OF  THE.  WAR.  175 

You  \villobserve,  from  the  enclosed  copy  of  an  Order  in 
Council  bearing  date  the '23d  of  June,  1812,  that  the  Or 
ders  in  Council  of  the  7th  of  January,  1807,  and  the  2(5th  of 
April,  1809,  ceased  to  exist  nearly  at  the  same  time  that 
the  government  of  the  U.  States  declared  war  against  his 
majesty. 

Immediately  on  the  receipt  of  this  declaration  in  London, 
the  Order  in  Council,  of  which  a  copy  is  herewith  enclosed 
to  \ou,  was  issued  on  the  3 1st  day  of  July,  for  the  embargo 
and  detention  of  all  American  ships. 

Under  these  circumstances,  I  am  commanded  to  propose 
to  your  government  the  immediate  cessation  of  hostilities 
between  the  two  countries  and  I  shall  be  most  happy  to  be 
the  instrument  of  bringing  about  a  reconciliation,  so  interes 
ting  and  beneficial  to  America,  and  G.  Britain. 

I  therefore  propose  to  you,  that  the  government  of  the  U. 
Statesof  Americashall  instantly  recall  their  letters  of  marque 
and  reprisal  against  British  ships,  together  with  all  or 
ders  and  instructions  for  any  acts  of  hostility  whatever 
against  the  territories  of  his  majesty,  or  the  persons  or  pro 
perty  of  his  subjects;  with  the  understanding,  that,  imme 
diately  on  my  receiving  from  you  an  official  assurance  to 
that  effect,  I  shall  instruct  all  the  officers  under  my  com 
mand  to  desist  from  corresponding  measures  of  war, 
against  the  ships  and  property  of  the  U.  States,  and  that  I 
shall  transmit  without  delay,  corresponding  intelligence  to 
1  he  several  parts  of  the  world  where  hostilities  may  have 
commenced.  The  British  commanders  in  which,  will  be 
required  to  discontinue  hostilities  from  the  receipt  of  sueli 
notice. 

Should  the  American  government  accede  to  the  above 
proposal  for  terminating  hostilities,  I  am  authorised  to  ar 
range  wiihyou  as  to  the  revocation  of  the  laws  which  in 
terdict  the  commerce  and  ships  of  war  of^G.  Britain  from 
the  harbors  and  waters  of  the  U.  States  ;  'in  the  default  of 
which  revocation  within  such  reasonable  period  as  may  be 
agreed  upon,  you  will  observe  by  the  order  of  the  23d  June, 
the  Orders  in  Council  of  January,  1807,  and  April,  180$, 
ure  to  be  revived. 

The  officer  who  conveys  this  letter  io  the  American  coast 
has  received  my  orders  to  put  to  sea  immediately  upon  the 
delivering  of  this  dispatch  to  the  competent  authority  ;  and 


1?6  HISTORY  Oi   THE 

I  earnestly  recommend  that  no  time  may  be  lost  in  com 
municating  to  me  the  decision  of  your  government,  persuad 
ed  as  I  feel  that  it  cannot  but  be  of  a  nature  to  lead  to  a 
speedy  termination  of  the  present  differences. 

The  flag  of  truce  which  you  may  charge  with  your  re 
ply  will  iind  one  of  my  cruisers  at  Sandy  Hook,  ten  days 
after  the  landing  of  this  despatch,  which  I  have  directed  to 
call  there  with  a  flag  of  truce  for  that  purpose. 

I  have  honor  to  be,  &c. 

JOHN  BORLASE  WARREN. 

Jlfr.  Monroe  to  sir  J.  B.  Warren. 
DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  Oct.  27, 1812. 

SIR— I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  letter  of  the 
30th  ult.  and  to  submit  it  to  the  consideration  of  the  President. 

It  appears  that  you  are  authorised  to  propose  a  cessation 
of  hostilities  between  the  U.  States  and  G.  Britain,  on  the 
ground  of  the  repeal  of  the  Orders  in  Council*  and  in  case 
the  proposition  is  acceded  to,  to  take  measures  in  concert 
with  this  government,  to  carry  it  into  complete  effect  on 
both  sides. 

You  stale,  also  that  you  have  it  in  charge,  in  that  event, 
to  enter  into  an  arrangement  with  the  government  of  the  U, 
States  for  the  repeal  of  the  laws  which  interdict  the  ships  of 
war  and  the  commerce  of  G.  Britain  from  the  harbors  and 
waters  ot*  the  U.  States.  And  you  intimate,  that  if  the 
proposition  is  not  acceded  to,  the  Orders  in  Council  (repeal 
ed  conditionally  by  that  of  the  23d  of  June  last)  will  be  revi 
ved  against  the  commerce  ot  the  U.  States. 

I  am  instructed  to  inform  you,  that  it  will  be  very  satis 
factory  to  the  President  to  meet  the  British   government  in 
such  arrangements  as  may  terminate  without  delay  the  hos 
tilities  which  now  exist  between  the  U.  States  and  G.  Bri 
tain,  on  conditions  honorable  to  both  nations. 

At  the  moment  of  the  declaration  of  war,  the  President 
^ave  a  signal  proof  of  the  attachment  of  the  U.  States  to 
peace.  Instructions  were  given  at  that  early  period  to  the 
late  charge  d' affairs  of  the  U.  States  at  London,  to  pro 
pose  to  the  British  government  au  armistice  on  conditions 
which  it  was  presumed  would  have  been  satisfactory.  H 
has  been  seen  with  regret  that  the  propositions  made  by 
Mr.  Monroe,  particularly  in  regard  to  the  important  inter- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  177 

est  of  impressment,  was  -rejected,  and  that  none  was  offered 
through  that  channel,  as  a  basis  on  which  hostilities  might 
cease. 

As  your  government  has  authorised  you  to  propose  a  ces 
sation  of  hostilities,  and  is  doubtless  aware  of  the  important 
and  salutary  effect  which  a  satisfactory  adjustment  of  this 
difference  cannot  fail  to  have  on  the  future  relations  be- 
tween  the  two  countries,  I  indulge  the  hope  that  it  has,  ere 
this,  given  you  full  power  for  the  purpose.  Experience 
has  sufficiently  evinced  that  no  peace  can  be  durable  unless 
this  object  is  provided  for.  It  is  presumed,  therefore,  that 
it  is  equally  the  interest  of  both  countries  to  adjust  it  at  this 
time. 

Without  further  discussing  questions  of  right,  the  Presi 
dent  is  desirous  to  provide  a  remedy  for  the  evils  complain 
ed  of  on  both  sides,  The  claim  of  the  British  govern 
ment  is  to  take  from  the  merchant  vessels  of  other  coun 
tries  British  subjects.  In  the  practice,  the  commanders  of 
the  British  ships  of  war  often  take  from  the  merchant  ves 
sels  of  the  U.  States,  American  citizens.  If  the  U.  States 
prohibit  the  employment  of  British  subjects  in  their  service, 
and  in  force  the  prohibition  of  suitable  regulations  and  pen 
alties,  the  motives  for  the  practice  is  taken  away.  It  is  in 
this  mode  that  the  President  is  willing  to  accommodate 
this  important  controversy  with  the  British  government,  and 
it  cannot  be  conceived  on  what  ground  the  arrangement 
can  be  refused. 

A  suspension  of  the  practice  of  impressment,  pending 
the  armistice,  seems  to  be  a  necessary  consequence.  It 
cannot  be  presumed,  while  the  parties  are  engaged  in  a 
negociation  to  adjust  amicably  this  important  difference, 
that  the  U.  States  would  admit  the  right  or  acquiesce  in 
the  practice  of  the  opposite  party  ;  or  that  G.  Britain 
would  be  unwilling  to  restrain  her  cruizers  from  a  practice 
which  would  have  the  strongest  tendency  to  defeat  the  ne- 
gocration.  It  is  presumable  that  both  parties  would  enter 
into  the  negociation  with  a  sincere  desire  to  give  it  effect. 
For  this  purpose  it  is  necessary  that  a  clear  and  distinct 
understanding  be  first  obtained  between  them,  of  the  ac 
commodation  which  each  is  prepared  to  make.  If  the 
British  government  is  willing  to  suspend  the  practice  of 
impressment  from  American  vessels,  on  considerat^pn  that 


178  fllSTOHY  OF  THE  WAR. 

the  U.  States  will  exclude  British  seamen  from  their  ser 
vice,  the  regulations  by  which  this  compromise  should  be 
carried  into  effect  would  be  solely  the  object  of  negociation* 
The  armistice  would  be  of  short  duration.  If  the  parties 
agreed^  peace  would  be  the  result.  If  the  negociatiou 
failed,  each  would  be  restored  to  its  former  state,  and  to 
all  Us  pretensions,  by  recurring  to  war. 

Lord  G'astlereagb,  in  his  note  to  Mr.  Russell,  seems  to 
have  supposed,  that  had  the  British  government  accepted 
the  propositions  made  to  it,  G.  Britain  would  have  suspend^ 
ed  immediately  the  exercise  of  a  right,  on  the  mere  assur 
ance  of  this  government  that  a  law  would  be  afterwards 
passed  to  prohibit  the  employment  of  British  seamen  in  the 
service  of  the  U.  States,  and  that  G.  Britain  would  have  no 
agency  in  the  regulation  to  give  effect  to  that  proposition. 
Such  an  idea  was  not  in  the  contemplation  of  this  govern 
ment,  nor  is  to  be  reasonably  interred  from  Mr.  Russell's 
note;  lest,  however, by  possibility  such  an  inference  might 
be  drawn  from  instructions  to  Mr.  Russell,  and  anxious 
that  there  should  be  no  misunderstanding  in  the  case,  sub 
sequent  instructions  were  given  to  Mr.  Russell  with  a 
view  to  obviate  every  objection  of  the  kind  alluded  to. 
As  they  bear  date  on  27th  July,  and  were  forwarded  by 
the  British  packet  Althea,  it  is  more  than  probable  that 
they  may  have  been  received  and  acted  on. 

I  am  happy  to  explain  to  you  thus  fully  the  views  of  my 
government  on  this  important  subject.  The  President  de- 
s  res  that  the  war  which  exists  between  our  countries  should 
be  terminated  on  such  conditions  as  may  secure  a  solid 
and  durable  peace.  To  accomplish  this  great  object  it  is. 
necessary  that  the  interest  of  impressment  be  satisfactorily 
arranged.  He  is  willing  that  G.  Britain  should  be  secured 
against  the  evils  of  which  she  complains.  He  seeks  on  the 
other  hand  that  the  citizens  of  the  U.  States  should  be  pro 
tected  against  a  practice,  which,  while  it  degrades  the  na 
tion,  deprives  them  ot  their  rights  as  freemen,  takes  them 
by  force  from  their  families  and  their  country  into  a  for- 
e\<n\  service,  to  Hght  the  battles  of  a  foreign  power,  per 
haps  against  their  own  kindred  and  country. 

I  abstain  from  entering,  in  this  communcation,into  other 
grounds  of  difference.  The  Orders  in  Council  having  been 
repealed,  (with  a  reservation  not  impairing  a  corresponding 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

right  on  the  part  of  the  U.  States)  and  no  illegal  block 
ades  revived  or  instituted  in  their  stead,  and  an  under 
standing  being  obtained  on  the  subject  of  impressment,  in 
the  mode  herein  proposed,  the  President  is  willing  to  agree 
to  a  cessation  of  hostilities,  with  a  view  to  arrange  by  trep- 
ty,  in  a  more  distinct  and  ample  manner,  and  to  the  satis 
faction  of  both  parties,  every  other  subject  of  controversy. 

I  will  only  add  that  if  there  be  no  objection  to  an  accom 
modation  of  the  difference  relating*  to  impressment,  in  the 
mode  proposed,  other  than  the  susj>ension  of  the  British 
claim  to  impressment  during  the  armistice,  there  can  be 
none  to  proceeding,  without  the  armistice,  to  an  immedi 
ate  discussion  and  arrangement  of  an  article  on  that  subject. 
This  great  question  being  satisfactorily  adjusted,  the  way 
will  be  open  either  for  an  armistice  or  any  other  course 
leading  most  conveniently  and  expeditiousiy  to  a  general 
pacification.  1  have  the  honor  to  be, Sec. 

JAMES  MONROE. 

BRITISHMCHALLENGE. 

Ignorant  of  the  fate  of  the  blustering  JDacres,  sir  James 
Yeo,  of  the  Southampton  frigate,  sent  the  following  polite 
challenge  to  Capt.  1).  Porter,  commander  of  the  frigate 
Essex.  The  king,  l  the  fountain  of  honor/  dubbed  sir 
James,  a  knight ;  we  wished  Capt.  Porter  the  pleasure  of 
drubbing\\m\  into  a  gentleman. 

*  A  passenger  of  the  brig  Lyon  from  Havanna  to  New- 
York,  captured  by  the  frigate  Southampton,  sir  James  Yeo, 
commander,  is  requested  by  sir  James  Yeo,  to  present  ins 
compliments  to  Capt  Porter,  commander  of  the  American 
frigate  Essex,  would  be  glad  lo  have  a  Itte-a-tele  any  where 
between  the  capes  of  Delaware  and  the  Havanna,  when  he 
\vould  have  the  pleasure  to  break  Ins  own  sword  over  his 
damned  head  and  put  him  down  forward  in  irons/ 

AMERICAN  ACCEPTANCE. 

Capt.  Porter,  of  the  U.  States  frigate  Essex,  presents 
lus  compliments  to  sir  James  Yeo,  commanding  lii.s  Bri 
tannic  majesty's  frigate  Southampton,  and  accepts  w.tli 
pleasure  his  polite  invitation.  If  agreeable  to  sir  James, 
Capt.  Porter  would  prefer  meeting,  near  the  Delaware, 
where,  Capt.  P.  pledges  his  honor  to  sir  James,  that  no 
other  American  vessel  shall  interrupt  their  tete-a-tete, 


180  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

The  Essex  may  be  known  by  a  flag  bearing  the  motto — 

FREE  TRADE  AND   SAILORS'  RIGHTS  ; 

And  when  that  is  struck  to  the  Southampton  Capt.PorteT 
will  deserve  the  treatment  promised  by  sir  James. 
Philadelphia,  Sept.  18,  1812. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

JONES'  VICTORY— AND  CAPTURE. 

Capt.  Junes  to  the  Secretary  oj  the  Navy. 

NEW-Y^RK,  Nov.  24,  1812. 

SIR — I  here  avail  myself  of  the  first  opportunity  of  in 
forming  you  of  the  occurrences  of  our  cruise,  which  ter 
minated  in  the  capture  of  the  Wasp  on  the  18th  of  Oct.  by 
the  Poictiers  of  74  guns,  while  a  wreck  from  damages  re 
ceived  in  an  engagement  with  the  British  sloop  of  war  Frolic, 
of  22  guns ;  sixteen  of  them  thirty-two  pound  carron- 
ades,  and  four  twelve  pounders  on  the  main  deck  and  two 
twelve  pounders,  carronades  on  the  top-gal !ant-forecasllef 
making  her  superior  in  force  to  us  by  4  twelve  pounders. 
The  Frolic  had  struck  to  us,  and  was  taken  possession  of 
about  two  hours  before  our  surrendering  to  the  Poictiers. 

We  had  left  the  Delaware  on  the  13th.     The  16th  hud  a 
heavv  ga!e,  in  which  we  lost  our  jib-boom   arid   two   men. 
Half  p  st  eleven,  on  the  night  of  the  l?th,  in  the    latitude 
of  37  deg.  N.  and  Ion.   65  deg.   W.     we  saw  several    sail, 
two  of  them   appearing  very    large;  we  stood   from   them 
for  some  time,  then  shortened  sail  and  steered   the  remain 
der  oi  the   night   the    course  we  had    perceived  them  on. 
At  day-light  on   Sunday  the  18th  we   saw   them    ahead — » 
gave  chase  and  soo;i    discovered    them  to  be  a  convoy    of 
six  sail,  under  the   protection  of  a  s-oop   of  war;  four  of 
them  large  ships,  mounting  from  16  to  18  guns.     At  thirty 
two  minutes  past  11,  A.  M.  we  engaged  the  sloop  of  war, 
having  first  received  her  fire  at  the  distance  of  fifty  or  sixty 
^yards,  which  space  we  gradually  lessened  until  we  laid  her 
on  board,  after  a  well  supported  fire  of  4£  minutes  ;  and  al 
though  so  near  while  loading  the    last  broadside  that   our 
rammers  were  shoved  against  the  side  of  the  enemy,  our 
men  exhibited  the  same  alacrity  which  they  had  done  dur- 


HISTORY    OF    THE  WAR.  181 

ing  the  whole  of  the  action.  They  immediately  surrender 
ed  upon  our  gaining  their  forecastle,  so  that  no  IJHS  was 
sustaii-ed  on  either  side  after  boarding. 

Our  main-top-mast  was  shot  away  ehveen  4  and  5  min 
utes  from  the  commencement  of  the  tiring,  and  falling  to 
gether  with  the  main-top-sail  yard  across  the  larboard- 
fore  and  fore-top-sail  braces,  rendered  our  head-varcta  un 
manageable  the  remainder  of  the  action.  At  eight  minutes 
the  gait  and  main-top-gailant  mast  came  down,  and  at 
20  minutes  from  the  beginning  of  the  action  every  brace  ad 
most  of  the  rigging  was  shot  away.  A  few  minutes  after 
separating  from  ihe  Frolic  both  her  mast  fell  upon  deck, 
the  mainmast  going  close  by  the  deck,  and  the  foremast 
twelve  or  fifteen  feet  above  it. 

The  courage  and  exertions  of  the  officers  and  crew    fully 
answered  my  expectations  and  wishes. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c.         JACOB  JONES. 

AMERICAN   LOSS. 

Killed  5 — wounded  5. 

BRITISH  LOSS. 

Killed  27 — wounded  45. 

DECATUR'S  VICTORY. 

Com.  Decatur  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

U.  8.  S.  inited  States,  at  sea,  Oct.  30,  1812. 

SIR — I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you,  that  on  the  25th 
inst.  being  in  lat.  29  deg.  N.  long.  29,  30  W.  we  tell  in 
with,  and,  after  an  action  of  one  hour  and  a  half,  captured 
his  Britannic  majesty's  frigate  Macedonian,  commanded 
by  Capt.  John  Carden,  and  mounting  49  carnage  guns 
(the  odd  gun  shifting.)  She  is  a  frigate  of  the  largest 
class,  two  years  old,  four  months  out  of  dock,  and  reputed 
owe  of  the  best  sailers  in  the  British  service.  The  enemy 
being  to  windward,  had  the  advantage  of  engaging  us  at 
bis  own  distance,  which  was  so  great,  that  for  the  first  half 
hour  we  did  not  use  our  carronades,  and  at  no  moment 
'was  he  within  the  complete  effect  of  our  musketry  or  grape ; 
to  this  circumstance  and  a  heavy  swell,  which  was  on  at 
the  time,  I  ascribe  the  unusual  length  of  the  action. 

The  enthusiasm  of  every  officer,  seamen,  and  marine  o# 
board  this  ship,  on  discovering  the  enemy — their  steady 


HISTORY  OP  THE  WAK. 

conduct  in  battle,  and  precision  of  their  fire,  could  not  be 
surpassed.  Where  all  met  my  fullest  Expectations,  it 
would  be  unjust  in  me  to  discriminate.  Permit  me,  how 
ever,  to  recommend  to  your  particular  notice,  my  first  Lieut. 
William  H.  Alien.  He  has  served  with  me  upwards  of 
five  years,  and  to  his  unremitted  exertions  in  disciplining 
the  crew,  is  to  be  imputed  the  obvious  superiority  of  our 
gunnery  exhibited  in  the  result  of  the  contest. 

The  Macedonian  lost  her  mizen-mast,  fore  and  main-top- 
roasts  a*,d  main  yard,  and  was  much  cut  up  in  her  hull. 
The  damage  sustained  by  this  ship  was  not  such  as  io  ren 
der  her  return  into  port  necessary,  and  had  1  not  deemed  it 
impo .taut that  we  should  see  our  prize  in, should  have  con 
tinued  our  cruise. 

With  the  highest  consideration,  &c. 

STEPHEN  DECATUR. 

AMERICAN   LOSS. 

Killed  7— wounded  5. 

BRITISH  LOSS. 
Killed  36 — wounded  f>8 — prisoners  270. 

BAINBRIDGE'S   VICTORY. 

Com.  Bainbndye  to  thv  Secretary  oj  ike  Navy. 
V.  ti.  K  Constitution,  $t  Salvador,  Jan.  3,  1813. 
SIR — I  have  the  honor  to  imlorrn  you,  that  on  the  29th 
salt* mo,  at  2  P.  M.  in  south  latitude  13,06,  and  west  long-. 
38,  10  leagues  distance  from  the  coast  of  Brazils,  I  fell  in 
with  and  captured  his  Britannic  majesty's  frigate  Java,  of 
49  guns  and  upwards  of  400  men,  commanded  by  Capt. 
Lambert,  a  very  distinguished  officer.  The  action  lasted 
one  hour  and  55  minutes,  in  which  time  the  enemy  was 
completely  dismasted,  not  having  a  spar  of  any  kind  stand 
ing.  The  loss  on  board  the  Constitution  was  9  killed  and 
25  wounded,  as  per  enclosed  list  The  enemy  had  60  killed 
and  101  wounded,  certainly,  (among  the  latter  Capt.  Lun- 
bert,  mortally^  but  by  the  enclosed  letter,  written  on  board 
the  ship,  (by  one  of  the  officers  of  the  Java)  and  accidental 
ly  found,  it  is  evident  that  the  enemy's  wounded  must  have 
been  much  greater  than  above  stated,  and  who  must  have 
died  of  their  wounds  previously  to  their  being  removed* 
The  letter  states  sixty  killed  and  170  wounded. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

For  further  details  of  the  action,  I  beg  leave  to  refer  you 
to  the  enclosed  extracts  from  my  journal.  The  Java  had 
in  addition  to  her  own  crew  upwards  of  one  hundred  su 
pernumerary  officers  and  seamen,  to  join  the  British  ships 
of  war  in  the  East  Indies  ;  also,  Lieutenant-General  His- 
lop,  appointed  to  the  command  of  Bombay,  Major  Walker, 
and  Capt.  Wood,  ot  his  staff,  and  Capt.  Marshall,  master 
arid  commander  in  the  British  navy,  going  to  the  East 
Indies  to  take  command  of  a  sloop  of  war  there. 

Should  I  attempt  to  do  justice,  by  representation,  to  the 
brave  and  good  conduct  of  all  my  officers  and  crew,  during 
the  action,  I  should  fail  in  the  attempt ;  therefore,  suffice 
it  to  say,  that  the  whole  of  their  conduct  was  such  as  to 
merit  my  highest  enconiums.  On  blowing  up  of  the  frigate 
Java,  1  proceeded  to  this  place,  where  I  have  landed  all 
the  prisoners  on  their  parole,  to  return  to  England,  and 
there  remain  until  regularly  exchanged,  and  not  serve  in 
their  professional  capacities  in  any  place  or  in  any  manner 
whatever  against  the  U.  States  of  America,  until  the  ex 
change  shall  be  effected. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

W.  BAINBRIDGR 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 
Killed  9 — wounded  25. 
BRITISH  LOSS. 

Killed  60 — wotiuded  101  -  prisoners  376. 

Extract  from  Commodore  Wm.  Bainbridge's  Journal,  kept 
on  board  the  U.  S.  F.  Constitution. 

*  Tuesday,  Dec.  29, 1812. 

*  At  9  A,  M .  discovered  two  strange  sails  on  the  weath 
er  bow.  At  10  discovered  the  strange  sai!s  to  be  ships; 
one  of  them  stood  in  for  the  land  and  the  other  stood  off 
shore,  in  a  direction  towards  us.  At  10,  45  A.  M.  we 
tacked  ship  to  the  northward  and  westward  and  stood  for 
the  sail  standing  towards  us,  and  at  11  A.  M  tacked  to  the 
southward  and  eastward,  hauled  up  the  mainsail  and  took 
in  the  royals.  At  11,30,  made  the  private  signal  for  the 
day,  which  was  not  answered,  and  then  set  the  mainsail  and 
royals  to  draw  the  strange  sail  off  from  the  neutral 
tuul  separate  her  from  the  sail  in  companv. 


184  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

*  Wednesday,  Dec.  3tf. 

9  In  lat.  13,  0,  8.  long.  38  W.  ten  leagues  from  the  coast.-- 
of  Brazil,   commences   with  clear  weather  and  moderate 
breezes  from  E.  N.  E.  hoisted  our  ensign  and  pendant.     At 
15  minutes  past  meridian,  the  ship  hoisted  her  colors — au 
English  ensign,  having  a  signal  flying  at  her  main. 

'  At  J,26,  P.  M.  being  sufficiently  from  the  land,  and 
finding  the  ship  to  be  an  English  frigate,  took  in  the  main- 
saii  and  royals,  tacked  ship  and  stood  for  the  enemy.  At 
1,30,  P.  M.  the  enemy  bore  down  with  an  intention  of  rak 
ing  us,  which  we  avoided  by  wearing.  At  2  P.  M.  the  en 
emy  being  within  half  a  mile  of  us,  and  to  windward,  and 
having  hauled  down  his  colors  except  the  union  jack  at  the 
mizenrnast  head,  induced  me  to  give  orders  to  the  officers 
of  the  3d  division  to  tire  a  gun  ahead  of  the  enemy,  to 
make  him  show  ths  colors,  which  being  done,  brought  on  a 
fire  from  us  of  the  whole  broadside,  on  which  the  enemy- 
hoisted  his  colors,  and  immediately  returned  our  lire.  A 
general  action  with  round  and  grape  then  commenced; 
the  enemy  keeping  at  a  much  greater  distance  than  I  wish 
ed  ;  but  could  not  bring  h-.m  to  a  closer  action,  without  ex 
posing  ourselves  to  several  rakes.  Considerable  manoeverg 
were  made  bv  both  vessels  to  rake  and  avoid  being  rak 
ed.  The  follo-vriff  »n  lutes  were  taken  during  the  action  : 

*  At  2,  10,  P.  M.  commenced   the  action    within   good 
grape  and  cannister  distance,  the  enemy  to  windward,  but 
much  farther  than  1  wished. 

'  At  2,30,  our  wheel  was  shot  entirely  away. 

'  At  2,40,  determined  to  close  \vith  the  enemy  notwith 
standing  his  raking.  Set  the  tore  and  mainsail,  and  luffed 
up  close  to  him. 

*  At  2,  50,  the  enemy's  jib-boom  got  foul  of  our  mizen 
rigging. 

*  At  3,  the  heaci  of  the  enemy's  bowsprit  and  jib-boom 
shot  away  by  us. 

*  At  3,  5,  shot  away  his  fore-mast  by  the  board. 

'At  3,  15,  siio!  -away  his  main-top-  mast  just  above  the 
cap. 

'  At  37  40,  shot  awMy  the  gaff  and  spanker  boom. 

<  At  3,  65,  shol  uway  his  niizen-niast  nearly  by  the  board 

'  A    -,  5,  having  silenced  the  tire  of  the  enemy  completely- 

and  iiis  colors  in  the  main  rigging  being  down,  supposed 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR,  186 

lie  had  struck  ;  then  hauled  down  the  course?  to  shoot 
ahead  to  repair  our  rigging",  which  was  extremely  cut  ; 
leaving-  the  enemy  a  complete  wreck  ;  soon  after  discov 
ered  that  the  enemy's  flag  was  still  flying.  Hove  too  to  re 
pair  some  of  our  damage. 

*  At  -20  minutes    past   4,  the   enemy's  mainmast    went 
nearly  by  the  board. 

'  At  50  minutes  past  4,  wore  ship  arid  stood  for  the  en 
emy. 

'  At  25  minutes  past  5,  got  close  to  the  enemy,  in  a  very 
effectual  raking  position,  thwart  his  bows,  and  was  at  the 
instance  of  raking  him,  when  he  most  prudently  struck  his 
flag:  for  had  he  suffered  the  broadside  to  have  raked  him, 
his  additional  loss  must  have  been  extremely  great — as  ae 
laid  an  unmanageable  wreck  upon  the  water.  Alter  the 
enemv  had  struck,  wore  ship  and  reefed  the  topsads — then 
hoisted  out  one  of  the  only  two  remaining  boats  we  I. ad 
left  out  of  eight,  and  sent  Lieut  Parker,  1st  of  the  Consti 
tution,  to  take  possession  of  the  enemy,  which  proved  to  be 
his  Britannic  majesty's  frigate  Java,  rated  38,  but  carried 
49  guns,  and  manned  with  upwards  ot  400  men,  command 
ed  by  Capt.  Lambert,  a  very  distinguished  officer,  who 
was  mortally  wounded.  The  action  continued  from  com 
mencement  to  the  end  of  the  fire,  one  hour  and  55  minutes. 
The  Java  had  her  own  complement  of  men  complete,  and 
upwards  of  one  hundred  supernumeraries,  going  to  British 
ships  of  war  to  the  East  Indies — also  several  officers,  pas 
sengers,  going  out  on  promotion.  The  force  of  the  enemy 
in  number  of  men  at  the  commencement  of  the  action  was 
no  doubt  considerably  greater  than  we  have  been  able  to 
ascertain,  which  is  upwards  of  400  men.  The  officers  were 
extremely  cautious  in  disovering  the  number.  By  her 
quarter  bill ;  she  had  one  more  man  stationed  to  each  gun 
than  we  had. 

'  The  Constitution  was  very  much  cut  in  her  sails,  and 
rigging,  and  many  of  her  spars  injured. 

*  At  7,   P.  M.  the  boat  returned  with  Lieut.  Chads  the 
lirst  Lieut,  of  the  enemy's  frigate,  a ;\d  Lieut.  Gen.  Hislop, 
(appointed  Governor  of  Bombay)  Maj.  Walker,  and  Capt, 
Wood. 

'Capt.  Lambert  was  too  dangerously  wounded  to  be  re 
moved  immediately,  The  cutter  returned  on  b?ard  the 

24 


186  HISTORY  OF  THE  \VAR. 

prize  for  the  prisoners,  and  brought  Capt.  Marshall,  master 
and  commandant  in  the  British  navy,  who  was  a  passenger 
on  board,  also,  several  other  naval  officers. 

-  The  Java  was  an  important  ship,  fitted  out  in  the  com-, 
pletest  manner,  to  carry  Lieut.  Gen.  Hi  si  op  and  staff  to 
Bombay. 

Letter  above  alluded  to,  from  an  officer  of  the  Java. 
Constitution,  St.  Salvador,  Brozils^Jan.  1,  1813. 

My  dear  sir — I  am  sorry  to  inform  you  of  the  unpleas 
ant  news  of  Mr.  Gascoine\s  death.  Mr.  Gascoine  and  my 
self  were  shipmates  in  the  Maryborough,  and  first  came  to 
sen  together.  He  w  us  shot  early  in  the  action  by  a  round 
shot  in  his  right  thigh,  and  died  in  a  few  minutes  afterwards. 
Four  others  of  his  messmates  shared  the  same  fate,  together 
with  60  men  killed  and  170  wounded.  The  official  ac 
count  you  will  no  doubt  have  read  before  this  reaches  you. 
I  beg  you  will  let  all  his  friends  and  relations  know  of  his 
untimely  fate. 

We  were  on  board  the  Java  for  a  passage  to  India 
when  we  fell  in  with  this  frigate. — Two  parcels  I  have 
sent  you  under  good  care,  and  I  hope  this  will  reach  you 
safely.  Yours  truly, 

II.  D.  CORNECK. 
Lieut.  P.  V.  Wood,  22d  reg.  Isle  of  France. 

LAWRENCE'S  VICTORY. 

Capt.  Lawrence  to  t/ie  Secretary  oj  the 
U.  S.  S.  Hornet,  Holmes'  Hole,  March 
SIH — I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  of  the  arrival  al 
this  port,  of  the  U.  S.  ship  Hornet,  under  my  command, 
from  a  cruise  of  145  days,  and  to  state  to  you,  that  after 
Com.  Bainbridge  left  the  coast  of  Brazils,  (on  the  6th  of 
January  last)  the  Hornet  continued  off  the  harbor  of  St. 
Salvador,  blockading  the  Bonne  Citoyenne,  of  21  guns, 
until  the  24th,  when  the  Montagu,  74,  hove  in  sight  and 
chased  me  into  the  harbor;  but  night  coming  on  I  wore 
and  stood  to  the  southward.  Knowing  that  she  had  left 
Rio  Janeiro  for  the  express  purpose  of  relieving  the  Bonne 
Citoyenne,  and  the  Packet,  of  14  guns  (which  I  had  also 
blockaded  for  fourteen  days,  and  obliged  her  to  send  her 
mail  to  Rio,  in  a  Portuguese  smack)  I  judged  it  most  pru- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  187 

dent  to  change  our  cruising1  ground,  and  stood  to  the  east 
ward,  with  the  view  of  cruising'  off  Pernambuco — and  on 
the  4th  day  of  February,  captured  the  English  brig  Res 
olution,  from  Rio  Janeiro,  bound  toMoranham,  with  cof 
fee,  jerked  beef,  flour,  fustic,  and  butter,  and  about  25,000 
dollars  in  specie.  As  the  brig  sailed  dull,  and  could  ill 
spare  hands  to  man  her,  I  took  out  the  money  and  set  her 
on  fire.  I  then  run  down  the  coast  for  Moranhum,  and 
cruised  there  a  short  time  ;  from  thence  ran  off  Surriiiam. 
After  cruising  off  that  coast  from  the  5th  to  the  22d  of  Feb 
ruary,  without  meeting  a  vessel,  I  stood  for  Deinarara,  with 
an  intention  should  I  not  be  fortunate  on  that  station,  to 
run  through  the  West  Indies,  on  my  w?ay  to  the  U.  States. 
But  on  the  morning  of  the  24th,  T  discovered  a  brig  to  lee 
ward,  to  which  I  gave  chase ;  van  into  quarter  less  four, 
and  not  having  a  pilot,  was  obliged  to  ha  d  off* — the  fort  at 
the  entrance  of  Demarara  river  at  this  time  bearing  S,  W. 
distance  about  2  1-2  leagues.  Previously  to  giving  up  the 
chase,  1  discovered  a  vessel  at  anchor  without  the  bar  with 
English  colors  flying1,  apparently  a  brig  of  war.  In  beat 
ing  round  Corrobano  bank,  in  order  to  get  at  her,  at  half 
past  3,  P.  M.  I  discovered  another  sail  on  my  weather 
quarter,  edging  down  for  us.  At  4, 20,  she  hoisted  Eng 
lish  colors,  at  which  time  we  discovered  her  to  be  a  large 
man  of  war  brig — beat  to  quarters,  and  cleared  ship  for 
action — kept  close  by  the  wind,  in  order  if  possible  to  get 
the  weather  guage.  At  5,  10,  finding  I  could  weather  the 
enemy,  I  hoisted  American  colors,  and  tacked.  At  5,  20, 
in  passing  each  other,  exchanged  broadsides  within  half 
pistol  shot.  Observing  the  enemy  in  the  act  of  wearing, 
1  bore  up,  received  his  starboard  broadside,  ran  him  close 
on  board  on  the  starboard  quarter,  and  kept  up  such  a  heavy 
and  well  directed  fire,  that  in  less  than  15  minutes  he  sur 
rendered,  being  literally  cut  to  pieces,  and  hoisted  an 
ensign,  union  down,  from  his  fore  rigging,  as  a  signal  of 
distress.  Shortly  after  his  mainmast  went  by  the  board. 
Despatched  Lieut.  Shubrick  on  board,  who  soon  returned 
with  her  first  Lieut,  who  reported  her  to  be  his  Britannic 
majesty's  late  brig  Peacock,  commanded  by  Capt.  Wil 
liam  Peake,  who  fell  in  the  latter  part  of  the  action — that 
a  number  of  her  crew  were  killed  and  wounded,  and  that 
she  was  sinkin  fast,  havin- then  six  feet  of  water  i$  her 


188  HISTOKY  OF  T11E  WAR. 

hold.     Despatched  the  boats  immediately  for  the  wound 
ed,  and  brought  both  vessels  to  anchor.     Such    shot   hoies 
as  could  be  got  at,  were   then    plugged  ;  her  guns  thrown 
overboard,  and  every  possible  exertion  used  to  keep   her 
afloat,  until  the  prisoners  could  be  removed,   by    pumping 
and  bailing,  but  without  effect;  and  she  unfortunately  sunk 
in  five  and  a  half  fathoms  water,  carrying  down    1-3  of  her 
crew,  and  three  of  my  brave  fellows.     Lieut.  Conner,  mid 
shipman  Cooper,  and  the  remainder  of  the  Hornet's  crew, 
employed  in  removing  the  prisoners,  with   difficulty  saved 
themselves  by  jumping  in  a  boat   that  was  lying  on  her 
bows  as  she  went  down.      Pour  men,  of  the  13  mentioned, 
\vere  so  fortunate  as  to  gain  the  fore-top,  and  were   after 
wards  taken  off  by  the  boats.     Previous  to  her  going  down, 
four  of  her  men  took  to  her  stern    boat,    which   had    been 
much  damaged  during  the  action,   who,  I  hope,   reached 
the  shore  in  safety  ;  but  from  the  heavy  sea  running  at  the 
time,  the  shattered  state  of  the  boat,  and  the  difficulty  of 
landing  on  the  coast,  I  much  fear  they   were  lost.     I  have 
not  been  able  to  ascertain  from  her  officers  the  exact  num 
ber  killed.     Capt.  Peake  and    four  men  were  found  dead 
o»;  board.     The  master,  one  midshipman,  carpenter,  and 
Ca  -tain's  clerk,   and  29   seamen  were  wounded,  most  of 
them  very  severely,  three  of  whom  died    of  their   wounds 
af.er  being  removed,  and  9  drowned.     Our  loss   was  tri 
fling  in  comparison,  being  onlv  2  killed    and  3  wounded. 
Our  rigging   and   sails  were    very  much  cut ;    one  shot 
through  ihe  foremast,    and  the    bowsprit   slightly  injured. 
Our  hull  received  little  or  no  damage.     At  the  time   the 
Peacock  was  brought  to  action,  the  L'Espeigle,  (the   brig 
mentioned  above  as  being  at  anchor)  mounting  16  two  and 
thirty  pound  carronades  and  two  long  nines,  lay  about  six 
miles  in  shore,  and  could  plainly  see  the  whole  of  the  ac 
tion.     Apprehensive  that  she  would  beat  out  to  the  assist 
ance  of  her  consort,  such  exertions  were  made  by  my  offi 
cers  and  crew  in  repairing  damages,  &c.  that  by  9  o'clock 
the  boats  were  stowed,  a  new  set  of  sails  bent,  and  the  ship 
completely  ready  for  action.     At  2,  A.  M.  got  under  way, 
ai  d  stood  by  the  wind  to  the  northward  and  westward,  un 
der  easy  sail. 

On  must-  ring  next  morning,  found  we  had  277  souls  on 
board,  including  the  crew  of  the  American  brig  Hunter, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  189 

of  Portland,  taken  a  few  days  before  by  the  Peacock.  And, 
as  we  had  beeu  on  two  thirds  allowance  of  provisions  for 
some  time,  and  had  but  3,400  gallons  of  water  on  board, 
I  reduced  the  allowance  to  three  pints  a  man,  and  deter 
mined  to  make  the  best  of  my  way  to  the  U.  States. 

The  Peacock  was  deservedly  styled  one  of  the  finest  ves 
sels  of  her  class  in  the  British  navy,  probably  about  the  ton- 
age  of  the  Hornet.  Her  beam  was  greater  by  five  inches ; 
bin  her  extreme  len  gth  not  so  great  by  four  feet.  She 
mounted  16  twenty  four  pound  carronades,  two  long  nines, 
one  twelve  pound  carrouade  on  her  top-gallant  forecastle, 
as  a  shifting  gun,  and  one  4  or  6  pounder,  and  2  swivels 
mounted  aft.  I  find  by  her  quarter  bill  that  her  crew  con 
sisted  of  134  men,  four  of  whom  were  absent  in  a  prize. 
With  the  greatest  respect,  &c. 

JAMES  LAWRENCE. 

P.  S.  At  the  commencement  of  the  action  my  sailing 
master  and  seven  men  were  absent  in  a  prize,  and  Lieut. 
Stewart,  and  six  men  on  the  sick  list 


CHAPTER  VII. 

CAPTURE  OF  LITTLE  YORK. 

Gen.  Dearborn  to  the  Secretary  oj  H  ar. 
H.  Q.  York,  Upper  Canada,  April  28,  1813. 

SIR — After  a  detention  of  some  days  by  adverse,  winds, 
we  arrived  at  this  place  yesterday  morning,  and  at  8  o'clock 
commenced  landing  the  troops  about  3  miles  westward 
from  the  town,  and  one  and  a  half  from  the  enemy's  works. 
The  wind  was  high  and  in  an  unfavorable  direction  for  the 
boats,  which  prevented  the  landing  of  the  troops  at  a  deal- 
field,  the  scite  of  the  ancient  French  fort  Tarento.  It  pre 
vented  also  many  of  the  armed  vessels  from  taking  posi 
tions,  which  would  have  most  effectually  covered  our  land 
ing — but  every  thing  that  could  be  done  was  effected. 

The  riflemen  under  Major  Forsyth  first  landed,  under  a 
heavy  fire  from  Indians  and  other  troops.  Gen.  Sheaffe 
commanded  in  person.  He  had  collected  his  whole  force 
in  the  woods  near  the  point  where  the  wind  compelled  our 


190  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

troops  lo  land.  His  force  consisted  of  700  regulars  and 
militia,  and  100  Indians.  Major  Forsyth  was  supported  as 
promptly  as  possible ;  but  the  contest  was  sharp  a<  d  severe 
for  nearly  half  an  hour,  and  the  enemy  were  repulsed  by  a 
number  far  inferior  to  theirs.  As  soon  as  Gen.  Pike  land 
ed  with  7  or  800  men,  and  the  remainder  of  the  troops 
were  pushing  for  the  shore,  the  enemy  retreated  to  their 
works.  Our  troops  were  now  formed  on  the  ground  ori 
ginally  intended  for  their  landing,  advanced  through  a 
thick  wood,  and  after  carrying  one  battery  by  assault,  were 
moving  on  in  columns  towards  the  mam  work  ;  when  in 
sixty  rods  of  this,  a  tremendous  explosion  took  place  from  a 
magazine  previously  prepared,  and  which  threw  out  such 
immense  quantities  of  stone  as  most  seriously  to  injure  our 
troops.  1  have  not  yet  been  able  to  collect  the  returns  of 
the  killed  and  wounded ;  but  our  loss  will,  I  fear,  exceed 
100;  and  among  these  I  have  to  lament  the  loss  of  that 
brave  and  excellent  officer  Brig.  General  Pike,  who  receiv 
ed  a  contusion  from  a  large  stone,  which  terminated  his 
valuable  life  within  a  few  hours.  His  loss  will  be  severely 
felt 

Previously  to  this  explosion  the  enemy  had  retired  into 
the  town,  excepting  a  party  of  regulars,  to  the  number  of 
40,  who  did  not  escape  the  effects  of  the  shock,  and  were 
destroyed. 

General  Sheafie  moved  off  with  the  regular  troops,  and 
left  directions  with  the  commanding  officer  of  the  militia  to 
make  the  best  terms  he  could.  In  the  mean  time  all  further 
resistance  on  the  part  of  the  enemy  ceased,  and  the  outlines 
of  a  capitulation  were  agreed  upon. 

As  soon  as  I  learned  that  Gen,  Pike  had  been  wounded, 
I  went  on  shore.  To  the  Gen.  I  had  been  induced  to  con- 
ride  the  immediate  attack,  from  a  knowledge  that  it  was 
his  wish,  and  that  he  would  have  felt  mortified  had  it  not 
been  given  to  him. 

Every  movement  was  under  my  view.  The  troops  be 
haved  with  great  firmness,  and  deserve  much  applause,  par 
ticularly  those  first  engaged,  and  under  circumstances 
which  would  have  tried  the  steadiness  of  veterans. 

Notwithstanding  the  enemy's  advantage  in  position  and 
numbers  in  the  commencement  of  action,  their  loss  was 
greater  than  oars,  especially  in  officers.  It  was  with  great 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  191 

exertion  that  the  small  vessels  of  the  fleet  could  work  into 
the  harbor  against  a  gale  of  wind,  but  as  soon  as  they  got 
into  a  proper  position,  a  tremendous  cannonade  opened 
upon  the  enemy's  batteries,  and  was  kept  up  against  them, 
until  they  were  carried  or  blown  up,  and  had,  no  doubt,  u 
powerful  effect  upon  the  enemy. 

We  have  not  I  he  means  of  transporting'  the  prisoners  and 
must  of  course  leave  them  on  parole. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

HENRY  DEARBORN. 

Com.  Chauncey  to  the  Secreltiry  of  the  Navy. 
U.  S.  Ship  Madison,  off  York,  April  28,  1813. 

SIR — Agreeably  to  your  instructions  and  arrangements 
made  with  Major-Gen.  Dearborn,  I  took  on  board  of  the 
squadron  under  my  command  the  Gen.  and  suite,  and 
about  1700  troops,  and  left  Sackett's  Harbor  on  the  25th  iust. 
for  this  place.  We  arrived  here  yesterday  morning  and 
took  a  position  about  one  mile  to  the  south  and  westward 
of  the  enemy's  principal  fort,  and  as  near  the  shore  as  we 
could  with  safety  to  the  vessels.  The  place  fixed  upon  by 
the  Major  Gen.  and  myself  for  landing  the  troops,  was  the 
scite  of  the  old  French  fort  Tarento. 

The  debarkation  commenced  about  8  o'clock,  A.  M. 
and  was  completed  about  10.  The  wind  blowing  heavy 
from  the  eastward,  the  boats  fell  to  leeward  of  the  position 
fixed  upon,  and  were  in  consequence  exposed  to  a  galling 
fire  from  the  enemy,  who  had  taken  a  position  in  a  thick 
wood  near  where  the  first  troops  landed;  however,  the 
cool  intrepidity  of  the  officers  and  men  overcame  every  ob 
stacle.  Their  attack  upon  the  enemy  was  so  vigorous,  that 
he  fled  in  every  direction,  leaving  a  great  many  of  his  killed 
and  wounded  upon  the  field.  As  soon  as  the  troops  were 
landed,  1  directed  the  schooners  to  take  a  position  near  the 
forts,  in  order  that  the  attack  on  them  by  the  army  and  na 
vy  might  be  simultaneous.  The  schooners  were  obliged  to 
beat  up  to  their  position,  which  they  did  in  a  very  handsome 
order,  under  a  very  heavy  fire  from  the  enemy's  batteries, 
and  took  a  position  within  about  600  yards  of  their  princi 
pal  fort,  and  opened  a  heavy  cannonade  upon  the  enemy 
which  did  great  execution,  and  very  much  contributed  t<> 
their  final  destruction.  The  troops,  as  soon  :Vs  landed, 


192  HISTORY  OF  THE 

were  formed  under  the  immediate  orders  of  Brig.  General 
Pike,  who  led  in  a  most  gallant  manner  the  attack  upon  the 
forts,  and  after  having*  carried  two  redoubts  in  their  ap 
proach  to  the  principal  work,  (the  enemy  having  previous 
ly  laid  a  train)  blew  Up  his  magazine,  which  in  its  effects 
upon  our  troops  was  dreadful,  having  killed  and  wounded 
a  great  many,  and  amongst  the  former,  the  ever  to  be  la 
mented  Brig.  General  Pike,  who  fell  at  the  head  of  his* 
column  by  a  contusion  received  by  a  heavy  stone  from  the 
magazine.  His  death  at  this  time  is  much  to  be  regretted, 
as  he  had  the  perfect  confidence  of  the  Major-General ;  and 
his  known  activity,  zeal,  and  experience,  makes  his  loss  a 
national  one. 

In  consequence  of  the  fall  of  Gen.  P  ke,  the  command  of 
the  troops  devolved  for  a  time  upon  Col.  Pierce,  who  soon 
after  took  possession  of  the  town.  At  about  2,  P.  M.  the 
American  flag  was  substituted  for  the  British,  and  at  about 
four,  our  troops  were  in  quiet  possession  of  the  town.  As 
soon  as  Gen.  Dearborn  learnt  the  situation  of  Gen.  Pike, 
he  lande.i  and  assumed  the  command.  I  have  the  honor 
of  enclosing  a  copy  of  the  capitulation  which  was  entered 
into,  and  approved  by  Gen.  Dearborn  and  myself. 

The  enemy  set  fire  to  some  of  his  principal  stores,  con 
taining  large  quantities  of  naval  and  military  stores,  as  well 
as  a  large  ship  upon  the  stocks  nearly  finished — the  only 
vessel  found  here  is  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  undergoing 
repairs — the  prince  regent  left  here  on  the  24th  for  Kings 
ton.  We  have  not  yet  had  a  return  made  of  the  naval  and 
military  stores,  consequently  can  form  no  correct  idea  or  the 
quantity,  but  have  made  arrangements  to  have  all  taken 
on  board  that  we  can  receive — the  rest  wrill  be  destroyed. 

I  have  to  regret  the  death  of  midshipmen  Thompson  and 
RatnVld,  and  several  seamen  killed — the  exact  number  I 
do  not  know,  as  the  returns  from  tbe  different  vessels  have 
not  yet  been  received. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Scr. 

ISAAC  CHAUNCEY. 

TERMS  OF  CAPITULATION, 

Entered  into  on  the  27th  of  April,  1813,  for  the  surrender 
of  the  town  of  York,  in  Upper  Canada,  to  the  army  and 
navy  of  the  United  States,  under  tl  e  command  of  Major 
Gen.  Dearborn  and  Commodore  Chauncey. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  193. 

,  That  the  troops,  regular  and  militia,  at  this  post,  and  the 
ttuval  officers  and  seamen,  shall  be  surrendered  prisoners 
of  war.  The  troops,  regular  and  militia,  are  to  ground 
their  arms  immediately  on  parole,  arid  the  naval  officers 
and  seamen  be  immediately  surrendered. 

That  all  public  stores,  naval  and  military  shall  be  imme 
diately  given  up  to  the  commanding  officers  of  the  army 
and  navy  of  the  U.  States. — That  all  private  property 
shall  be  guaranteed  to  the  citizens  of  the  town  of  York. 

That  all  papers  belonging  to  the  civil  officers  shall  be  re 
tained  by  them — that  such  surgeons  as  may  be  procured  to 
attend  the  wounded  of  the  British  regulars  and  Canadian 
militia  shall  not  be  considered  prisoners  of  war. 

That  I  Lieut.  Col.  1  Major,  13  Capt?,  9  Lients.   11  En 
signs,   1    Quarter-master,  1  deputy  Adjutant-General,    19 
serjeant^,  4  corporals,  and  204  rank  and  iile,  of  the  muitra. 
Ot  i he  field  train  department  1,  of  the  provincial    navy   21, 
ot'his  majesty's  troops  2,  and  of  the   royal  artillery  1   bom 
bardier  and  3  gunners,  shall  be  surrendered  as  prisoners  of 
war,  and  accounted  for  in    the   exchange  of  prisoners  be 
tween  the  U.  States  and  G  Britain. 
G.  S.  MITCHELL,  Lt.  Coi.  3d  A.  U.  S. 
SAMUEL  S.  CONNER,  Maj.  and  AD  C.  to 

Maj.  Gen.  Dearborn- 

WILLIAM  KING,  Maj.  U.  S.  Infantry. 
JESSE  D.  ELLIOT,  Lieut,  U.  S.  Navy. 
W.  CHEW  ITT,  Lt.  Coi.  com.  3d  R-g.  Y.  militia. 
W.  ALLAN,  Maj.  3d  Reg.  York  militia. 
F.  GAURREAU,  Lieut.  M.  Dpt. 

Gen.  Dearborn  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

NIAGARA,  May  3,  1813. 

[Extract.]  York  was  one  immense  magazine,  which  sup 
plied  Niagara,  Detroit,  ai.d  fort  George.  The  troops 
were  halted  a  few  moments  to  bring  up  the  heavy  artillery 
to  play  on  the  block  house,  when  Gen.  Sheaffe  despairing  of 
holding  the  town,  ordered  lire  to  be  put  to  the  principal 
magazine,  in  which  was  deposited  500  barrels  of  powder, 
and  an  immense  quantity  of  shells  and  shot.  The  explo 
sion  u as  tremendous,  and  raked  our  column  from  front  to 
rear  with  such  effect  that  it  killed  52,  and  wounded  180  of 
»>nr  men,  among  the  latter  was  brig.  Gen.  Pjke,  who  died 


194  HISTORY  OF  1HE  WAR. 

of  his  wounds  shortly  after.  Notwithstanding  this  calami 
ty,  and  the  discomfiture  that  might  be  expected  to  follow  it, 
the  troops  fjavc  three  cheers,  instantly  for  meet,  and  marched 
on  fur  the  town.  Notwithstanding-  the  immense  amount 
destroyed  by  them,  we  found  more  public  property  than 
our  vessels  could  bring  away.  Gen.  Sheaffe's  baggage  and 
papers  fell  into  my  hands  ;  they  area  valuable  acquisition. 
A  SCALP  was  found  in  the  Executive  and  Legislative 
Council  Chamber,  suspended  near  the  Speaker's  chair.  A 
statement  of  our  loss,  as  well  as  that  of  the  enemy  is  sub 
joined. 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 

Killed  in  battle  14 — do.  by  the  explosion  52. 
Wounded  in  battle  23 — do.  bv  the  explosion  180. 

BRITISH  LOSS. 

Killed  in  battle  75 — do.  by  their  explosion  40. 
Wounded  in  battle  62 — do.  by  their  explosion  23. 
Prisoners,  militia  700 — do.  regulars  50. 

Gen.  )!  'inchester  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 
Fort  Georye,  Upper  Canada^  Feb.  11,  1813. 

SIR — On  the  23d  ultimo,  1  had  the  honor  of  communi 
cating  to  your  excellency  the  result  of  the  action  at  French- 
town  on  the  river  Raisin,  of  the  preceding  day.  I  have 
it  now  in  my  power  to  transmit  to  you  a  more  detailed  ac 
count  of  that  transaction,  together  with  a  more  minute 
statement  of  our  loss.  A  list  of  the  killed,  and  wounded, 
and  missing,  is  herewith  enclosed.  The  attack  upon  our 
camp  was  commenced  about  6  o'clock  in  the  morning,  by 
a  heavy  tire  of  small  arms  together  with  the  discharge  of  (> 
pieces  of  artillery,  directed  immediately  at  our  lines,  and 
the  houses  and  temporary  breast-work,  from  behind  which  a 
portion  of  our  troops  were  engaged  with  the  enemy.  Ear 
ly  in  the  action  a  charge  was  made  by  the  assailants  ;  but 
the  lire  from  our  lines  was  so  intense  that  they  were  quickly 
compelled  to  retire. 

In  this  charge  the  41st  regiment  of  British  regulars  prin 
cipally  suffered,  their  loss  during  the  charge  and  in  the 
subsequent  engagement,  being  very  considerable.  Out  of 
three  hundred  of  these  troops  about  30  fell  dead  upon  the 
field,  and  90  or  100  \vounded  were  removed  from  the 
ground. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

It  is  impossible  to  state  with  any  degree  of  accuracy 
the  number  of  Canadian  militia  and  Indians  which  were 
killed  or  wounded  during  the  engagement ;  it  could,  how 
ever,  not  have  been  small,  having  received  for  three  or  four 
hours  the  constant  fire  of  the  musketry  and  riflemen,  from 
the  breast-work  under  which  they  were  formed.  The  ac 
tion  had  endured  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  v\  hen  the  right 
division  of  our  troops,  who  were  less  secured  by  a  breast 
work,  and  exposed  to  a  heavy  fire  from  a  body  of  Indians 
and  militia,  who  had  possessed  themselves  of  some  ouU 
houses  within  their  reach,  were  obliged  to  retreat  from  their 
lines  in  the  encampment,  for  the  purpose  of  occupy,  g 
ground  less  exposed.  This  retreat  being  discovered  by 
the  enemy,  the  whole  Indian  force,  together  with  a  portion 
ot  the  militia,  bore  down  upon  them  with  redoubled  vio 
lence,  and  prevented,  by  their  superiority  of  numbers  and 
the  severity  of  their  fire,  the  practicability  of  ever  again 
forming  this  portion  of  our  troops  in  order  of  battle.  It 
was  from  this  division  that  our  principal  loss  was  sustained, 
few  indeed  having  escaped.  Every  effort  in  vain  was  em* 
ployed  to  form  them  in  some  order  of  action,  as  affording 
the  only  means  of  either  repelling  the  pursuers,  or  regain 
ing  the  temporary  breast- work  from  behind  which  the  re 
maining  part  of  our  troops  still  gallantly  defended  them 
selves;  but  every  exertion  was  in  vain  employed,  and  the 
very  few  who  survived  of  the  party  surrendered  as  prison 
ers  to  the  enemy. 

Our  loss  in  this  action  will  be  ascertained  by  the  list 
herewith  enclosed.  Among  the  kilUd,  I  have  to  lament 
several  brave  and  valuable  officers,  some  of  whom  had 
distinguished  themselves  in  the  action  of  the  evening  of  the 
18th,  and  fell  on  the  22d,  while  unavailingly  engaged  in 
rallying  the  troops,  who  retreated  in  disorder  from  the  lines. 
Among  those,  the  loss  of  Cpl.  John  Allen,  and  Major  E. 
JVrCrannahan,  is  to  be  particularly  regretted,  as  also  Capt, 
John  H.  Woolfolk,  one  of  my  aids-de-camp  ;  their  exer 
tions  were  unsuccessful,  notwithstanding  every  possible 
exertion  was  employed ;  they  bravely  fell  in  discharge  of 
their  respective  duties.  While  I  regret  the  fate  of  those 
who  bravely  fell  upon  this  occasion,  I  should  do  injustice 
to  pass  over,  without  notice,  the  few  partakers  in  their  dan 
ger,  who  were  fortunate  to  survive  them.  To  Lieut. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  AVAR. 

Will  lam  Lewis,  who  commanded  on  the  18tb,  and  to  Capf. 
John  Overtoil,  my  aid-de-camp,  who  attended  my  person 
on  the  field,  my  thanks  are  particularly  due,  for  their 
prompt  and  willing- exertion,  during-  every  period  of  the 
conflict.  To  the  officers  and  soldiers  who  bravely  main 
tained  their  ground  in  the  temporary  fortifications,  too, 
much  praise  cannot  be  bestowed.  Assailed  by  numbers, 
greatly  superior,  supported  by  six  pieces  of  artillery,  ihey 
gallantly  defended  themselves  with  their  small  arms  alone, 
for  near  four  hours  of  constant  battle.  No  troops  ever  be 
haved  with  more  cool  and  determined  bravery  ;  from  the 
commanding' officer  down  to  the  private  soldier,  there  was 
scarce  a  single  abandonment  of  duty ;  and  at  the  last  vvheu 
their  ammunition  was  nearly  exhausted,  and  surrounded 
by  the  enemy,  greatly  superior  in  number  and  the  means  of 
war,  surrendered  with  a  reluctance  rarely  to  be  found  upon 
similar  occasions.  The  officers  commanding  iu  the  breast 
work  defended  themselves  to  the  last,  with  great  gallantry, 
and  merit  mv  warmest  gratitude,  as  well  as  the  highest 
praise  of  their  country. 

With  sentiments  of  respect,  &c. 

J.  WINCHESTER. 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 

Killed,  wounded,  and  missing  803. 

BRITISH  LOSS. 

Killed  150 — wounded  158. 


MASSACRE  OP  GEN.  WINCHESTER'S  ARMY. 

[Thefollow'wff  Narrative  of  tue  massacre  at 

after  Gen.  /Winchester's  defeat,  wa  drawn  up  by  Lieut. 

Baker  of  the  2d  reyt.  L.  #.  Infantry."] 

So  much  has  been  said  about  the  Indian  massacres  at 
French-town  and  its  neighborhood,  that  something  circum 
stantial  from  one  who  had  an  opportunity  of  acquiring  in 
formation  on  the  subject  may  not  be  unacceptable  to  the 
public.  I  therefore  submit  the  following  narrative. 

On  the  morning  of  tiie  22d  of  January,  I  was  captured 
by  the  Indians  about  9  o'clock,  with  another  officer  and  about 
forty  men.  Closely  pursued  by  an  overwhelming  force  of 
Indians,  we  were  endeavoring  to  effect  our  escape,  and 
had  attained  the  distance  of  about  three  miles  from  French- 
town,  when  an  offer  of  quarter  was  made  us  by  an  Indian 


HISTORY  OF  TITE  WAR.  197 

chief.  Many  Indian  chiefs  on  horseback  being  in  our  rear, 
tomahawking  the  hindmost,  and  withal  the  men  being 
much  wearied  with  running*  through  the  deep  snow,  we 
concluded  it  bast  to  accept  the  chiefs  proposition.  Ac 
cordingly  we  assembled  around  him,  and  gave  up  the  few 
remaining  arms  that  were  still  retained  in  the  flight.  I:i  a 
few  minutes  the  Indians  on  foot  came  up,  and  notwithstand 
ing  the  chief  appeared  solicitous  to  save,  massacred  about 
half  our  number.  I  was  led  back  towards  the  river  along 
the  road  we  had  retreated  in.  The  dead  bodies  of  my  fel 
low  comrades,  scalped,  tomahawked,  and  stripped,  pre 
sented  a  most  horrid  spectacle  to  my  view.  1  was  at  length 
taken  to  a  fire  near  Col.  Proctor,  where  I  remained  till  our 
army  capitulated,  and  marched  by  me  towards  Maiden. 
Major  Madison,*  as  he  was  marching  past,  demanded  me 
of  the  British  officer  commanding  the  guard,  as  an  Amer 
ican  officer ;  but  the  noble  Briton  replied  with  a  sneer, 
*  You  have  too  many  officers/  arid  ordered  the  column  to 
advance  which  had  made  a  partial  halt.  I  was  taken  to 
Sandy  creek,  about  three  miles  off,  on  Hull's  road,  and 
there  kept  during  the  night  with  about  20  other  prisoners. 
jNext  morning  my  master  left  me  in  charge  of  the  old  In 
dian,  and  with  the  exception  of  '20  or  30,  all  the  Indians  in 
the  camp  went  back  towards  the  river  Raisin.  They  re 
turned  about  2  o'clock,  P.  M.  bringing  a  number  of  fresh 
scalps  and  about  30  prisoners,  many  of  whom  were  wound 
ed,  though  with  a  single  exception,  none  dangerously.  I 
\vastold  by  the  prisoners  that  the  Indians  had  that  morning 
returned  to  the  village,  and  massacred  Capt.  Hickman  and 
a  great  many  others,  and  that  they  were  fearful  that  Maj. 
Graves  and  Capt,  Hart  were  of  the  number;  that  some  of 
the  wounded  had  been  scalped  alive  and  burned  in  the 
houses.  I  had  scarcely  been  told  these  things,  when  a  vol 
unteer  who  was  standing  by  my  side,  was  knocked  down, 

*  After  the  surrender  of  our  troops  to  the  British,  at  the  river  Raisin,  the 
Indians,  in  violation  of  the  articles  oj 'capitulation ,  crowded  among  them, 
and  were  plundering  their  property — when  the  heroic  Madison  desired  Col. 
Proctor  to  keep  Uitniojf; — '  the  Indians  arejierce  and  unmanageable,  (said 
Proctor J  it  cannot  be  done*  Madison  cooly  replied,  *  if  you  cannot  dis 
perse  them,  i  will.* — the  men  mert  ordered  to  shoulder  their  anrtst  and 
Procter Jearing  that 'charge  bayonet'  n'ouldfollon^ufived his  sn'ord,  a*id 
the  Indians  instantly  nitkdmt 


198  HISTORY  OF  THE 

scalped,  and  afterwards  tomahawked.  Three  others  were 
successively  treated  in  the  same  manner. 

Seven  days  afterwards,  I  was  sold  in  Detroit  to  some 
American  gentlemen,  and  the  next  day  sent  over  to  Sand 
wich,  where  I  remained  nearly  three  weeks.  In  this  time 
I  had  an  opportunity  of  making  enquiry  about  the  massa 
cres,  and  found  that  60  had  been  massacred  subsequent  to 
the  day  of  battle,  and  two  officers  the  day  on  which  the  bat 
tle  was  fought,  after  they  had  surrendered.  Of  the  first 
were  Capt.  N.  G.  S.  Hart  of  Lexington,  Capt.  Paschal 
Hickman  of  Franklin,  John  H.  Wool  folk,  Esq.  the  Gen 
eral's  Secretary  ;  and  of  the  latter  Capt.  Virg.l  M'Cracken 
of  Woodford,  and  E;isign  Levi  Wells,  son  of  Col.  Wells 
of  the  U.  S.  Infantry.  Judge  Woodward  has  asceiv 
tained  several  instances  of  great  barbarity  exercised 
on  our  prisoners,  which  will  appear  as  soon  as  that  truly 
philantropic  and  patriotic  gentleman  returns  to  his  own 
couiiiry. — Massacres  were  not  only  committed  on  the  242d 
and  23d,  but  also  on  the  24th,  25th,  and  26th,  and  even 
three  weeks  afterwards  fresh  scalps  were  brought  into 
Maiden. 

Should  this  relation  be  doubted,  many  living  witnesses 
of  high  standing  for  probity,  may  be  found  to  attest  them. 

Expedition  against  the  Indians. — Major  Gen.  Samuel 
Hopkins,  on  the  llth  of  Nov.  1812,  marched  wilh  1000 
men  under  his  command,  from  fort  Harrison,  on  an  expe 
dition  to  the  Prophet's  town,  for  the  purpose  of  destroying 
their  village,  provisions,  Sec.  On  the  morning  of  the  19th, 
a  detachmf3nt  of  300  men  destroyed  a  town,  and  a  great 
quantity  of  corn,  belonging  to  the  Wiuebago  tribe,  lying 
ou  the  Ponce  Passu  creek,  one  mile  from  the  Wabash,  and 
four  from  the  Prophet's  town.  On  the  20th,  21st,  and  22d, 
they  destroyed  the  Prophet's  town  and  a  Kickapoo  village, 
on  the  opposite  side 'of  the  river,  consisting  of  upwards  of 
200  houses,  a  considerable  quantity  of  corn,  &c. 

Oa  the  21st  a  large  body  of  Indians  were  discovered 
above  seven  miles  from  the  town,  by  a  small  party,  who  the 
Indians  tired  on,  and  killed  one  man;  the  next  day  Lieut. 
Cols.  Miller,  and  Wilcox,  anxious  to  bury  their  comrade, 
as  well  as  gain  a  more  complete  knowledge  of  their  situa- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  199 

lion  and  strength,  set  out  with  party  of  horsemen,  consist 
ing  of  about  sixty  ;  the  Indians  had  placed  themselves 
in  a  sir > ig  place,  on  a  ridge  of  land,  running  bejtvveen. 
two  large  and  rapid  creeks,  which  could  not  be  ascended 
only  by  a  sleep  ravine — our  part}7  returned,  after  a  smart 
skirmish,  in  which  we  lost,  in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing, 
18  men.  On  the  24th,  the  main  body  of  the  army  started 
for  Ihe  purpose  of  destroying  the  enemy  in  their  strong  hold  ; 
but  when  arrived  at  the  spot  they  found  they  had  fled, 
previous  to  the  storm  of  snow,  which  fell  very  deep,  on  the 
•23d  which  prevented  any  further  pursuit. 

Brig.  Gen.  Smyth,  in  November,  1812,  issued  several 
addresses  to  the  inhabitants  on  the  frontiers,  for  the  purpose 
of  raising  volunteers  to  cross  into  Canada,  opposite  Niagara, 
Including  the  regular  army  under  his  command,  and  the 
volunteers  that  repaired  to  his  camp,  he  had,  on  the  27th 
Nov.  4000  men.  Two  parties  were  sent  across  the  river  to 
destroy  a  bridge  below  fort  Erie,  and  capture  and  spike 
the  cannon  in  the  batteries,  and  some  pieces  of  light  artillery. 
After  accomplishing  their  object,  the  parties  separated  by 
misapprehension  ;  Lieut  Angus,  the  seamen,  and  a  part  of 
the  troops  returned  with  all  the  boats,  while  Capts.  King, 
Morgan,  Sproul,  and  Houston,  with  about  60  men,  remain 
ed.  The  party  thus  reduced,  took  and  rendered  unservice 
able  tsvo  of  the  enemv's  batteries,  captured  34  prisoners, 
and  2  boats,  in  which  Capt.  King  sent  his  prisoners,  his 
own  officers,  and  half  of  his  men  across,  remaining  himself 
with  30  men,  refusing  to  abandon  them. 

On  the  30th  Nov.  Gen.  Smyth  again  attempted  to  cross, 
with  3000  men,  but  by  some  misunderstanding  only  a  few 
would,  or  could  be  made  to  embark.  The  killed  in  both 
these  attempts  amounted  to  about  20 — the  wounded  30 — 
and  prisoners  31.  The  enemy  lost  10  killed — 17  wounded, 
and  34  prisoners,  besides  an  Indian  chief. 

Capt  Forsylh,  commandant  at  Ogdensburg,  crossed 
over  to  Ehzabethtown  on  the  7th  of  Feb.  1813,  with  about 
200  volunteers  from  the  militia  and  citizens,  where  they 
surprised  the  guard,  took  42  prisoners,  with  1  Maj.3  Capts. 
2  Lieuts.  and  120  muskets,  20  rifles,  two  casks  of  fixed 
ammunition,  and  considerable  other  public  property,  which 
was  effected  without  the  loss  of  a  man. 


200  HISTORY    OF    THE  WAR, 


, 

CH  AFTER  VIII. 

Gen.  Harrison  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

Lower  Sandusky,  May  13,  1818L 
SIR — Having-  ascertained  that  the  enemy 
{I  i.;iiis  as  well  as  British)  had  entirely  abandoned  the' 
neighborhood  of  the  Rapids,  I  left  the  command  of  camp 
Meigs  with  Gen.  Ciay  and  came  here  last,  night.  It  is  with 
the  greatest  satisfaction,  I  inform  yon,  sir.  that  I  have  every 
reason  to  believe,  that  the  loss  of  the  Kentucky  troops  in 
killed  on  the  north  side  of  the  river  does  not  exceed  fifty. 
On  the  10th  and  llth  inSt.  I  caused  the  ground  which  was 
the  scene  of  action,  audits  environs,  to  be  carefnlly  exam 
ined,  and  after  the  most  diligent  search  45  bodies  only  of 
our  men,  were  discovered — among  them  was  the  leader  of 
the  detachment,  Col.  Dudley.  No  other  officer  of  note  fell 
in  the  action.  Gen.  Proctor  did  not  furnish  me  with  a  re 
turn  of  the  prisoners  in  his  possesion,  although  repeatedly 
promised.  His  retreat  was  as  precipitate  as  it  could  pro 
perly  be,  leaving  a  number  of  cannon  ball,  a  new  elegant 
sling-carriage  for  cannon,  and  other  valuable  articles.  The 
night  before  his  departure  two  persons  that  were  employ 
ed  in  the  British  gun-boats  (Americans  by  birth)  deserted 
to  us.  The  information  they  gave  me  was  very  interesting  ; 
they  say  that  the  Indians,  of  which  there  were  from  1600  to 
2000,  left  the  British  the  day  before  their  departure  in  a 
high  state  of  dissatisfaction,  from  the  great  loss  which  they 
had  sustained  in  the  several  engagements  of  the  5th,  and 
the  failure  of  the  British  in  accomplishing  their  promise  of 
taking  the  post  at  the  Rapids.  From  the  account  given  by 
these  men,  my  opinion  is  comfit  med  of  the  great  superiority 
of  the  enemy  which  were  defeated  by  our  troops  in  the  two 
sallies  made  on  the  oth  inst.  That  led  by  Col.  Miller  did 
not  exceed  350  men,  and  it  is  very  certain  that  they  defeat 
ed  200  British  regulars,  1*50  militia,  and  4  or  oOO  Indians. 
That  American  regulars  (although  they  were  raw  recruits J 
and  such  men  as  compose  the  Pittxburg,  Penn.  and  Peters-*- 
burg,  Ya.  volunteers,  should  behave  well,  is  not  to  be  won 
dered  at — but  that  a  company  of  militia  should  maintain  its 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

ground  against  four  times  its  numbers,  as  did  Capt.  Sebres, 
of  the  Kentucky,  is  truly  astonishing.  These  brave  fellows 
were  at  length  however  entirely  surrounded  by  Indians,  and 
would  have  been  entirely  cut  off,  but  for  the  gallantry  of 
Lieut.  G  wynne  of  the  19th  regiment,  who,  with  part  of 
Ca.t,  Elliott's  company,  charged  the  enemy  and  released 
the  Kentuckians. 

A  copy  of  Gen.  Clay's  report  to  me  of  the  manner  of  his 
executing-  my  order  lor  the  attack  on  the  enemies  batteries, 
is  likewise  forwarded,  by  which  it  will  be  seen  that  my  in- 
h'-ition  was  perfectly  understood,  and  the  great  facility 
with  which  it  might  have  been  executed  is  apparent  to  ev 
ery  individual  who  witnessed  the  scene.  Indeed,  the  can 
non  might  have  been  spiked,  the  carriages  cut  to  pieces, 
the  magazine  destroyed,  and  the  retreat  effected  to  the 
boats  without  the  loss  of  a  man,  as  none  were  killed  in  ta 
king  the  batteries,  so  complete  was  the  surprize. 

An  extensive  open  plain  intervenes  between  the  river 
and  the  hill  upon  which  the  batteries  of  the  enemy  were 
placed  ;  this  plain  was  raked  by  four  of  our  eighteen  poun 
ders,  a  twelve  and  a  six.  The  enemy,  even  before  the;r 
guns  were  spiked,  could  not  have  brought  one  to  bear  on, 
it.  So  perfectly  secured  was  their  retreat,  that  loO  men 
who  came  off,  effected  it  without  loss,  and  brought  oft' some 
of  the  wounded,  one  of  them  upon  the  backs  of  their  com 
rades.  The  Indians  followed  them  to  the  woods,  but  da 
red  not  enter  into  the  plain. 

1  am  unable  to  form  a  correct  estimate  uf  the  enemy's 
force.  The  prisoners  varied  much  in  their  accounts;  those 
who  made  them  least,  stated  the  regulars  at  550,  and  mili 
tia  at  800;  but  the  numbers  of  Indians  were  beyond  com 
parison  greater  than  have  ever  been  brought  into  the  field 
before ;  numbers  arrived  after  the  siege  commenced,  and 
they  were  indeed  the  efficient  force  of  the  enemy. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

W.  H.  HARRISON, 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 

Killed  81— Wounded  189, 

British  loss  not  known, 


2<D2  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR, 

The  following  conversation  took  place  between  Maj.  Cham 
bers  and  Gen.  .Harrison,  on  a  demand  for  the  surrender 
of  fort  Meiys. 

Maj.  Chaberins—Geu.  Proctor  has  directed  me  to  de 
mand  the  surrender  of  this  post.  He  wishes  to  spare  the 
eflusion  of  blood. 

Gen.  Harrison — The  demand,  under  present  circum 
stances,  is  a  most  extraordinary  one.  As  Gen.  Proctor  did 
not  send  me  a  summons  to  surrender  on  his  first  arrival,  I 
had  supposed  that  he  believed  me  determined  to  do  my 
duty.  His  present  message  indicates  an  opinion  oi  me 
that  I  am  at  a  loss  to  account  for. 

Maj.  Chambers — Gen.  Proctor  could  never  think  of  say 
ing  any  thing'  to  wound  your  feelings,  sir. — The  character 
of  Get).  Harrison,  as-an  oflicer,  is  well  known,  Gen.  Proc 
tor's  force  is  very  respectable,  and  there  is  with  him  a  larger 
body  of  hidians  that  have  ever  before  been  embarked. 

Gen.  Harrison — 1  believe  I  have  a  very  correct  idea  of 
Gen.  Proctor's  force,  it  is  not  such  as  to  create  the  least  ap 
prehension,  for  the  result  of  the  contest,  whatever  shape  he 
may  be  pleased  heret.fter  to  give  to  it.  Assure  the  Gen. 
however,  that  he  will  never  have  this  post  surrendered  to 
him  upon  any  terms.  Should  it  fall  into  his  hands,  it  will 
be  in  a  manner  calculated  to  do  him  more  honor,  and  to 
give  him  larger  claims  upon  the  gratitude  of  his  government 
than  any  capitulation  could  possibly  do. 

CAPTURE  OF  FORT  GEORGE. 

Gen.  Dearborn  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

H.  Q.  Fort  Georf/e  (i!.  C')  May  27,  1813. 
[Extract.']  SIR — The  light  troops  under  the  command 
of  Col.  Scott  and  Major  Forsyth,  landed  this  morning  at 
9  o'clock.  Major  Gen.  Lewis's  division,  with  Col.  Porter's 
command  ot  light  artillery,  supported  by  them.  Gen. 
Boyd's  brigade  landed  immediately  after  the  light  troops, 
and  Gens.  Winder  and  Chandler  in  quick  succession.  The 
landing  was  warmly  and  obstinately  disputed  by  the  Bri 
tish  forces  ;  but  the  coolness  and  intrepidity  of  our  troops- 
soon  compelled  them  to  give  way  in  every  direction.  Gen. 
Chandler,  with  the  reserve,  composed  of  his  brigade  and 
Col.  Macomb's  artillery  'covered  the  whole.  Commodore 
Chauncey  had  made  the  most  judicious  arrangements  for 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  208 

silencing  the  enemy's  batteries,  near  the  point  of  landing. 
The  army  is  under  the  greatest  obligations  to  that  able  na 
val  commander  for  his  co-operation  in  all  its  important 
movements,  and  especially  in  its  operations  this  day.  O-ir 
batteries  succeeded  in  rendering  Fort  George  untenable, 
and  whe*i  the  enemy  had  been  beaten  from  his  positions, 
aud  found  it  necessary  to  re-enter  it,  after  firing  a  few  guns 
and  sethng  fire  to  the  magazines,  which  soon  exploded,  he 
moved  off  rapidly  by  different  rouies.  Our  light  troops 
pursued  ihem  several  miles.  The  troops  having  been  un 
der  arms  from  one  o'clock,  in  the  moniiug,  were  too  much 
exhausted  for  any  further  pursuit.  We  are  now  in  posses 
sion  ot  Fort  George  and  its  immediate  dependencies — to 
morrow  we  proceed  further  on.  The  behaviour  of  our 
troops,  both  officers  and  men,  entitles  them  to  the  highest 
praise  ;  and  the  difference  in  our  loss  with  that  of  the  ene 
my,  when  we  consider  the  advantages  his  positions  afforded 
him,  is  astonishing: — Coi.  Meyers  of  the  49th,  was  wound 
ed  and  taken  prisoner.  Of  ours,  only  one  commissioned 
officer  was  killed — Lieut.  Hobart  of  the  light  artillery. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

H.  DEARBORN, 

Gen.  Dearborn  to  l/te  Secretary  of  War. 

H.  Q.  Fort  George,  May,  29,  1813. 
[Extract.]  Lieut.  Col.   Preston    took  possession    of  fort 
Erie  and  its  dependencies  last  evening  ;  the  post  had  been 
abandoned  and  the  magazine  blown  up. 

I  have  ordered  Gen.  Lewis  to  return  without  delay  to 
this  place,  and  if  the  winds  favor  us,  we  may  yet  cut  off 
the  enemy's  retreat. 

I  was  last  evening  honored  with    your  dispatch   of  the 
15th  iiist.     I  have  taken  measures  in  relation  to  the  23   pri 
soners,  who  are  to  be  put  in  close  confinement 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

H.  DEARBORN. 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 

Killed  39— wounded  111-— total  150. 

BRITISH    LOSS. 

Killed  108— wounded  103— Prisoners  622 — total  893, 


HlblOItY  OF  TILE  WAK. 

Com.  Chauncey  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

U.  S.  &  tyadison,  off'  Niagara,  May,  *28, 1813. 
SIR-4- Agreeable  to  arrangements  which  I  have  already 
had  the  honor  of  detailing  to  you,  I  left  Jacket's  Harbor  011 
the  22d  inst.  with  about  3-jO  of  Col.  M'Comb's  regiment  on 
board- — the  winds  being  light  from  the  westward,  I  did 
not  arrive  in  the  vicinity  of  Niagara  before  the  25th;  the 
other  parts  of  the  squadron  had  arrived  several  days  before, 
and  landed  their  troops.  The  Fair  American  and  Pert 
I  had  ordered  to  Sacket's  Harbor,  for  the  purpose  of  watch 
ing  the  enemy's  movements  at  Kingston.  I  immediately 
had  an  interview  with  Gen.  Dearborn,  for  the  purpose  of 
making  arrangements  to  attack  the  enemy  as  soon  as  pos 
sible,  and  it  was  agreed  between  him  and  myself  to  make 
the  attack  the  moment  that  the  weather  was  such  as  to  al 
low  the  vessels  and  boats  to  approach  the  shore  with  safety. 
On  the  26th,  I  reconnoitred  the  position  for  landing  the 
troops,  and  at  night  sounded  the  shore,  and  placed  buoys  to 
sound  out  the  stations  for  the  small  vessels.  It  was  agreed 

O 

between  the  General  and  myself  to  make  the  attack  the 
next  morning  (as  the  weather  had  moderated,  and  had  eve 
ry  appearance  of  being  favorable.)  I  took  on  board  of  the 
Madison,  Oneida,  and  Lady  of  the  Luke,  all  the  heavy  ar 
tillery,  and  as  many  troops  as  could  be  stowed.  The  re 
mainder  were  to  embark  in  boats  and  follow  the  fleet.  At 
8  yesterday  morning  the  signal  was  made  for  the  fleet  to 
weigh,  and  the  troops  were  all  embarked  on  board  of  the 
boats  before  fou",  and  soon  after  Gens.  Dearborn  and 
Lewis  came  on  board  of  the  ship  with  their  suites.  It  be 
ing  however  nearly  cairn,  the  schooners  were  obliged  to 
sweep  into  their  positions.  Mr.  Trant  in  the  Julia,  and 
Mr.  Mix  in  the  Growler,  I  directed  to  take  a  position  in 
the  mouth  of  be  river,  ami  silence  a  battery  near  the  light 
house,  which  from  its  position  commanded  the  shore  where 
the  troops  were  to  land.  Mr.  Stevens  in  the  Ontario,  was 
directed  to  take  a  position  to  the  north  of  the  light  house, 
so  near  the  shore  as  to  enfilade  the  batterv  and  cross  the  fire 
of  the  Julia  ar.d  Growler.  Lieut.  Brown  in  the  Governor 
Tompkins,  I  directed  to  take  a  position  near  Two  Mile 
creek,  where  the  enem«r  had  a  battery  with  a  heavy  gun. 
iieut.  Pettigrew  in  the  Conquest,  was  directed  to  anchor  to 
the  southeast  ot  the  same  battery,  so  near  in  as  to  open  on  it 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  205 

in  the  rear,  and  cross  the  fire  of  the  Gov.  Tompkins.  Lt. 
M  Phersoti  m  the  Hamilton,  Lieut.  Smith  in  the  Asp,  and 
Mr  Jsgood  in  the  Scourge,  were  directed  to  anchor  close 
to  tiu>  shore,  and  cover  the  landing  of  the  troops,  and  to 
scour  the  woods  and  plain  wherever  the  enemy  made  his 
appearance.  Ail  these  orders  were  promptly  and  gallant 
ly  t  Atcuted.  All  the  vessels  anchored  within  musket  shot 
ot  the  shore,  and  in  ten  minutes  after  they  opened  upon  the 
batteries,  they  were  completely  silenced  and  abandoned. 

Our  troops  then  advanced  in  three  brigades,  the  advance 
led  by  Col.  Scott,  and  landed  near  the  fort,  which  had 
bee  ;  silenced  by  Lieut.  Brown.  The  enemy,  who  had 
been  concealed  in  a  ravine,  now  advanced  in  great  force  to 
the  edge  of  the  bank  to  charge  our  troops.  The  schoon 
ers  opened  so  well  directed  and  tremendous  afire  of  grape 
and  canister,  that  the  enemy  soon  retreated  from  the  bank. 
Our  troops  formed  as  soon  as  they  landed,  and  immediately 
ascended  the  bank,  charged  and  routed  the  enemy  in  every 
direction,  the  schooners  keeping*  up  a  constant  well  direct 
ed  fire  upon  him  in  his  retreat  towards  the  town.  Owing 
to  the  wind's  having  sprung  up  very  fresh  from  the  east 
ward,  which  caused  a  heavy  sea  directly  on  shore,  I  was 
not  enabled  to  get  the  boats  off  to  land  the  troops  from  the 
Madison  and  Oneida,  before  the  first  and  second  brigades 
had  advanced.  Capt.  Smith  with  the  marines,  landed  with 
Col.  M'Comb's  regiment,  and  I  had  prepared  400  seamen, 
which  I  intended  to  iand  with  myself,  if  the  enemy  had 
made  a  stand  ;  but  our  troops  pursued  him  so  rapidly  in 
to  the  town  and  fort  George,  th  it  I  found  there  was  no 
necessity  for  more  force;  moreover,  the  wind  had  increas 
ed  so  much  and  hove  sucli  a  sea  on  shore,  that  the  situa 
tion  of  the  fleet  had  become  dangerous  and  critical.  I 
therefore,  made  a  signal  for  the  fleet  to  weigh,  and  order 
ed  them  into  the  river,  where  they  anchored  immediately 
after  the  enemy  had  abandoned  fort  George.  The  town 
and  forts  w  ere  in  quiet  possession  of  our  troops  at  12 
o'clock,  and  the  enemy  retired  in  a  direction  towards 
Qaeenstown. 

Capt.  Perry  joined  me  from  Erie  on  the  evening  of  the 
•2oih,  and  very  gallantly  volunteered  his  services,  and  I  have 
much  pleasure  in  acknowledging  the  great  assistance 


5206  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

\vhich  I  received  from  him.     We  lost  but  one  killed  and 
two  wounded,  and  no  injury  done  to  the  vessels. 

ISAAC  CHAUNCEY. 
"  *• 

Com.  Channccy  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 
U.  S.  Ship  Madison,  backefs  Harbor,  June  4,  1813. 
SJH — I  have  the  honor  to  present  to  you,  by  the  hands 
of  L^eut.  Dudley,  the  British  standard  taken  at  York,  on 
th<  27th  of  April  last,  accompanied  by  the  mace,  over  which 
hung  a  human  SCALP. — These  articles  were  taken  from 
the  Parliament  house  by  one  of  my  officers,  and  presented 
to  me.  The  scalp  I  caused  to  be  presented  to  Gen.  Dear 
born,  who  I  believe  still  has  it  in  his  possession.  I  aiso 
send  by  the  same  gentleman,  one  of  the  British  llag\s  taken 
at  fort  George  on  the  27th  of  May. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  (Sec. 

ISAAC  CHAUNCEY. 

Lieut.  Chauncey  to  Com.  Chauncey. 

Sackett's  Harbor,  June  18,  1813, 

SIR — According  to  your  orders  of  the  14th  inst.  I  pro 
ceeded  off  Presque  Isle  in  the  schooner  Lady  of  the  Lake. 
On  the  morning  of  the  16th  I  fell  in  with  and  captured  the 
English  schooner  Lady  Murray,  from  Kingston  bound  to 
York,  loaded  with  provisions  and  ammunition. 

Enclosed  is  a  list  of  one  ensign,  15  non-commissioned 
officers  and  privates  found  on  board,  with  6  men  attached 
to  the  vessel. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

WOLCOTT  CHAUNCEY. 


Battle  at  forty  mile  Creek,  Upper  Canada. 
Gen  Vincent  having  taken  his  stand  at  forty  mile  Creek, 
about  33  miles  from  fort  George,  after  his  defeat  at  the  fort, 
Brig.  Gen.  Winder  was  sent  in  pursuit  of  him.  On  the  4th 
of  June,  Brig.  Gen.  Chandler,  with  another  detachment, 
was  sent  off  from  fort  George  to  reinforce  Gen.  Winder, 
and  arrived  at  Head  Quarters  the  5th.  A  deserter  from 
the  American  cam;)  informed  Gen.  Vincent  of  the  situation 
of  the  army,  and  gave  him  the  countersign;  in  five  min 
utes  the  whole  English  army  were  in  motion,  and  at  two 
k  on  the  morning  of  the  (Jth  entered  our  camp.  The 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  207 

two  Generals,  Wmder  and  Chandler,  in  endeavoring  to 
form  the  troops,  iii.d  the  deputy  quarter-master  General 
V. nule venter,  were  surrounded  and  taken  prisoners.  Our 
army  formed  immediately  and  attacked  the  enemy  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet,  which  soon  occasioned  a  general 
ronle,  the  eneim  taking  off  his  prisoners,  and  leaving  Col. 
Clarke,  sixty  prisoners,  and  250  killed  in  our  hands.  Our 
loss  was  17  killed,  38  wounded,  and  100  missing. 

ATTACK  ON  S ACKETT'S  HARBOR. 

Gen.  Bron-n  to  the  Secretary  of  \\  ar. 

H.  Q.  Sacketfs  Harbor,  June  1,1818. 

SIR — On  the  2oth  ultimo,  I  received  a  letter  from  Gen. 
Dearborn,  requesting  me  to  repair  to  this  "post  for  the  pur 
pose  of  taking  command.  Knowing  that  Lieut.  Col. 
Backus,  an  officer  of  the  first  regiment  of  dragoons,  and 
of  experience,  was  here,  I  hesitated,  as  I  would  do  no  act 
which  might  wound  his  feelings.  Fn  the  night  of  the  26th 
I  receivea  a  note  from  this  officei,  by  Maj.  Swan,  deputy 
quarter-master  Gen.  joining  in  the  request  already  made 
by  Maj.  Gen.  Dearborn.  I  could  no  longer  hesitate,  and 
accordingly  arrived  at  this  post  early  in  the  morning  of  the 
28:h.  Tiiese  circumstances  will  explain  howl  came  to 
be  in  command  upon  tlrs  occasion.  Knowing  well  the 
ground,  my  arrangements  tor  defence,  in  the  event  of  au 
attack,  were  soon  made. 

In  the  course  of  the  morning  of  the  28th,  Lieut.  Chaun- 
cey,  of  the  navy,  caiiu*  in  from  the  lake,  tiring  guns  of 
alarm.  Those  of  the  same  character,  intended  to  bring  in 
the  milit  a,  were  fired  from  the  post.  The  enemy's  tieet 
soon  alter  -appeared  accompanied  by  a  large  number  of 
boats.  Believing  that  he  would  land  on  the  peninsula, 
commonly  called  Horse  Island,  I  determined  to  meet  him 
at  the  water's  edge  with  such  militia  as  I  could  collect,  and 
the  Albany  volunteers,  under  the  command  of  Lieut.  CoL 
Mills  ;  Lieut.  Coi.  Backus,  with  the  regulars,  formed  a  se 
cond  line  ;  the  care  of  fort  Toitipkins  was  committed  to 
the  regular  artillerists  and  sosne  volunteers,  and  that  of 
Navy  Point  to  Lieut.  Chauncey  of  the  navy.  It' driven 
from  my  position,  Lieut.  Coi.  Backus  was  ordered  to  ad 
vance  and  meet  t;,e  head  of  the  enemy's  coSuur?,  while 
rallying-  my  corps.  I  was  to  fall  on  its 'flanks.  If  unable 


208  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

hereto  resist  the  enemy's  attack,  Lieut.  Cbauncey  was  in 
that  case  to  destroy  the  stores,  %c.  and  retire  to  the  south 
shore  of  the  bay,  east  of*  Fort  Volunteer,  while  I  proceed 
ed  to  occupy  that  fort  as  our  dernier  resort. 

In  the  course  of  the  27th  and  during  the  nights  of  the 
28th  and  29th  ultimo,  a  considerable  militia  force  came  in, 
and  were  ordered  to  the  water  side,  near  Horse  Island,  oft 
which  was  Lieut.  Col.  Mills  and  his  volunteers.  Our 
strength  at  this  point  was  now  500  men — all  anxious  for 
battle,  as  far  as  profession  would  go.  The  moment  it  was 
light  enough  to  discover  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  we 
found  his  ships  in  line  between  Horse  Island  and  Stony 
Point,  and  in  a  few  minutes  afterwards  33  large  boats  tilled 
with  troops,  came  off  to  the  larger  Indian  or  G:\rdeii  Island, 
under  cover  of  the  tire  of  his  gun  boats.  My  orders  were, 
that  the  troops  should  lie  close,  and  reserve  their  tire  till 
the  enemy  had  approached  so  near  that  every  shot  might 
hit  its  object.  It  is,  however,  impossible  to  execute  such 
orders  with  raw  troops,  unaccustomed  to  subordination. 
My  orders  were  in  this  case  disobeyed.  The  whole  line 
tired,  and  not  without  effect — but  in  the  moment  while  I 
was  contemplating  this,  to  my  utter  astonishment,  they 
rose  from  their  cover  and  fled.  Col  M  Ms  fell  gallantly 
in  brave  but  vain  endeavors  to  stop  his  men.  I  was  person 
ally  more  fortunate.  Gathering  together  about  100  mili 
tia*,  under  the  immediate  command  oi  Capt.  M'Nittof  that 
corps,  we  threw  ourselves  on  the  rear  of  the  enemy's  flank, 
and  I  trust,  did  some  execution.  It  was  during  this  last 
movement  that  the  regulars  under  Col.  Rxckus,  first  enga 
ged  the  enemy — nor  was  it  long  before  tiiey  defeated  h;m. 

Hurrying  to  this  point  of  action,  I  found  the  battle  still 
raging,  but  with  obvious  advantage  on  our  side.  The  re 
sult  of  this  action,  so  glorious  tor  the  officers  and  soldiers 
of  the  regular  army,  has  already  bee .1  communicated  in  my 
letter  of  the  29th.  Had  not  Gen.  Prevost  retreated  most 
rapidly  under  the  guns  of  his  vessels,  he  would  never  have 
returned  to  Kingston. 

The  enemy's  force  consisted  of  1000  picked  men,  led  by 
sir  George  Prevost  in  person.  Their  fleet  consisted  of  the 
new  ship  Wolf,  the  Royal  George,  the  Prince  Regent. 
Earl  of  Moira,  two  armed  schooners,  and  their  gun  and 
other  boafs. 

JACOB  BROWN. 


OF  ^THR  WAR:  209 


AMERICAN  LOSS. 

Killed  21—  wounded  84—  missing  50- 

BRITISH  L.OSS. 

Killed  39  —  wounded  112—  prisoners  35. 

Gen.  Lewis  /o  the  Secretary  of  War. 

Sackett's  Harbor,  July  20,  1813. 
SIR  —  Our  fleet   has  gone    out  of  the   innel* 
jharbor,  and  appearances  are  in  favor  of  its  going  to  sea  in 
•18  hours  at  farthest. 

A  little  expedition  of  volunteers  from  the  country,  to 
which,  by  the  advice  of  Com.  Chauncey,  I  lent  40  soldiers, 
sailed  from  hence  three  days  since  on  board  of  two  small 
row  boats,  with  a  six  pounder  each,  to  the  head  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  where  they  captured  a  fine  gun  boat  mounting 
a  21  pounder,  14  bulteaux  loaded  with  ammunition,  4  offi 
cers,  and  61  men.  Two  of  our  schooners  went  out  and 
convoyed  them  in. 

Gen.  Harrison  to  the  Secretary  of  IVar. 

H.  Q.  Seneca,  Augusts,  1813. 

I  have  the  honor  to  enclose  you  Major  Croghan's  re 
port  of  the  attack  upon  fort  Stephenson,  which  has  this  mo 
ment  come  to  hand.  With  great  respect,  &c. 

W.  H.  HARRISON. 

Major  Cro(/han  to  Gen.  Harrison. 

kotvcr  Sandusky,  August  5,  1813. 

Dear  Sir—  I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  the  com 
bined  force  of  the  enemy,  amounting  to  at  least  500  regu 
lars  and  seven  or  eight  hundred  Indians,  under  the  imme 
diate  command  of  Gen.  Proctor,  made  its  appearance  be 
fore  this  place,  early  on  Sunday  evening  last,  and  as  soon 
as  the  Gen.  had  made  such  a  disposition  of  his  troops  as 
would  cut  off  my  retreat,  should  I  be  disposed  to  make  one, 
he  sent  Col.  Elliot,  accompanied  by  Major  Chambers,  with 
u  flag,  to  demand  the  .surrender  of  the  fort,  as  he  was  anx 
ious  to  spare  the  effusion  of  blood,  which  he  should  proba 
bly  not  have  in  his  power  to  do,  should  he  be  reduced  to 
the  necessity  of  taking  the  place  by  storm.  My  answer  to 
the  summons  was,  that  I  was  determined  to  defend  the' 
place  to  the  Inst  extremity,  and  that  no  force  however 


210  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR, 

large,  should  induce  me  to  surrender  it     So    soon  us  Uj6 
flag"  had  returned,  a  brisk  fire  was  opened  upon  us  from  the 
gun  boats  in  the  river  and    from   a  5  1-2   inch  howitzer  on 
shoru,  which  was  kept  up  with  little  intermission  throughout 
the  night.      At  an  early  hour  the  next  morning,  three  sixes 
(which  had  been  placed  during-  the  night  within  250  yards 
of  the  pickets)  began  to  play  upon  us,  but  with    little  effect 
.A  bout  4  o'clock  P.  1W.  discovering-  that  the  fire  from  all 
his  guns  were  concentrated  against  the  north-western  angle 
of  the  fort,  I  became  confident  that  his  object  was  to   make 
a  breach,  and  attempt  toslorm  the  works  at  that  point.     I 
therefore  ordered  out  as  many  men   as  could  be  employed 
for  the  purpose  of  strengthening  that  part,  which  was  so  ef 
fectually  secured  by  means  of  bags  of  flour,  sand,  S:c.  that 
the  picketing  suffered  little    or  no  injury;  notwithstanding 
which,  the  enemy  about500,  having  formed  in  a  close  column 
advanced  to  assault  our  works  at  the  expected  point,  at  the 
same  time  making1  two  feints  on  the  front  of  Capt  Hunter's 
lilies.     The  column  which  advanced  against  the  north-wes 
tern  angle,  consisting  of  aboiu  350  men,    was  so  .enveloped 
in  smoke,  as  not  to  be  discovered   until   it  had  approached 
within  18  or 'JO  pieces  of  the  lines,   but  the  men  being  all  at 
their  posts  and  ready  to  receive  it,  commenced  so  heavy 
and   galling  a   fire    as    to    throw  the  column   a  little  in 
to  coirfus'ion  ;  being  quickly  rallied  it  advanced  to  the  outer 
works  untl  begun  to  leap  into  the  ditch.     Just  at   that  mo 
ment  a    lire    of  grape   was  opened   from    our  G  pounder 
(which  had  been  previously  arranged  so  as  to  rake  in  that 
direction)  which  together  with    the  musketry,  threw  them 
into  such  confusion  tiiat  they  were  compelled  to  retire  pre 
cipitately  to  the  woods. 

During  the  assault,  which  lasted  about  half  an  hour,  an 
incessant  tire  was  kept  up  by  the  enemy's  artillery  (which 
consisted  of  five  sixes  and  a  howitzer)  but  without  effect. 
Seventy  stand  of  arms,  and  several  braces  of  pistols  have 
been  collected  near  the  works.  About  three  in  the  morn 
ing  the  enemy  sailed  down  the  river,  leaving  behind  them 
a  boat  containing  clothicg*  and  considerable  military 
stores.  Yours  with  respect,  Sec.  G.  CROC  HAN. 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 

-    Kilted  I — wounded  7. 

BRITISH  IA)SS. 

Killed  52— wounded  i>8 — prisoners  25. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  AVAR. 

By  a  letter  from  Gov.  Huntington,  dated  fairer  San- 
flush i/,  Aug.  4,  it  appears  that  Major  Crogjuan's  force  was 
itiO/and  that  of  the  enemy,  800.  "it  further  states  that  the 
enemy  lost  iO  men  killed  in  the  .ditch  with  Lieut.  Colonel 
Short,  and  several  officers;  and  about  the  same  number  of 
regulars  while  advancing  to  the  attack,  besides  Indians. 

r?  ?3 

Our  loss  was  one   killed,  and  live  wounded. — The  enemy 
8-:>  kdled  and  25  prisoners. 

4  What  will  Gen.  Proctor  say,  when  he  finds  he  has  been 
baffled  by  a  youth  but  just  passed  his  2 1st  year.  He  is, 
however,  a  Hero  worthy  of  his  gallant  uncle,  Gen.  George 
li.  Clarke.'  [/SVe  Gen.  Harrison  id  the  Secretary  of  WarA 

LOSS  OF  THE  CHESAPEAKE. 

Lieut.  Budd  to  the  Secretary  of  the  A'tuv/. 

Ha lifax,  June  1  o ,  J  8 1 3 . 

SIR — The  unfortunate  death  of  CapL  James  Linvrencc^ 
and  Lieut.  An  (Justus  C.  Ludlow,  has  rendered  it  my  duty 
to  inform  you  of  the  capture  of  the  late  U.  States  frigate 
Chesapeake. 

On  Tuesday,  June  ] ,  at  8,  A.  M.  we  unmoored  ship 
and  at  meridian  got  under  way  from  President's  Roads, 
with  a  light  wind  from  the  southward  and  westward,  and 
proceeded  on  a  cruise.  A  ship  was  then  in  sight  in  the 
offing  which  had  the  appearance  of  a  ship  of  war,  and 
which,  from  information  received  from  pilot  boats  and 
<raft,  we  believed  to  be  the  British  frigate  Shannon.  \Ve 
made  sail  in  chase  and  cleared  ship  for  action.  At  half  past 
4  P.  M.  she  hove  to,  with  her  head  to  the  southward  a; id 
eastward,  At  5,  took  in  the  royals  and  top-gallant-sails 
and  at  half  .past  five  hauled  the  courses  up.  About  la 
minutes  before  6,  the  action  commenced  within  pistol  shot. 
The  first  broadside  did  great  execution  on  both  sides, 
damaged  our  rigging,  killed  among  others  Mr.  White  the 
the  sailing  master,  and  wounded  CapU  Lawrence.  In 
about  12  minutes  after  the  commencement  of  the  action, 
we  fell  on  board  of  the  enemy  and  immediately  after  one 
of  our  arm  chests  on  the  quarter-deck  was  blown  up  by  a 
hand  grenade  thrown  from  the  enemy's  ship.  In  a  few 
minutes  one  of  the  Capts.  aids  came  on  the  gun  deck  to  in 
form  me  that  the  boarders  were  called.  I  immediately  called 
the  boarders  away  and  proceeded  to  the  spar  deck,  where 


HJSTORY  OF  THE.  \VA*. 

I  found  that  enemy  had  succeeded  in  boarding  us  and  haet 
gained  possession  of  our  quarter  deck.  I  immediately 
gave  orders  to  haul  on  board  the  fore  tack,  for  the  purpose 
of  shooting  the  ship  clear  of  the  other,  and  then  made  an  at 
tempt  to  regain  the  quarter  deck,  but  was  wounded  and 
thrown  down  on  the  gun  deck.  I  again  made  an  effort  to 
collect  the  boarders,  but  in  tha  me,an  time  the  enemy  had 
gained  complete  possession  of  the  ship.  On  my  being 
carried  down  to  the  cock-pit,  I  there  found  Capt.  Lawrence 
and  Lieut.  Ludlow  both  mortally  wounded  ;  the  former 
bad  been  carried  below  previously  to  the  ship's  beingboard- 
ed ;  the  latter  was  wounded  in  attempting  to  repel  the 
boarders.  Among  those  who  fell  early  in  the  action  was 
Mi'.  Edward  J.  Ballard,  the  4th  Lieut,  and  Lieut.  Janies 
Broom  of  marines. 

I  herein  enclose  to  you  a  return  of  th,e  killed  and  wound* 
ed,  by  which  you  will  perceive  that  every  officer,  upon 
whom  the  charge  of  the  ship  would  devolve,  was  either 
tilled  or  wounded  previously  to  her  capture. 

The  Shannon  had,  in  addition  to  her  full  complement, 
an  officer  and  16  men  belonging  to  the  Belle  Pouje,  and  a 
part  of  the  crew  belonging  to  the  Tenedos. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  8cc. 

GEORGE  BUDD 

AMERICAN    LOSS. 

Killed  GO — wounded  86. 

BRITISH    LOSS. 

Killed  27— wounded  58. 

Com.  Chauncey  to  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

U.  S.  S.  Gen.  Pike,  off  Niagara,  Aug.  4, 1813. 
{Extract.}  SIR— On  the  25th  I  was  joined  by  the  Pert, 
and  on  the  27th  by  the  Lady  of  the  Lake,  with  guides, 
and  Capt.  Crane's  company  of  artillery,  and  Col.  Scott, 
\vho  had  very  handsomely  volunteered  for  the  service- 
After  conversing  with  CoL  Scott  upon  the  subject;  it  was 
thought  advisable  to  take  on  board  250  Infantry,  which  by 
the  extraordinary  exertions  of  that  excellent  officer,  were 
embarked  before  six  o'clock  the  next  morning  and  arrived 
and  anchored  in  the  harbor  of  York,  at  about  3  P.  M.  on 
theSlst,  run  the  schooners  into  the  upper  harbor,  landed 
marines  and  soldiers  under  the  command  of  Col.  Scpl^t, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

without  opposition,  found  several  hundred  barrels  of  flour 
and  provisions  in  the  public  storehouse,  five  pieces  of  can 
non,  eleven  boats,  and  a  quantity  of  shot,  shells,  and  other 
stores,  all  which  were  either  destroyed  or  brought  away. 
On  the  1st  inst.  just  after  receiving-  on  board  ail  the  vessels 
could  take,  I  directed  the  barracks  and  the  public  store 
houses  to  be  burnt  ;  we  then  re-embarked  the  men  and  pro 
ceeded  for  this  place,  where  I  arrived  yesterday.  Between 
4  and  500  men  left  York  for  the  head  of  the  lake  two  days 
before  we  arrived  there.  Some  few  prisoners  were  taken, 
some  of  whom  were  paroled,  the  others  have  been  landed  at 
fort  George. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be.  &c. 

ISAAC  CHAUNCEY. 


CAPTURE  OF  THE  DOMINICO. 

Copt.  John  H.  Dent  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

Charleston,  Aug.  21,  1813. 

[Extract.]  I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  the  pri 
vateer  schooner  Decatur,  of  tliis  port,  arrived  here  yester 
day,  with  H.  B.  i\L  schooner  Dominico,  her  prize. 

She  was  captured  on  the  15th  inst.  after  a  most  gallant 
and  desperate  action  of  one  hour,  and  carried  by  boarding*, 
having  all  her  officers  killed  or  wounded  except  one  mid 
shipman.  The  Dominico  mounts  15  guns,  one  a  32 
pounder  on  a  pivot,  and  had  a  complement  of  88  men. 

She  was  one  of  the  best  equipped  and  manned  vessels  of 
her  class  I  have  ever  seen.  The  Decatur  mounts  7  guns-. 
2nd  had  a  complement  of  103  men. 

t  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

JOHN  H.  DENT. 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 

Killed.5 — wounded  14. 

BRITISH    LOSS. 

Killed  18 — wounded  42 — prisoners  70. 

Burning  of  Sodas,  N.  Y. — Sodus  was  the  first  tow, 
burnt  in  this  war.  This  was  a  handsome  little  village  ot 
about  40  houses.  The  British  appeared  off  the  place,  the 
1 7th  June,  1813,  but  finding  a  considerable  militia  force,  pui 
pff  into  the  Lake.  The  militia  were  disbanded  on  the  20th 
\vhen  the  enemy  again  returned,  and  effected  a  landing.-, ••- 


214  HISTORY  OP  THE  WAR. 

Finding  the  public  stores,  chiefly  removed,  they  immedi 
ately  set  fire  to  every  valuable  house  in  the  village,  and  re 
turned  to  their  vessels,  after  suffering*  a  loss  of  4  killed,  and 
several  wounded,  by  a  few  citizens.  The  enemy's  force 
consisted  of  the  Royal  George,  Earl  Moria,  Prince  Regent, 
Simcoe  schr.  and  several  small  boats  and  tenders. 

Attack  on  Craney  Island.  (Vir.) — On  the  20th  June, 
the  British  attempted  a  landing  on  this  Isia:.d,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  more  easily  conquering  Norfolk.  Thirteen  ships  of 
the  line  anchored  off  James  river,  from  which  about  3500 
troops  were  embarked  for  Craney  Island.  C  >m.  C^ssm,. 
of  the  gun  boats,  and  Capt.  Morns,  of  the  C  jnstt-Hation 
frigate,  manned  two  batteries  with  250  men  on  tiie  point  of 
he  Island  to  receive  them  ;  the  remainder  of  tlu  force, 
200  were  stationed  on  the  beach.  At  8  o'clock  the  barges 
attempted  to  land,  but  were  driven  back,  with  the  loss  of 
250  killed  and  wounded,  and  45  prisoners,  and  their  lar 
gest  barge,  which  was  sunk,  with  75  men  on  board  ;  the 
boat  and  20  men  were  finally  saved  by  the  Americans — 
our  loss  was  28  killed  and  wounded. 

Capture  af  Hampton.— The  25th  of  June  the  force  that 
attempted  Craney  Island,  landed  at  Hampton,  and  carried 
it  after  a  gallant  defence  made  by  our  militia,  43(>  strong, 
for  forty -tive  minutes.  The  enemy  attacked  us  by  land 
and  water;  their  land  force  was  about  2500  strong,  of 
•whom  400  were  riflemen.  After  our  men  were  complete 
ly  surrounded,  they  saw  that  they  must  either  surrender,  or 
break  their  way  through  the  enemy's  lines.  They  resolved 
upon  the  latter,  when  the  gallant  Maj.  Crulc/ijield,  led 
them  on,  and  broke  the  lines,  and  made  good  their  retreat, 
after  killing  and  wounding  200  of  their  adversaries.  Our 
loss  on  this  occasion  was  seven  killed,  twelve  wounded, 
and  twelve  prisoners. 

A  scene  now  commencetl  sufficient  to  chill  the  blood  of 
the  Savages,  and  even  put  them  to  the  blush. 

'To  give  you,  sir,  (says  Maj.  Crutchtield  in  his  official 
-account  to  Gov.  Barbour,)  an  idea  of  the  savage-like  dis 
position  of  the  enemy,  on  their  getting  possession  of  the 
neighborhood,  would  be  a  vain  attempt.  Although  sir 
^Sidney  Beckwilh  assured  me  that  no  uneasiness  need  be 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

felt,  in  relation  to  the  unfortunats  Americans,  the  fact  is 
that  on  yesterday,  [two  days  after  the  battle,]  there  were 
several  dead  bodies  lying1  unburied,  and  the  wounded  not 
even  assisted  into  the  town,  although  observed  to  be  crawl 
ing-  through  the  fields  towards  that  cold  and  inhospitable 
reception. 

'  The  unfortunate  females  of  Hampton,  who  could  not 
leave  the  town,  were  suffered  to  be  abused  in  the  most 
shameful  manner,  not  only  by  the  venal  savage  foe,  but  by 
the  unfortunate  and  infatuated  blacks,  who  were  encou 
raged  in  their  excesses.  They  pillaged  and  encouraged 
every  act  of  rapine  and  murder,  killing  a  poor  man,  by 
the  name  of  Kirby  who  had  been  lying  on  his  bed  at  the 
point  of  death,  for  more  than  six  weeks,  shooting  his  wife 
at  the  same  ume,  in.  the  hip,  and  killing  his  faithful  dog  ly 
ing  uiider  his  feet.  The  murdered  Kirby  was  lying  last 
,  weltering1  in  his  blood/ 


Capt.  Cooper  to  Lieut.  Gov.  Mallory. 

[Extract.}  SIR  —  '  The  enemy  took  possession  of  Hamp 
ton,  with  upwards  of  2000  men  against  those  above  men 
tioned,  with  the  immense  loss  of  upwards  of  200  killed 
and  wounded,  on  iheir  part.  We  had  about  •>  killed,  10 
\voundecl,  and  4  prisoners,  —  the  balance  have  been  ac 
counted  for. 

'  I  was  yesterday  in  Hampton  with  my  troop,  that  place 
having  been  evacuated  in  the  morning.  —  My  blood  ran 
cold  at  what  1  saw  and  heard.  —  Tears  were  shedding-  in 

o 

every  corner,  —  the  infamous  scoundrels,  monsters,  destroy- 
c,d  every  thiny,  but  the  houses,  and  (iny  pen  is  almost  un 
willing  to  describe  it,)  the  women  were  ravished  by  those 
abandoned  ruffian*.  —  Great  God  !  my  dear  friend,  figure 
to  yourself  our  Hampton  females,  seized,  and  treated  with 
violence  by  those  monsters,  and  not  a  solitary  American 
present  to  avenge  their  wrongs  !  !  But  enough  —  I  can  say 
no  more  of  this.' 

Certificate.  The  enemy  robbed  the  Pulpit  and  Com 
munion  Table,  in  the  Episcopal  Church,  of  all  the  trap 
pings,  &c.  together  with  all  the  plate,  although  inscribed 
with  the  name  of  the  Donor,  and  of  the  parish  to  which 
they  belonged.  They  committed  Rape  in  many  instances 
arid  murdered  a  sick  man  in  his  bed,  and  shot  a  ball  through 


HISTORY  0*f  THE  WAtt. 

his  wife's  thigh  ;  they  wantonly  destroyed  every  species  of 
property  that  they  had  no  use  for,  and,  in  fact,  even  strip 
ped  the  shirt  off  the  back  of  George  Hope,  sen'r  about  70 
years  of  age,  and  took  the  shoes  from  his  feet,  after  prick 
ing  him  with  the  bayonet. 

JOHN  WEST  WOOD,  Hampton. 

Murder  of  John  B.  Graves. — Mr.  Graves  was  a  mem 
ber  of  the  23d  regt.  Infantry,  and  was  wounded  through 
the  arm  at  the  attack  on  Sackett's  Harbor  in  May,  and 
was  removed  to  Oswego.  When  Oswego  was  attacked, 
Graves  had  so  far  recovered  as  to  be  able  to  load  and  fire, 
and  stood  his  ground  like  a  hero.  Unfortunately,  he  was 
again  wounded,  and  carried  to  a  log  house  with  two  oth 
ers.  Our  men  shortly  after  retreated,  and  an  ENGLISH 
OFFICER,  a  Lieutenant^  came  to  the  door  of  the  house,  and 
presented  a  fuzee  at  him  ;  upon  which  Graves  exclaimed, 
*  O  mercy,  J or  heaven  s  sake  shew  me  mercy  ;  dont  shoot  me. 
again,  I  am  badly  /VoundedS  The  officer  cocked  his  piece, 
which  was  within  its  own  length  of  Graves,  weltering  in 
his  blood,  and  with  an  infernal  grin,  said  Fix  SHEW  Yotf 
MEKCY,  GOD  DAMN  YOU,'  and  immediately  discharged 
its  contents,  a  ball  and  three  buckshot,  into  his  breast. — 
This  inhuman  villain  soon  met  his  reward,  for  scarcely  had 
he  turned  his  eyes  from  the  object  of  his  barbarity,  when 
he  was  shot  through  the  brain,  and  fell  dead  almost  within 
reach  of  Graves. 

Skirmishinf)  at  fort  George,  U.  Canada. 

On  the  14th  of  August  1813,  Gen.  Proctor  attacked  out* 
pickets  at  day  break ;  after  a  short  engagement,  in  which 
the  enemy  had  15  killed,  and  one  Capt.  and  several  pri 
vates  made  prisoners,  our  force  retired  to  the  fort  with  the 
loss  of  2  killed  and  several  wounded. 

On  the  night  of  the  17th,  our  troops  and  a  few  Indians 
formed  an  ambuscade,  about  300  strong,  immediately  in 
front  of  the  British  camp.  At  day  light  our  Indians  rose 
nnd  gave  the  war-whoop,  and  the  enemy  considering  it  a 
friendly  call;  came  forth,  and  were  within  half  ritle  shot 
before  they  discovered  the  stratagem.  They  were  meJ 
upon  all  sides,  and  made  but  little  resistance  ;  75  being 
killed  the  first  shot,  and  the  remainder,  16,  surrendered  as 
prisoners. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  21? 

Col  Wm.  Russell,  of  Vincennes,  with  573  men,  chiefly 
volunteers,  from  Kentucky  and  Ohio,  marched  from  Vil- 
lonia  on  the  25th  June,  tor  the  purpose  of  relieving  the 
frontier  inhabitants  of  the  savages.  In  marching  through 
their  country  four  weeks*  they  succeeded  in  destroying  six* 
It  en  ot' their  villages,  and  a  considerable  quantity  of  corn, 
Vc.  and  returned  without  the  loss  of  a  single  man,  bringing 
in  several  prisoners,  and  10  horses  winch  the  Indians  had 
pillaged  a  few  days  before  from  the  inhabitants* 

o  •/ 

_1  Yankee  trick. — On  the  5th  of  July,  1813,  Com.  Lewis, 
commandant  of  the  flotilla  of  gun  boats  at  New- York,  sent 
out  the  fishing  smack  Yankee,  from  Musquito  cove,  for 
the  purpose,  of  taking  by  stratagem,  the  sloop  Eagle,  a  ten 
der  to  the  Poictiers  or  74  guns*  which  had  been  very  trouble,- 
some  to  the  fishermen  otf  Sandy  Hook,  where  they  were 
cruising.  A  calf,  a  sheep,  and  a  goose  were  purchased  and 
secured  on  deck  ;  and  between  30  and  40  men,  well  armed 
with  muskets,  were  secreted  in  the  cabin  and  fore  peak  of 
ihe  smack.  Thus  prepared,  with  three  men.  dressed  in 
fisherman's  clothes  on  deck,  she  put  out  to  sea  as  if  going 
on  a  fishing  trip.  The  Eagle  on  perceiving  the  smack 
gave  chase,  and  after  coming  up  with  her,  seeing  she  iiad 
live  stock  on  deck,  oixiered  her  to  go  down  to  the  Commo 
dore,  about  five  miles  distant.  The  helmsman  cried 'aye, 
ayetSiyS  and  apparently  put  up  the  helm  for  that  purpose, 
which  brought  her  alongside  the  Eagle,  not  more  than, 
three  yards  distant.  The  watch-word,  Lawrence,  was  then 
given,  when  the  armed  men  rushed  from  their  hiding  places 
and  poured  into  her  a  volley  of  musketry,  which  struck  her 
crew  with  dismay,  and  drove  them  all  into  the  hold  with 
such  precipitancy,  that  they  had  not  time  to  strike  their  co 
lours.  The  Eagle  had  on  board  a  32  ib.  brass  howitzer, 
loaded  with  shot;  but  their  surprise  was  so  sudden  that 
they  had  not  time  to  fire  it.  The  crew  consisted  of  a  mas 
ter,  one  midshipman,  and  11  marines  from  the  Poictiers. — 
The  prize  arrived  at  Whitehall,  amidst  the  shouts  of 
sands  who  were  celebrating  the  4th  of.  July, 


t>8 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

BURROWS'  VICTORY. 

Lieut.  M'Call  to  the  Secretary  vf  the  Navy. 
U.  S.  Briff  Enterprise,  Portland,  1th  Sept.  1813. 

[Extract.']  SIR — Inconsequence  of  the  unfortunate  death 
of  Lieut.  William  Burrows,  late  commander  of  this 
vessel,  it  devolves  on  me  to  acquaint  you  w.th  the  result  of 
the  cruise.  Alter  sailing  from  Portsmouth  on  the  1st  inst, 
we  steered  to  the  eastward  ;  and  on  the  morning  of  the  3d, 
off  Wood  Island,  discovered  a  schooner,  which  we  chased 
into  this  harbor,  where  we  anchored.  On  the  morning  of 
the  4th,  weighed  anchor,  arid  swept  out,  and  continued  our 
course  to  the  eastward.  Having*  received  information  of 
several  privateers  being  oil'  Manhagan,  we  stood  for  that 
place  ;  and  on  the  following  morning,  in  the  bay  near  Pen- 
mini  Point,  discovered  a  brig  getting  under  way,  which 
appeared  to  be  a  vessel  of  war,  and  to  which  we  immedi 
ately  gave  chase.  She  fired  several  guns,  and  stood  for  us, 
having  four  ensigns  hoisted.  After  reconnoitering  and 
discovering  her  force,  and  the  nation  to  which  she  belong 
ed,  we  hauled  upon  a  wind  to  stand  out  of  the  bay,  and  at 
3  o'clock  shortened  sail,  tacked  to  run  down  with  an  inten 
tion  to  bring  her  to  close  action.  At  twenty  minutes  after 
3  P.  M.  when  within  half  pistol  shot,  the  firing  commenc 
ed  from  both,  and  after  being  warmly  kept  up,  and  with 
some  mancrnvreing,  the  enemy  hailed  and  said  they  hud 
surrendered,  about  4  P.  M.  Their  colours  bciny  nailed  to 
the  masts,  could  not  be  hauled  down.  She  proved  to  be  his 
B.  M.  brig  Boxer,  of  14  guns,  Samuel  Blythe,  Esq.  com 
mander,  who  fell  in  the  early  part  of  the  engagement,  hav 
ing  received  a  cannon  shot  through  the  body.  And  I  am 
sorry  to  add  that  Lieut.  Burrows,  who  had  gallantly  led  us 
into  action,  fell  also  about  the  same  time  by  a  musket  ball, 
which  terminated  his  existence  in  eight  hours. 

The  Enterprize  suffered  much  in  spars  and  rigging,  and 
the  Boxer  in  spars,  rigging,  and  hull,  having  many  shots 
between  wind  and  water. 

As  no  muster  roll  that  can  be  fully  relied  on  has  come 
into  my  possession,  I  cannot  exactly  state  the  number  kill 
ed  and  wounded  on  board  the  Boxer,  but  from  information 
received  from  the  officers  of  that  vessel,  it  appears  there 
were  between  twenty  and  twentv-five  killed,  and  fourteen 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

wounded.     Enclosed  is  a  list  of  the  killed  and  wounded 
on  board  the  Enterprize.     I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sec. 
EDWARD  R.  iM'CALL,  Senior  Officer. 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 

Killed  4— Wounded  10— total  14. 

BRITISH  LOSS. 

Killed  25— Wounded  14— total  39 


CHAPTER  IX. 

PERRY'S  VICTORY. 

Com.  Perry  to  the  Secretary  oj  the  Navy. 
U.  S.  brig  Niagara,  Lake  Erie,  Sept.  10, 1813. 
SIR — It  has  pleased  the  Almighty  to  give  to  the  arms  of 
the  United  States  a  signal  victory  over  their  enemies  on 
this  lake.     The  British  squadron  consisting  of  2  ships,  2 
brigs,  1  schooner,  and  1  sloop,  have  this  moment  surren 
dered  to  the  force  under  my  command,  after  a  sharp  con 
flict.     I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

O.  H.  PERRY. 


Corn.  Pern/  to  the  Secret  an/  of  the  Navy. 

U.  S.  Sch.  Ariel,  Put-in-bay,  Sept.  13,  1813. 
SIR — In  my  last  I  informed  you  that  we  had  captured 
the  enemy's  fleet  on  this  lake.  I  have  now  the  honor  to 
give  you  the  most  important  particulars  of  the  action, 
On  the  morning  of  the  luth  inst.  at  sun-rise,  they  were  dis 
covered  from  Put-in-bay,  where  I  lay  at  anchor  with  the 
squadron  under  my  command.  We  got  under  weigh,  the 
wind  light  at  S.  W.  and  stood  for  them.  At  10  A.  M.  the 
wind  hauled  to  S.  E.  and  brought  us  to  windward;  form 
ed  the  line  and  bore  up.  At  15  minutes  before  twelve, 
the  enemy  commenced  tiring ;  at  5  minutes  before  twelve 
the  action  commenced  on  our  part.  Finding  their  tiro 
very  destructive,  owing  to  their  long  guns,  and  its  being 
mostly  directed  at  the  Lawrence,  I  made  sail,  and  directed 
the  other  vessels  to  follow  for  the  purpose  of  closing  with 
the  enemy.  Every  brace  and  bowline  being  soon  shot 
away,  she  became  unmanageable,  notwithstanding  the  great 
exertions  of  the  sailing-master.  In  this  situation  she 


220  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR, 

taine'd  the  action  upwards  of  two  hours  within  canister  dis^ 
tance,  until  every  gun  was  rendered  useless,  and  the  great 
er  part  other   crew    either  killed  or  wounded.     Finding 
she  could  no  longer  annoy  the  enemy,  I  left  her  in   charge 
of  Lieut.  Yam  all,  who,  1  was  convinced  from  the  bravery 
already  displayed  by  him,    would  do  what   would  comport 
with   the    honor  of  the  flag-.     At  half  past  two,  the  wind 
springing  up,  CapU  Elliot  was  enabled  to  bring  Ins  vessel, 
the  Niagara,    gallantly   into   close    action  ;  I  immediately 
went  on  board  of  her,  when  he  anticipated  my  wish  by  vol 
unteering  to    bring  the  schooners    which   had  been   kept 
astern  by  the  lightness  of  the  wind,   into  close  action.     It\ 
-was  with  unspeakable  pain  that  1  saw   sooii  after  1  got  on 
board  the  Niagara,  the  flag  of  the  Lawrence  come  down, 
although  1  was  perfectly  sensible  that  she  had  been  <u  tend 
ed  to  the  last,  and  that  to  have  continued   to  make  a   show 
of  resistance  would  have  been  a  wanton  sacr-tice  of  the  re 
mains  of  her  brave  crew.     But  the  enemy  was  not  able  to 
take  possession  of  her,  and  circumstances  soon  permitted 
her  flag  again  to  be  hoisted.     At  45  minutes   past  two,  the 
signal  was  made  for  *  close  action.'     The  Niagara,   being 
very  little  injured,  I  determined  to  pass  through  the  enemy's 
lines,  bore  up  and  passed  ahead  of  their  two  ships  and  a 
brig,  giving  a  raking  fire  to  them  from  the  starboard  guns, 
and  to  a  large  schooner,  and  sloop,  from  the  larboard  side, 
at  half  pistol-shot  distance.     The   smaller  vessels  at  this 
time  having  got  within  grape  and  canister  distance,  under 
the  direction  of  Capt.  Elliot,  and  keeping  up  a  well  direct 
ed  fire,  the  2  s!  ips,  a  brig,  and  a  schooner,  surrendered,  a 
schooner  and  sloop  making  a  vain  attempt  to  escape. 

Those  officers  and  men  who  were  immediately  under 
my  observation  evinced  the  greatest  gallantry,  and  1  have 
no  doul't  that  all  others  conducted  themselves  as  became 
American  officers  and  seamen.  Lieut.  Yarnall,  first  of  the 
Lawrence,  although  several  times  wounded,  refused  to  quit 
the  deck. 

I  have  the  honor  to  enclose  you  a  statement  of  the  rela 
tive  force  of  the  squadrons.  The  Capt.  and  first  Lieut,  of 
the  Q,ueen  Charlotte,  and  first  Lieut,  of  the  Detroit  were 
killed — Capt.  Barclay,  senior  officer,  and  the  commander 
of  the  Lady  Prevost,  severely  wounded.  The  comma  der 
d*  the  Hunter  and  Chippeway  slightly  wounded.  Their 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  221 

loss  iii  killed  and  wounded  I  have  not  been  able  to  ascer 
tain  ;  it  must,  however,  have  been  very  great. 
Very,  res  Dec  If  ill  Iv,  &c. 

O.  H.  PERRY. 

V.  S.  Sch.  Arid,  Pul-in-bay,  Sept.  13,  1813. 

SJR— I  have  caused  the  prisoners  taken  on  the  10th  inst. 
to  be  landed  at  Sandusky,  and  have  requested  Gen.  Harri 
son  to  have  them  marched  to  Chilicolhe,  and  there  wait  un 
til  your  pleasure  shall  be  known  respecting-  them. 

The  Lawrence  has  been  so  entirely  cut  up,  it  is  absolute 
ly  necessary  she  should  go  into  a  safe  harbor;  I  have  there 
fore  directed  Lieut.  Yarnallto  proceed  to  Erie  in  her,  with 
the  wounded  of  the  fleet,  and  dismantle  and  get  her  over 
the  bar  as  soon  as  possible. 

The  two  ships  in  a  heavy  sea  this  day  at  anchor  lost  their 
masts,  being  much  injured  in  the  action.  I  shall  haul 
them  into  the  inner  bay  at  this  place  and  moor  them  for  the 
present.  The  Detroit  is  a  remarkably  fine  ship,  sails  well, 
and  is  very  strongly  built.  The  Queen  Charlotte  is  a  much 
superior  vessel  to  what  has  been  represented.  The  Lady 
Prevostis  a  large  fine  schooner. 

Force  of  the  American  squadron. 
Lawrence  20  guns — Niagara  20 — Caledonia  3 — Ariel  4— 

Scorpion  2 — Somers  4 — Trippe  1 — Tigress  1 — Porcu 
pine  1 — total  56  guns. 

Force  of  the  British  squadron. 

Detroit  21  guns — Queen  Charlotte  18 — Lady  Prevost  14— 
Hunter  10 — Little  Belt  3 — Chippeway  3 — total  (39  guns. 

The  ex  act  number  or  the  enemy's  force  has  not  been  as 
certained,  but  I  have  good  reason  to  believe  that  it  exceed 
ed  ours  by  nearly  100  men. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c.  O.  II.  PERRY. 

AMEK1CAX  LOSS, 

Killed  27— wounded  96, 
British  loss  not  known. 

CAPTURE  0^  MALDEN. 

Gen.  Harrison  to  the  Secretary  of'  War. 

H.  Q.  Amhcrsiburg,  Sept.  23, 1813. 
SIR — I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  I  landed   the 
array  under  my  command  about  J5  miles  below  this  place  at  3 


HISTORY  OF  THE  \\Att. 

o'clock  ibis  evening1,  without  opposition,  and  took  posses 
sion  of  the  town  in  an  hour  after.  Gen.  Proctor  lias  retreat 
ed  to  Sandwich  with  his  regular  troops  and  Indians,  hav 
ing-  previously  burned  the  tort,  navy  yard,  barracks,  and 
public  store  houses  ;  the  two  latter  were  very  extensive, 
covering  several  acres  of  ground.  I  will  pursue  the  ene- 
jny  to-morrow,  although  there  is  no  probability  of  my  over 
taking  him,  as  he  has  upwards  of  one  thousand  horses, 
and  we  have  not  one  in  the  army.  I  shall  think  myself 
fortunate  to  be  able  to  collect  a  sufficiency  to  mount  the 
Gen.  officers.  It  is  supposed  here  that  Gen.  Proctor  in 
tends  to  establish  himself  upon  tl>e  river  French,  forty  miles 
from  Maiden. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

WILLIAM  H.  HARRISON. 

HARRISON'S  VICTORY 

Gen.  Harrison  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

H.  Q.  Detroit,  Oct.  9,  1813*. 

SIR — In  my  letter  from  Sandwich  of  the  23d  ultimo,  I 
did  myself  the  honor  to  inform  you,  that  I  was  preparing 
to  pursue  the  enemy  the  following  day.  From  various 
causes,  however  I  was  unable  to  put  the  troops  in  motion 
until  the  morning  of  the  2d  inst.  and  then  to  take  with  me 
only  about  one  hundred  and  forty  of  the  regular  troops, 
Johnson's  mounted  regiment,  and  such  of  Governor  Shel 
by's  volunteers  as  were  fit  for  a  rapid  march,  the  whole 
amounting  to  about  three  thousand  live  hundred  men.  To 
Gen.  M'Arthur  (with  about  700  effectives)  the  protecting 
of  this  place  and  the  sick  was  committed.  Gen.  Cass's 
brigade,  and  the  corps  of  Lieut.  Col.  Ball,  were  left  at 
Sandwich,  with  orders  to  follow  me  as  soon  as  the  men  re 
ceived  their  knapsacks  and  blankets,  which  had  been  left 
on  an  island  in  Lake  Erie. 

The  unavoidable  delay  at  Sandwich  was  attended  with 
no  disadvantage  to  us.  Gen.  Proctor  had  posted  himself 
at  Dalson's  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Thames  (or  Trench) 
fifty  six  miles  from  this  place,  where  I  was  informed  he  in 
tended  to  fortify  and  wait  to  receive  me.  He  must  have 
believed,  however,  that  1  had  no  disposition  to  follow  him,  or 
that  he  had  secured  my  continuance  here,  by  the  reports  that 
were  circulated  that  the  Indians  would  attack  and  destroy 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  223 

this  place  upon  the  advance  of  the  army  ;  as  he  neglected 
to  commence  the  break  in  gup  the  bridges  until  the  night  of 
the  2d  inst.  On  that  night  our  army  reached  the  river, 
which  is  twenty-five  miles  from  Sandwich,  and  is  one  of  4 
streams  crossing  our  route,  over  alt  of  which  are  bridges, 
and  being  deep  and  muddy,  are  unfordable  for  a  considera 
ble  distance  into  the  country — the  bridge  here  was  found 
entire,  and  in  the  morning  I  proceeded  with  Johnson's  re 
giment  to  save  if  possible  the  others.  At  the  second 
bridge  over  a  branch  of  the  river  Thames,  we  were  fortu 
nate  enough  to  capture  a  Lieut,  of  dragoons  and  eleven 
privates,  who  had  been  sent  by  Gen.  Proctor  to  destroy 
them.  From  the  prisoners  I  learned  that  the  third  bridge 
Vfas  broken  up  and  that  the  enemy  had  no  certain  informa 
tion  of  our  advance.  The  bridge  having  been  imperfect 
ly  destroyed,  was  soon  repaired  and  the  army  encamped  at 
Drake's  farm,  four  miles  below  Da  I  son's. 

The  river  Thames,  along  the  l>anks  of  which  our  route 
lay,  is  a  tine  deep  stream,  navigable  for  vessels  of  consider 
able  burden,  after  the  passage  of  the  bar  at  its-  mouth,  over 
which,  there  is  six  and  a  half  feet  water. 

The  baggage  of  the  army  was  brought  from  Detroit  in 
boats  protected  by  three  gun-boats,  which  Com.  Perry 
had  furnished  for  the  purpose,  as  well  as  to  cover  the  pas 
sage  of  the  army  over  the  Thames  itself,  or  the  mouths  of 
its  tributary  streams  ;  the  banks  being  low  and  the  country 
generally  open  (prairies^  as  high  as  Dalson's,  these  vessels 
were  well  calculated  for  that  purpose.  Above  Dalsonrs 
however,,  the  character  of  the  river  and  adjacent  country  is 
considerably  changed. — The  former,  though  still  deep,  is 
very  narrow  and  its  banks  high  and  woody.  The  Com 
modore  and  myself  therefore  agreed  upon  the  propriety 
of  leuvingthe  boats  under  a  guard  of  one  hundred  and  tif- 
ty  infantry,  and  1  determined  to  trust  to  fortune  and  the 
bravery  of  my  troops  to  effect  the  passage  of  the  river.  Be 
low  a  place  called  Chatham  and  4  miles  above  Dalson's  is 
the  third  unfordable  branch  of  the  Thames ;  the  bridge  over 
its  mouth  had  beeu  taken  up  by  the  Indians,  as  well  as  that  at 
M'Gregor's  Mills,  one  mile  above— several  hundred  of  the 
Indians  remained  to  dispute  our  passage,  and  upon  the 
arrival  of  the  advanced  guard,  commenced  a  heavy  fire 
from  the  opposite  bank  of  the  creek  as  well  as  that  of 


224  HISTORY  OF  THE  VVAK, 

river.  Believing*  that  the  whole  force  of  the  enemy  wanr 
there,  1  halted  the  army,  formed  in  order  of  battle,  and 
brought  up  our  two  six-pounders  to  cover  the  party  that 
were  ordered  to  repair  the  bridge — a  few  shot  from  those 
pieces,  soon  drove  off  the  Indians  and  enabled  us,  in  two 
hours  to  repair  the  bridge  and  cross  the  troops.  Col. 
Johnson's  mounted  regiment  being  upon  the  right  of  the 
army,  had  seized  upo^  the  remains  of  the  bridge  at  tlig 
mills  under  a  heavy  fire  from  the  Indians.  Our  loss  on  this 
occasion,  was  two  killed  and  three  or  four  wounded,  that  of 
the  enemy  was  ascertained  to  be  considerably  greater.  A 
house  near  the  bridge  containing  a  very  considerable  num 
ber  of  muskets  had  been  set  on  tire — but  st  was  extinguish 
ed  by  our  troops  and  the  arms  saved.  At  the  first  farm 
above  the  bridge,  we  found  one  of  the  enemy's  vessels  on 
fire,  loaded  with  arms  and  ordnance  stores,  and  learned 
that  they  were  a  few  miles  ahead  of  us,  still  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  river  with  the  great  body  of  the  Indians.  At 
Bowies'  farm,  four  miles  from  the  bridge  we  halted  for  the 
night,  found  two  other  vessels  and  a  large  destillery  filled 
with  ordnance  and  oth^r  valuable  stores  to  an  immense 
amount  in  flames — it  was  impossible  to  put  out  the  fire — two 
twenty-four-pounders  with  their  carriages  were  taken  and 
a  large  quantity  of  ball  and  shells  of  various  sizes.  The 
army  was  put  in  motion  early  on  the  morning  of  the  5th  ;  I 
pushed  on  in  advance  with  the  mounted  regimentand  request- 
«d  Gov.  Shelby  to  follow  as  expeditiously  as  possible  with 
the  infantry  ;  the  Governor's  zeal  and  that  of  his  men  ena* 
bled  them  to  keep  up  with  the  cavalry,  and  by  9  o'clock,  we 
were  at  Arnold's  Mills,  having  taken  in  the  course  of  the 
morning  two  gun-boats  and  several  batteaux  loaded  with 
provisions  and  ammunition. 

A  rapid  at  the  river  at  Arnold's  mills  affords  the  only 
fording  to  be  met  with  for  a  considerable  distance,  but,  up 
on  examination,  it  was  found  too  deep  for  the  i  of  an  try* 
Having,  however,  fortunately  taken  two  or  three  boats  and 
some  Indian  canoes  on  the  spot,  and  obliged  the  horsemen 
to  take  a  foot-man  behind  each,  the  whole  were  safely 
crossed  by  12  o'clock.  Eight  miles  from  the  crossing  we 
passed  a  farm,  where  a  part  of  the  British  troops  had  en- 
cauiped  the  night  before,  under  the  command  of  Col.  War* 
burton.  The  detachment  with  Gen.  Proctor  had  arrived 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  £25 

thfc  day  before  at  the  Moravian  towns,  4  miles  higher  up. 
Being  now  certainly  near  the  enemy,  I  directed  the  ad 
vance  of  Johnson's  regiment  to  accelerate  their  march  for 
tjie  purpose  of  procuring  intelligence.  The  officer  com 
manding  it,  in  a  short  time,  sent  to  inform  me,  that  his  pro 
gress  was  stopped  by  the  enemy,  who  were  formed  across 
our  line  of  march.  One  of  the  enemy's  waggoners  being 
also  taken  prisoner,  from  the  information  received  from 
him,  and  my  own  observation,  assisted  by  some  of  my  offi 
cers,  I  soon  ascertained  enough  of  their  position  and  order 
of  buttle,  to  determine  that,  which  it  was  proper  for  me  to 
adopt. 

From  the  place  where  our  army  last  halted,  to  the  Mora 
vian  ^owns  a  distance  of  about  three  and  a  half  miles,  the 
road  passes  through  a  beach  forest  without  any  clearing,  and 
for  the  lirst  two  miles  near  to  the  bank  of  the  river.  At 
from  two  to  300  yards  from  the  river,  a  swamp  extends  par 
allel  to  it,  throughout  the  whole  distance.  The  intermedi 
ate  ground  is  drv,  and  although  the  trees  are  tolerably 
thick,  it  is  in  many  places  clear  of  underbrush.  Across 
this  strip  of  land,  its  left  appayed  upon  the  river,  supported 
by  artillery  placed  in  the  wood,  their  right  in  the  swamp 
covered  by  the  whole  of  the  Indian  force,  the  British  troops 
were  drawn  up. 

The  troops  at  my  disposal  consisted  of  about  120  regulars 
of  the  27 th  regiment,  five  brigades  of  Kentucky  volunteer 
militia  infantry,  under  his  Excellency  Gov,  Shelby,  aver 
aging  less  than  five  hundred  men,  and  Col.  Johnson's  regi 
ment  of  mounted  infantry,  making  in  the  whole  an  aggre 
gate,  something  about  3000.  No  disposition  of  an  army 
opposed  to  an  Indian  force  can  be  safe  unless  it  is  secured 
on  the  Hanks  and  in  the  rear.  I  had  therefore  no  difficulty 
in  arranging  the  infantry  conformably  to  my  general  order 
oi  buttle.  Gen.  Trotter's  brigade  of  oOO  men,  formed  the 
front  line,  bis-right  upon  the  road  and  his  left  upon  the 
swamp.  Gen.  King's  brigade  as  a  secoaid  line,  150  yards 
in  the  rear  of  Trotter's,  and  Chiles'  brigade  as  a  corps  of 
reserve  in  the  rear  of  it.  These  three  brigades  formed  the 
command  of  Major-General  Henry  \  the  whole  of  Gen. 
Desha's  division,  consisting  of  two  brigades,  were  formed 
C--M  potency  upon  the  left  of  Trotter. 

29 


HISTORY  OF  THE  AYAH. 

Whilst  T  was  engaged  in  forming  the  infantry,  I  had  di 
rected  Col.  Johnson's  regiment,  which  was  still  in  front,  to 
be  formed  in  two  lines  opposite  to  the  enemy,  and  upon  the 
advance  of  the  infantry,  to  take  ground  to  the  left,  and 
forming  upon  that  flank  to  endeavor  to  turn  the  right  of  the 
Indians.  A  moment's  reflection,  however,  convinced  me 
that  from  the  thickness  of  the  woods  and  swampness  of  the 
ground,  they  would  be  unable  to  do  any  thing  on  horse 
back,  and  there  was  no  time  te>  dismount  them  and  place 
their  horses  in  security.  I  therefore  determined  to  refuse 
my  left  to  the  Indians,  and  to  break  the  British  lines  at 
once  by  a  charge  of  the  mounted  infantry ;  the  measure 
was  not  sanctioned  by  any  thing  I  had  ever  seen  or  heard 
of,  biH  1  was  fully  convinced  that  it  would  succeed.  The 
American  back  woodsmen  ride  better  in  the  woods  than 
any  other  people.  A  musket  or  rifle  is  no  impediment  to 
them,  being  accustomed  to  them  from  their  earliest  youth. 
I  was  persuaded,  too,  that  the  enemy  would  be  quite  un 
prepared  for  the  shock,  and  that  they  could  not  resist  it. 
Conformable  to  this  idea,  I  directed  the  regiment  to  be 
drawn  up  in  close  column,  with  its  right  at  the  distance  oi 
50  yards  from  the  road,  (that  it  might  be,  in  some  measure, 
protected  by  the  trees  from  the  artillery)  its  left  upon  the 
swamp,  and  to  charge  at  full  speed  as  soon  as  the  enemy  had 
delivered  their  fire.  The  few  regular  troops  of  the  27th  re 
giment,  under  Col.  Paul,  occupied  in  a  column  of  sections, 
of  four,  the  small  space  between  the  road  and  the  river,  for 
the  purpose  of  seizing  the  enemy's  artillery,  and  some  tei- 
or  twelve  friendly  Indians  to  move  under  the  bank.  The 
crotchet  formed  by  the  front  line,  and  Gen.  Desha's  divi 
sion,  was  an  important  point.  At  that  place  the  venerable:; 
Governor  of  Kentucky  was  posted,  who,  at  the  age  of  sixty  - 
six,  preserves  all  the  vigor  of  youth,  the  ardent  zeal  which 
distinguished  him  in  the  revolutionary  war,  and  the  un 
daunted  bravery  which  he  manifested  at  Kinys  mountain. 
With  my  aids-de-camp,  the  acting  assistant  Adj.  General, 
Capt,  Butler,  my  gallant  friend  Com.  Perry,  who  did  me 
the  honor  to  serve  as  my  volunteer  aid-de-camp,  and  Brig. 
Gen.  Cass,  who  having  no  command,  tendered  me  his  as 
sistance,  I  placed  myself  at  the  head  of  the  front  line  of  in 
fantry,  to  direct  the  movements  of  the  cavalry,  and  give 
them  the  necessary  support. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  227 

The  army  bad  moved  on  in  this  order  but  a  short  dis 
tance,  when  the  mounted  men  received  the  fire  of  the  Bri 
tish  line,  and  were  ordered  to  charge ;  the  horses  in  the 
front  of  the  column  recoiled  from  the  fire;  another  was 
given  by  the  enemy,  and  our  column  at  length  getting  in 
motion,  broke  through  the  enemy  with  irresistable  force. 
In  one  minute  tke  contest  in  front  was  over  ;  the  British 
officers  seeing  no  hope  of  reducing  their  disordered  ranks 
to  order,  and  our  mounted  men  wheeling  upon  them  and 
pouring  in  a  destructive  fire,  immediately  surrendered.  It 
is.  certain  that  three  only  of  our  troops 'were  wounded  in 
this  charge.  Upon  the  left,  however,  the  contest  was  more 
severe  with  the  Indians.  Col.  Johnson,  who  commanded 
on  thai  think  of  his  regiment,  received  a  most  galling  fire 
from  them,  which  was  returned  with  great  effect  The 
Indians  still  further  to  the  right  advanced  and  fell  in  with 
our  front  line  of  infantry,  near  its  junction  with  Deslia's 
cl. vision,  and  for  a  moment  made  an  impression  upon  it. 
]lis  Excellency  Gov.  Shelby,  however,  brought  up  a  regi 
ment  to  its  support,  and  the  enemy  receiving  a  severe  fire 
in  front,  a;id  a  part  of  Johnson's  regiment  having  gained 
their  rear,  retreated  with  precipitation.  Their  loss  was 
very  considerable  in  the  action,  and  many  were  killed  in 
their  retreat. 

1  can  give  no  satisfactory  information  of  the  number  of 
Indians  that  were  in  the  action,  but  they  must  have  been 
considerably  upwards  of  1000.  From  the  documents  in 
my  possession,  (Gen.  Proctor's  official  letters,  all  of  which 
were  taken)  and  from  the  information  of  respectable  inha 
bitants  of  this  Territory,  the  Indians  kept  in  pay  by  the 
British  were  much  more  numerous  than  has  been  generally 
supposed.  In  a  letter  to  Gen.  de  Rottenburgli,  ot  the  27th 
int.  Gen.  Proctor  speaks  of  having  prevailed  upon  3,*20()  of 
the  Indians  to  accompany  him.  Of  these  it  is  certain  that 
-50  or  GO  Wyandot  warriors  abandoned  him. 

The  number  of  our  troops  were  certainly  greater  thai* 
that  of  the  enemy,  but  when  it  is  recollected,  that  they  had 
taken  a  position  that  effectually  secured  their  flank,  which 
it  was  impossible  for  us  to  turn,  and  that  we  could  not  pre 
sent  to  them  aline  more  extended  than  their  own,  it  will 
not  be  considered  arrogant,  to  claim  for  my  troops,  the 
palm  of  superior  bravery. 


228  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

In  communicating  to  the  President,  through  you,  sir,  my 
opinion  of  the  conduct  of  the  officers  who  served  under  me, 
I  am  at  a  loss  how  to  mention  that  of  Gov.  Shelby,  being 
convinced  that  no  eulogium  of  mine  can  reach  his  merits. 
The  Governor  of  an  independent  state,  greatly  my  superior 
in  years,  experience,  and  in  military  character,  he  placed 
himself  under  my  command,  and  was  not  more  remarkable 
for  his  zeal  and  activity,  than  for  the  promptitude  and  cheer 
fulness  with  which  he  obeyed  my  orders. 

On  the  day  of  action,  6  pieces  of  brass  artillery  were  tak 
en,  and  two  iron  24  pounders  the  day  before.  Several 
others  were  discovered  in  the  river  and  can  be  easily  procur 
ed.  Of  the  brass  pieces,  three  are  the  trophies  of  our  revo 
lutionary  war,  that  were  taken  at  Saratoga  and  York,  and 
surrendered  by  Gen.  Hull. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

WILLIAM  H.  HARRISON, 

AMERICAN   LOSS. 

Killed  7 — wounded  22. 

BRITISH   LOSS. 

Killed  112—  wounded,  not  known — prisoners  G34. 

The  fruits  of  Gen.  Harrison's  victory  independent  of  the 
great  advantages  obtained,  are  of  the  British  regular  army, 
609  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates,  2  Cols.  4 
Majors,  and  i9  officers  of  the  line,  prisoners  :  and  12 
pieces  of  cannon,  6000  stands  of  arms,  5  gun-boats,  and 
ammunition  and  stores  to  the  amount  of  J  ,000,000  of 
Dollars  ! ! 

SPEECH  OF  TECUMSEH.* 

In  the  name  of  the  Indian   chiefs  and  warriors,  to    Waj, 

Gen.  Proctor,  as  the  representatives  of  their  great  father 

the  king. 

Father,  listen  to  your  children  !  You  have  them  now  all 
before  you. 

The  war  before  this,f  our  British  father  gave  the  hatchet 
to  his  red  children,  when  our  chiefs  were  alive. 

They  are  now  dead.  In  that  war,  our  father  was  thrown 
on  his  back  by  the  Americans,  arid  our  father  took  them  by 

*  Tecumsch  mas  killed  at  the  battle  of  the  Moravian  tonmi. 
f  The  Revolutionary  nar. 


ftlSTORY  OP  THE  WAR.  229 

the  hand  without  our  knowledge  ;*  and  \venre  afraid  that 
our  father  will  do  so  again,  at  this  lime. 

Summer  before  last,  when  I  came  forward  with  my  red 
brethren,  and  was  ready  to  take  up  the  hatchet  in  favor  of 
our  British  father,  we  were  told  not  to  be  in  a  hurry,  that  he 
had  not  yet  determined  to  tight  the  Americans. 

Listen  ! — When  war  was  declared,  our  father  stood  up 
and  gave  us  the  tomahawk,  and  told  us  that  he  was  men 
ready  to  strike  the  Americans  ;  that  he  wanted  our  assist 
ance  ;  and  that  he  would  certainly  get  us  our  lands  back, 
which  the  Americans  had  taken  from  us. 

Listen  ! — Yon  told  us,  at  that  time,  to  bring  forward 
onr  families  to  this  place  ;  and  we  did  so;  and  you  pro 
mised  to  take  care  of  them,  and  that  they  should  want  for 
nothing,  while  the  men  would  go  and  tight  the  enemy. 
That  we  need  not  trouble  ourselves  about  the  enemy's  gar 
rison  ;  that  we  knew  nothing  about  them,  and  that  our  fa 
ther  would  attend  to  that  part  of  the  business.  You  also 
told  your  red  children,  that  you  would  take  good  care  of 
your  garrison  here,  which  made  our  hearts  glad. 

Listen  ! — When  we  were  last  at  the  Rapids,  it  is  true 
we  gave  you  little  assistance.  It  is  hard  to  fight  people, 
who  live  like  ground  hogs.f 

Father,  listen  !  Our  fleet  has  gone  out;  we  know  the}7' 
have  fought  :  we  have  heard  the  great  guns  :  but  know 

O  '  O  O 

nothing  of  what  has  happened  to  our  father,  with  one  arm, 
Our  ships  have  gone  one  way,  and  we  are  much  astonished 
to  see  our  father  tying  up  every  thing  and  preparing  to 
run  away  the  other,  without  letting  his  red  children  know 
what  his  intentions  are.  YOU  always  told  us  to  remain 
here,  and  take  care  of  our  lands  ;  it  made  our  hearts  glad 
to  hear  that  was  your  wish.  Our  great  father,  the  king,  is 
our  head,  and  you  represent  him.  You  always  told  us, 
that  you  would  never  draw  your  foot  off  British  ground  : 
but'now,  father,  we  see  you  are  drawing  back,  and  we. 
are  sorry  to  see  our  lather  doing  so  without  seeing  the  cue- 
my.  We  must  compare  our  father's  conduct  to  a  fat  ani 
mal,  that  carries  its  tail  upon  its  back,  but  when  a 
he  drops  it  between  his  legs  and  runs  off. 

#  Tlie  Indians  were  not  included  iu  Hie  treaty  ofppacc  in  \  783 
|  Thf  Americans  had  fortified  themselves  at  the  Rapids. 


230  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

Listen,  Father  f  The  Americans  have  not  yet  defeated 
Us  by  land  ;  neither  are  we  sure  thatlhey  have  done  so  by 
water  ;  we  therefore,  wish  to  remain  here,  and  fight  our 
enemy,  if  they  should  make  their  appearance,  If  they  de 
feat  us,  we  will  then  retreat  with  our  father. 

At  the  battle  of  the  Rapids  last  war,  the  Americans  cer 
tainly  defeated  us  ;  and  when  we  retreated  to  our  lather's 
fort  at  that  place  the  gates  were  shut  against  us.  We  were 
afraid  that  it  would  now  be  the  case  ;  but  instead  of  that 
we  now  see  our  British  father  preparing  to  march  out  of 
his  garrison. 

Father  /  You  have  got  the  arms  and  ammunition 
which  our  great  father  sent  for  his  red  children.  If  you 
have  an  idea  of  going  away,  give  them  to  us,  and  you  may 
go  and  welcome,  foi  us.  Our  lives  are  in  the  hands  of  the 
Great  Spirit.  We  are  determined  to  defend  our  lands, 
and  if  it  be  his  will,  we  wish  to  leave  our  bones  upon  them. 

Amherstbnrg,  Sept.  18,  1813. 

JBy  William  Henry  Harrison,   Mctj.  Gen.   in  the  service  of 
the  U.  S.  commander  in  chief  of  the  northwestern   army, 
and  Oliver  Hazard  Perry,  Ca.pt.  in  the  Navy,  and  com 
manding  the  U.  S.  vessels  on  Lake  Erie, 
A  PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas,  by  the  combined  operations  of  the  land  and 
naval  forces  under  our  command,  those  of  the  enemy  with 
in  the  upper  district  of  Upper  Canada  have  been  captured 
or  destroyed  and  the  said  district  is  now  in  the  quiet  posses 
sion  of  our  troops  :  it  becomes  necessary  to  provide  for  its 
g-oveimment : — Therefore,  we  do  hereby  proclaim  and 
make  known,  that  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  inhabi 
tants,  and  the  laws  and  customs  of  the  country,  as  they  exist 
ed  or  were  in  force  at  the  period  of  our  arrival,  shall  con 
tinue  to  prevail.  All  magistrates  and  other  civil  officers 
are  to  resume  the  exercise  of  their  functions  ;  previously 
taking  an  oath  to  be  faithful  to  the  government  of  the  U. 
States,  as  long  as  they  shall  be  in  possession  of  the  country. 
The  authority  of  all  militia  commissions  is  suspended  in 
said  district,  and  the  officers  required  to  give  their  parole, 
in  such  way  as  the  officer,  who  may  be  appointed  by  the 
commanding  Gen.  to  administer  Ihe  government,  shall  di 
rect. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

'file  inhabitants  of  said  district  are  promised  protection 
to  their  persons  and  property,  with  the  exception  of  those 
cases, embraced  by  the  proclamation  of  Gen.  Proctor,  of 
the — ult.  which  is  declared  to  be  in  force,  and  the  powers 
therein  assumed  transferred  to  the  officer  appointed  to  ad 
minister  the  government. 

Given  under  our  hands  and  seals,  at  Sandwich,  this  17th 
Oct.  1813. 

(Signed)  WM.  H  HARRISON. 

OLIVER  H*  PERRY 

CHAUNCEY  S  VICTORY, 

Com.  Chauncey  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

U.  S.  S.  Gen.  Pike,  Sackett's  Harbor,  Oct.  6,  1813. 

SIR — I  have  ihe  pleasure  to  inform  you,  that  I  arrived 
here  this  morning,  with  five  of  the  enemy's  vessels,  which 
I  tell  in  with  and  captured  last  eveing  off  the  Ducks. 
They  were  part  of  a  fleet  of  seven  sail  which  left  York  on 
Sunday  with  234  troops  on  board,  bound  to  Kingston.  Of 
this  fleet  five  were  captured,  one  burnt,  and  one  escaped; 
the  prisoners,  amounting  to  nearly  300,  besides  having  up 
wards  of  300  of  our  troops  on  board  from  Niagara,  induc 
ed  me  to  run  into  port  for  the  purpose  of  landing  both. 

I  have  an  additional  pleasure  in  informing  you,  that 
amongst  the  captured  vessels  are  the  late  U.  S.  schs.  Julia 
and  Growler,  the  others  are  gun  vessels. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  ^G. 

ISAAC  CHAUNCEY, 

.Return  of  the  troops  of  H.  B.  Ms.  DC   Watteville  regi 
ment,  captured  in  the  above  vessels. 

1  Major,  1  Capt.  3  subalterns,  1  surgeon,  10  sergeants,  4 
drummers  and  buglers,  202  rank  and  tile. 

Officers  and  marines. — 1  Lieut.  2  master's  mates,  35 
seamen  and  marines  of  the  royal  navy,  and  4  sailing  mas 
ters  of  the  provincial  navy. 

.1.  GIBSON,  Inspector  Gen. 

Something  Singular. — About  th,e  1st  of  Oct.  1813.  Capt. 
Morgan,  of  the  rifle  corps  was  sent  from  Sackett's  Harbor, 
to  Gravelly  Point,  near  Kingston,  for  the  purpose  of  tak 
ing  possession  of  the  Point.  Seeing  an  English  schr.  guu 
boat,  he  concealed  his  men,  about  60,  and  sent  a  suiall 


lilSTOKY  OF  THE  WAit, 

boat  along'  the  the  shore,  which  they  espied,  and  gavfc 
chase  to  ;  our  men  landed,  and  took  to  the  woods  ;  the  ene 
my  came  near  shore,  and  sent  a  party  after  the  fugitives, 
"when  Morgan's  company  rushed  from  their  hiding-  place, 
and  gave  them  such  a  reception,  as  either  to  kdl  or  wound 
every  one,  as  they  appeared  on  deck  ;  a  few  of  our  men 
waded  out  and  took  possession  of  the  gun  boat,  while  those 
on  shore  stood  ready  to  fire  at  the  first  man  who  made  his 
appearance.  We  did  not  lose  a  man  in  this  gallant  little 
exploit;  the  (jiicmy  lost  3  killed  —  7  wounded  and  50  pii- 


Com.  -Roilyem,  Sailed  from  Boston  the  23d  of  April,  1813, 
and  returned  to  Newport,  Sept.  20.  —  After  crossing  the 
seas  in  almost  every  direction,  cruising  for  some  time  in  the 
British  channel,  and  on  the  coast  of  IN  or  way,  without  see 
ing  a  public  vessel,  of  the  enemy's  excepting  a  74,  and 
frigate  in  company,  which  chased  him  three  days,  often  so 
near  as  to  give,  aad  receive  a  shot,  the  Com.  returned  to 
pert,  to  recruit  his  stores. 

The  President   captured  ths  following  vessels  on  her 
cruise.  —  Brig  Kitty,  of  2  <juns  and  12  men,  cargo  of  cod 
fish  ;  sent  into   France.     Packet  brig  Duke  ot   Montrose, 
*f  12  g'lins,  and  34  men  ;  sent  to  Kngland  as  a  cartel,  with 
!^o     M'isonM's.     Letter  of  marque  brig  Maria,  of  14  guns, 
i  o,/  men;  cargo  of  codfish,  sent    into  France.     Schr. 
i^1  ,  f  2  guns,  and  1  1  men,  cargo  of  codfish,  sent  into 

1'          U  »  oimit-     ^ng  Daphne,  of  2  guns  and 


- 

ia  Ship  Eliza  Swan,  of  8  guns,  and  49  men  ; 


3U,  |-a,,souied   for  6000  pounds   sterling 

carffo  of  hlubbfc.  ,  .  ,>  ,  • 

AU  o  of  pitch  and  tar,  burnt.     ISaique  Lion, 

'  STfe    men  ;  cargo   of  blubber  oil,  ransomed 
ol  8  guns,    and  a3  .  i»  •     CM  e 

..      Ofw  v   m£.     Ln^1  Shannon,    cargo  ot    rum, 

lor  oOOO  IMJUIIUS  bien.     &    .  .   .  &,,      ,  »         ,    c.  1? 

,  sent  into  the   I'nittd    States.     Bn«jf 

stiijar,  and   molasses,    >  c      a*  •   i    n 

T  k     '.  ,  -n  ;  carp  o  of  conee,  sent  into  the 

,lv   o(,  guns,  and  10   B.      .'       ,8  y     ^  F,  ,.  & 

Un.ted  btaie.s.       Ills  B.  <A  .      |)ro      hl   iuttf  NevvJ'or;  .  tllt; 

«"'7  ^  ;.oftcm'  ail.a.  °4  •»«>  *      t.  ^evcu  llwusaild 
High  J^  Iyer  was  bold  at  auction  JO. 

Col  Clarke  ^      a' 


It  ,s  w  iih  great  ^lcasu.7  J  ^,"  Il>1  Onu.  >'oa  *      ,    e  mora- 
l  attack  upw  tLc  eneuiv  ut  iU^^^l"01  ba-v>  yn  - 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

nig  of  the  12th  inst.  At  this  time  I  had  only  the  riflemen 
with  me,  the  artillery  moving' slow  and  the  militia  protect 
ing"  their  rear.  We  proceeded  to  the  village  (Masses- 
quoi)  and  arrived  within  15  rods  of  the  enemy  before  we 
were  discovered*  We  found  them  drawn  up  under  Major 
Powell  in  a  manner  that  would  have  annoyed  us  much,  had 
we  attacked  them  by  water,  but  wholly  unprepared  to  de 
fend  themselves  on  the  land  side — they  commenced  a  fire 
on  the  left  flank,  but  in  ten  minutes  after  the  first  attack 
they  laid  down  their  arms  and  surrendered  themselves  pris 
oners  of  war. 

Understanding  that  a  force  of  200  men  under  Col,  Lock 
was  marching  to  attack  us,  I  despatched  Capt.  Finch  with 
his  company  to  reconnoitre  them  and  ascertain  their  course. 
He  proceeded  with  such  promptness  and  ability  as  to  sur 
prise  arid  capture  the  advanced  guard,  consisting  of  cav 
alry,  excepting  one  man  who  escaped,  and  giving  the  in 
formation,  the  enemy  retreated. 

The  prisoners  were  then  put  on  board  our  boats  and  sent 
to  Burlington.  Our  whole  force  en^a«ed  was  102 — the 

^  O      ?5 

number   of  prisoners  taken   is    101  ;  their  killed  9,  and 
wounded  14. 

I  am,  sir,  with  respect,  &c. 

ISAAC  CLARKE. 

Massacre  at  fort  Tensaw. — The  following  particular/* 
of  the  massacre  at  fort  Tensaw,  is  received  from  Judge 
Toulmin,  of  Mobile. 

*  The  dreadful  catastrophe  which  we  have  been  some 
time  expecting,  has  at  length  taken  place;  the  Indians 
have  broken  in  upon  us  in  numbers  and  fury  unexampled. 
A  few  days  before  the  attack,  (Sept.  1)  some  negroes  of 
Mr.  Girt's  who  lived  in  that  part  of  the  Creek  territory 
which  is  inhabited  by  half  breeds,  had  been  sent  up  the 
Alabama  to  his  plantation  for  corn  ;  three  of  them  were 
taken  by  a  party  of  Indians.  One  escaped  and  brought 
down  news  of  the  approach  of  the  Indians.  The  officer 
gave  but  little  credit  to  him,  but  they  made  some  further 
preparation  to  receive  the  enemy,  and  on  Saturday  and, 
Sunday  considerable  work  was  done  to  put  the  fort  in  a, 
state  of  defence.  Sunday  morning  three  negroes  were 
sent  ont  to  attend  the  cattle,  who  soon  returned  with 

30 


'234  HISTORY  OF  THE  AVAR 

count  that  they  had  seen  20  Indians.— Scouts  were  sent 
out  to  ascertain  the  truth  of  the  report :  they  returned  and 
declared  they  could  see  no  si^ns  of  Indians.  One  of  the 
'negroes  belonging  to  Mr.  Randon  was  whipped  for  bring 
ing,  \Uiat  they  deemed,  a  false  report.*-- tie  was  sent  out 
again  on  Monday,  and  saw  a  body  of  Indians  approach 
ing;  but  aii-aid  of  being  whipped,  he  did  not  return  to 
Mim's,  but  to  Pierce's  fort ;  but  before  his  story  could  be 
communicated,  the  attack  was  made.  The  commanding 
officer  called  upon  Mr.  Fletcher,  who  owned  another  of 
the  ntgroes,  to  whip  him  also. — He  believed  the  boy,  and 
resisted  two  or  three  applications  ;  but  at-  length  they  had 
him  actually  brought  out  for  the  purpose,  when  the  Indians 
appeared  in  view  of  the  fort.  The  gate  was  open.  The 
Indians  had  to  come  through  an  open  Held  L50  yards 
wide,  before  they  could  reach  the  fort,  and  yet  they  were 
within  oO  steps  of  the  fort  at  11  in  the  morning,  before  they 
were  noticed.  The  sentry  then  gave  the  cry  of  *  Indians!' 
when  they  immediately  setup  a  most  terrible  war-hoop 
and  rushed  into  the  gate  with  inconceivable  rapidity,  and 
got  within,  it  before  the  people  of  the  fort  had  an  opportu 
nity  of  ?  hutting  it.  This  decided  their  fate.  Major  Bease- 
ly  was  shot  through  the  belly  near  the  gate. 

There  was  a  lar^v  body  oi  Indians,  though  they  proba 
bly  did  not  exceed  4(H).  Our  people  seemed  to  sustain  the 
aUai'k  with  undaunted  spirit.  They  took  possession  of 
he  jiorfc  holes  m  the  outer  lines  of  the  fort  and  fired  on  the 
Indians  who  remained  in  the  tic-id.  Some  of  the  Indians 
got  upon  the  block  house  at  one  of  the  corners;  but  alter 
firing  a  good  deal  down  upon  the  people  they  were  dislodg 
ed.  They  succeeded  however  in  setting  fire  to  a  house 
near  the  pickets,  from  which  it  was  communicated  to  the 
kitchen  and  from  thence  to  the  main  dwelling  house 
They  attempted  to  do  it  by  burning  arrows,  but  failed, 
'When  the  people  in  the  fort  saw  the  Indians  retained  full 
possession  of  the  outer  court,  that  the  gate  continued  open,, 
that  their  men  fell  very  fast,  and  that  their  houses  were  in 
flames,  they  began  to  despond.  Some  determined  to  cut 
their  way  through  the  pickets  and  escape.  Of  the  whole 
number  of  white  men  and  half-breeds  in  the  fort,  it  is  sup 
posed  that  not  more  than  25  or  80  escaped,  and  of  these 
many  were  wounded.  The  rest,  and  almost  all  the  wo- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAK.  235 

men  -and  children  fell  a  sacrifice  either  to  the  arms  o  ;  e 
Indians  or  to  the  flames.  Tiie  battle  lasied  about  tir.e 
hours  and  a  half. 

When  the  building's  were  burning  and  the  few  who  re-» 
inained  were  exposed  to  the  heavy  fire  of  ihe  enemy,  they 
collected  as  many  as  they  could  of  the  guns  of  tiie  deceas 
ed,  and  threw  both  them  and  the  remaining  stock  of  am 
munition  into  the  flames,  to  prevent  their  becoming  subser 
vient  in  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  to  the  destruction  of  their 
fellow  citizens.  Surely  this  was  an  instance  of  determined 
resolution  and  benevolent  foresight  of  winch  there  are  not 
many  examples. 

Notwithstanding  the  bravery  of  our  fellow  citizens,  the 
Indians  carried  all  before  them,  and  murdered  the  armed 
and  the  helpless  without  discrimination.  Our  loss  is  7 
commissioned  officers,  ami  about  100  non-commissioned 
officers  ond  privates,  of  the  first  regiment  of  Mississippi 
Territory  volunteers.  There  were  about  24  families  of 
men,  women,  and  children  in  the  fort,  of  whom  almost  all 
have  perished,  amounting  to  about  1(30  souls.  I  reckon, 
however,  among  them  about  six  families  of  half-breeds, 
and  7  Indians.  Tnere  were  also  about  100  negroes,  of 
whom  a  large  proportion  were  killed. 

Gens.  Wilkinson  and  Hampton. — These  two  Generals 
made  an  attempt  to  take  Montreal  about  the  1st  of  Nov. 
1813.  Gen.  Hampton  was  stationed  at  P.aitsburgh,  and 
was  to  meet  Gen.  Wilkinson  at  French  Mills;  having- 
succeeded  in  marching  through  the  forest  24  miles  in  one 
day,  by  way  oi  Chatauguay,  and  entering'  upon  the  second 
large  forest,  his  guides  left  him,  which  occasioned  the  army 
to  halt  for  three  or  four  days;  in  the  mean  time  our  troops 
attempted  the  enemy's  breast- work,  thrown  up  in  the  woods 
by  falling  trees,  digging  ditches,  &c.  and  succeeded  in 
completely  driving  him  from  his  position  ; — a  parly  sent 
round  to  intercept  their  retreat  was  met  by  one  of  consid 
erable  force  and  obliged  to  retire. — Here  some  misunder 
standing  took  place  between  the  two  Generals  on  account 
of  the  place  of  meeting;  which,  finally  contributed  largely 
to  overthrow  the  expedition.  Hampton  immediately  or 
dered  ins  men  back  to  winter  quarters.  In  this  farce 
we  lost  tVi  men  killed  and  missing, — Geu  Wilkinson 


HISTORY  OJF  THE  WAR. 

stationed  at  Sackett's  Harbor,  and  conveyed  his  army 
flown  the  St.  Lawrence  in  boats.  The  enemy  about  2000, 
from  Prescott,  Kingston,  &c.  hung  on  his  rear,  and  har- 
rassed  him  continually.  Our  army  arrived  at  Williams- 
burg,  the  llth  of  Nov.  and  was  obliged  to  face  about  and 
attack  the  enemy  to  save  their  baggage.  The  forces  were 
about  equally  strong,  having  from  1,2  to  1500  men  engaged  ; 
each  ga\e  way  by  turns — our  men  getting  out  of  ammu 
nition,  left  the  field  of  action  unmolested,  and  passed  down 
the  siraits,  without  seeing  the  enemy  again.  We  lost 
in  this  battle  102  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates 
killed,  237  officers  and  privates  wounded,  with  one  field 
piece  and  several  stand  of  arms  :  3  officers  and  28  privates 
of  the  wounded  were  take!*  prisoners.  At  Cornwall  Gen. 
Wilkmso^  first  received  intelligence  of  the  different  route 
Gen.  Hampton  had  taken  ;  a  council  of  Genera!  officers 
was  held,  and  it  was  agreed  best  to  abandon  the  expedition, 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 

Killed  122 — wounded  251 — missing  31. 
BRITISH  LOSS. 

Killed  210 — wounded  248 — prisoners  17. 


CHAPTER  X. 

CREEK  WAR. 

Gen.  Jackson  to  Gov.  Blount. 

Camp  at  Ten  Islands,  Nov.  4, 1813. 
SIR — We  have  retaliated  for  the  destruction  of  fort 
Mims.  Oa  the  2d  inst.  I  detached  Gen.  Coffee  with  a 
part  of  his  brigade  of  cavalry  and  mounted  riflemen,  to  de 
stroy  Taliushatches,  where  a  considerable  force  of  the  hos 
tile  Creeks  were  concentrated.  The  General  executed 
this  in  stile.  A  hundred  and  eighty-six  of  the  enemy  were 
found  dead  on  the  field,  and  about  eighty  taken  prisoners  ; 
forty  of  whom  have  been  brought  here.  In  the  number 
left,  there  is  a  sufficiency  bat  slightly  wounded  to  take  care 
of  those  who  are  badly. 

I  herein  enclose  Gen.  Coffee's  official  report  of  the  action. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

ANDREW  JACKSON. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  237 

Gen.  Coffee  to  Gen.  Jackson. 

Camp  at  Ten  Islands,  Nov.  4,  1813. 
— I  had  the  honor  yesterday,  of  transmitting- you  a 
short  account  of  an  engagement  that  took  place  between  a 
detachment  of  about  nine  hundred  men  from  my  brigade, 
with  the  enemy  at  Tallushatches  towns ;  the  particulars 
whereof  1  beg  leave  herein  to  recite  to  you.  Pursuant  to 
your  order  of  the  2d,  I  detailed  from  my  brigade  or  cav 
alry  and  mounted  riflemen,  nine  hundred  men  and  officers, 
and  proceeded  directly  to  the  Tallushatches  towns,  cros 
sing  Goosey  river  at  the  Fish  Dam  ford,  3  or  4  miles  above 
this  place.  I  arrived  within  one  and  a  half  miles  of  the 
town  (distant  from  this  place  south-east  eight  milesj  on  the 
morning  of  the  3d,  at  which  place  I  divided  my  detach 
ment  into  two  columns,  the  right  composed  of  the  cavalry 
commanded  by  Col.  Allcorn,  to  cross  over  a  largp  creek 
that  lay  between  us  and  the  towns  ;  the  left  column  was  of 
the  mounted  riflemen  under  the  command  of  Col.  Cannon, 
with  whom  I  marched  myself.  Col.  Allcorn  was  ordered  to 
march  up  on  the  right  and  encircle  one  half  of  the  town,  nnd 
at  the  same  time  the  left  would  form  a  half  circle  on  the  left,and 
unite  the  head  of  the  columns  in  front  of  the  town  ;  all  of 
which  was  performed  as  I  could  wish.  When  I  arrived  in 
half  a  mile  of  the  towns,  the  drums  of  the  enemy  began  to 
beat,  mingled  with  their  savage  yells,  preparing  for  action. 
ft  was  after  sun-rise  an  hour,  wheia  the  action  was  brought 
on  by  Capt.  Hammond  and  Lieut.  Patterson's  companies, 
who  had  gone  on  within  the  circle  of  alignment  for  the 
purpose  of  drawing  out  the  enemy  from  their  buildings, 
which  had  the  most  happy  effects.  As  soon  as  Capt.  Ham 
mond  exhibited  his  front  in  view  of  the  town,  ( which  stood 
in  open  woodland)  and  gave  a  few  scattering  shot,  the  en 
emy  formed  and  made  a  violent  charge  on  him  ;  he  gave 
way  as  they  advanced,  until  they  met  our  right  column  ; 
which  gave  them  a  general  fire  and  then  charged  \  this 
changed  the  direction  of  charge  completely ;  the  enemy 
retreated,  tiring,  until  they  got  around  and  in  their  build 
ings,  where  they  made  all  the  resistance  that  an  overpow 
ered  soldier  could  do  ;  they  fought  as  long  as  one  existed, 
but  their  destruction  was  very  soon  completed  ;  our  men 
rushed  up  to  the  doors  of  the  houses,  and  in  a  few  minutes 
killed  the  last  warrior  of  them  ;  the  enemy  fought  with  sav- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

age  fury,  and  met  death  with  ail  its  horrors,  without  shrink 
ing  or  complaining ;  not  one  asked  to  be  spared,  but  fought 
so  long  as  they  could  stand  or  sit.  Li  consequence  oi  their 
flying  to  their  houses  and  mixing  with  the  families,  our. 
men  in  killing  the  males,  without  intention,  kiiLJ.  and 
ivounded  a  few  squaws  and  children,  which  was  regicUed 
by  every  officer  and  soldier  of  the  detachment,  but  which 
could  not  be  avoided.  Not  one  of  the  warriors  escaped  to 
carry  the  news,  a  circumstance  unknown  herei.of.  »v. 

JNO.  COFFEE. 

AMERICAN   LOSS. 
Killed  3 — Wounded  41. 

BRITISH   L.OSS. 

Killed  186— Prisoners  84. 

Gen.  Jackson  tu  Gov.  Blount. 

Camp  Ten  Islands,  Nov.  11,1813. 

[IJatfraci.]  SIR — 1  am  just  returned  from  an  excursion 
which  I  took  a  few  days  ago,  and  hasten  to  acquaint  you 
with  the  result. 

Late  on  the  evening  of  the  7th  inst.  a  runner  arrived 
from  the  friendly  party  in  Lashiey's  fort,  (Taledega)  dis 
tant  about  30  miles  below  us,  with  the  information 
that  the  hostile  Creeks,  in  great  force  had  encamped  near 
the  place,  and  were  preparing  to  destroy  it  ;  and  earnestly 
entreated  that  I  would  lose  no  time  in  afford,  ng  relief. 
Urged  by  their  situation  as  well  as  by  a  wish  to  meet  the 
enemy  so  soon  as  an  opportunity  would  offer,  I  determin 
ed  upon  commencing  my  march  thither  with  all  my  dispo 
sable  force  ;  we  encamped  that  night  within  six  miles  of 
the  fort  I  had  set  out  to  relieve.  At  sun  rise  we  came 
within  half  a  mile  of  them,  and  having  formed  my  men,  I 
moved  on  in  battle  order.  The  infantry  were  in  three 
lines — the  militia  on  the  left  and  the  volunteers  on  the 
right.  The  cavalry  formed  the  extreme  wings  :  and  were 
ordered  to  advance  in  acwrre,  keeping  their  rear  connect 
ed  with  the  advance  of  their  infantry  lines,  and  to  enclose 
the  enemy  in  a  circle.  The  advanced  guard  whom  I  sent 
forward  to  bring  on  the  engagement,  met  the  attack  of  the 
enemy  with  great  intrepidity  ;  and  having  poured  upon 
them  four  or  live  very  gallant  rounds,  fell  back  as  they 
had  been  previously  ordered,  to  the  main  army-  The  ene 
my  pursued,  and  the  front  Hue  was  now  ordered  to  advance 


HISTORY  OF    THE    WAR.  239 

and  meet  him  ;  the  fire  became  general  along  the  iirst  line, 
and  on  that  part  of  the  wings  which  were  contiguous. 
The  enemy,  unable  to  stand  it,  began  to  retreat ;  but  were 
met  at  every  turn,  and  pursued  in  every  direction.  The 
right  wing  chased  them  with  a  most  destructive  fire  to  the 
mountains,  a  distance  of  about  3  miles;  the  victory  how 
ever  was  very  decisive. — Wherever  they  ran  they  left 
traces  nf  blood  ;  and  it  is  believed  that  very  few  will  re 
turn  to  their  villages  in  as  sound  a  condition  as  they  left 
them.  1  was  compelled  to  return  to  this  place  to  protect 
the  sick  and  wounded,  and  get  my  baggage. 
In  haste,  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sec. 

ANDREW  JACKSON. 

.AMERICAN  LOSS. 

Killed  lo — wounded  lo. 

BRITISH    LOSS. 

Killed  290 — wounded  not  known. 

Gen.   White  to  Gen.  Cockc. 

Fort-Armstrong,  Nov.  24, 1813. 

[Extract.]  SIR— In  mine  of  the  19th  inst.  by  Major 
Outlaw,  I  promised  you  a  detailed  report,  respecting,  the 
detachment  ordered  by  you  to  the  Hillibee  towns,  in  the 
Creek  nation.  In  compliance  with  that  promise,  I  have 
now  the  honor  to  state — that  under  your  order  of  the  llth 
inst.  I  immediately  marched  with  the  mounted  infantry,  un 
der  the  immediate  command  of  Col.  Bnrch.  The  cavalry 
under  the  command  of  Maj.  Porter,  and  a  lew  of  the  Che 
rokee  Indians  under  the  command  of  Col.  Morgan,  with 
very  short  rations  for  four  days  only.  After  destroying  two 
villages  containing  12?>  houses,  we  marched  to  the  Hillibee 
town,  consisting  of  about  '20  houses,  adjoining  which  was 
Grayson's  farm. — Previous  to  our  arrival  at  that  place,  I 
was  advised  that  a  part  of  the  hostile  Creeks  were  assem 
bled  there.  Having  marohed  within  six  or  seven  miles  of 
it  on  the  17th,  I  dismounted  a  part  of  the  force  under  my 
command,  and  sent  them  under  the  command  of  Col. 
Burch,  with  the  Cherokees  under  the  command  of  Col. 
Morgan,  in  advance,  to  surround  the  town  in  the  night, 
and  made  the  attack  at  day  light  on  the  18th.  Owing  to 
the  darkness  of  the  night,  the  town  was  not  reached  until 
after  day  lig-ht-— hut  so  complete  WHS  the  surprise,  that  we 


240  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

succeeded  in  surrounding  the  town,  and  killing  and  captur 
ing  almost  (if  not  entirely  j  the  whole  oi  the  hostile  Creeks 
assembled  there,  consisting  of  about  316,  of  which  number 
about  00  warriors  were  killed  on  the  spot,  and  the  re 
mainder  made  prisoners.  We  lost  not  one  drop  of  blood 
in  accomplishing  this  enterprise.  We  destroyed  this  vil 
lage;  and,  in  obedience  to  your  orders,  commenced  out 
march  for  this  post,  which  we  were  unable  to  reach  until 
yesterday. 

I  haye  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

JAMES  WHITE, 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 

None. 

BRITISH  LOSS. 

Kilted  60— Prisoners  256. 

Gen.  Floyd  to  Gen.  Pinkney. 

Catahouche,  Dec.  4,     1813. 

[Extract.]  SIR — I  have  the  honor  to  communicate  to 
you  an  account  of  the  action  fought  on  the  29th  ult.  be 
tween  part  of  the  force  under  my  command,  and  a  large 
body  ofthe  Creek  Indians.  Having  received  information  that 
the  hostile  Indians  were  assembled  at  Autossee,  1  proceed-^ 
ed  thither  with  the  force  under  my  command,  accompanied 
by  about  300  friendly  Indians.  We  encamped  the  28th, 
at  night,  within  ten  miles  of  our  place  of  destination,  and 
the  next  morning  by  half  past  6,  were  formed  for  action  in 
front  of  the  town. 

It  was  my  intention  to  have  completely  surrounded  the 
enemy,  by  appayiny  the  right  of  my  force  on  Canlehee 
creek,  at  the  mouth  of  which,  I  was  informed,  the  town 
stood ;  and  resting  the  left  on  the  river  below  the  town  ;— 
but  to  our  surprise,  as  day  dawned,  we  perceived  a  second 
town  500  yards  beiow  Autossee.  The  plan  of  at 
tack  was  immediately  changed ;  five  companies  immedi 
ately  surrounded  the  lower  town,  and  the  remainder  attack 
ed  the  upper.  The  battle  now  became  general.  The  In 
dians  presented  themselves  at  every  point,  and  fought  with 
the  desperate  bravery  of  real  fanatics;  but  the  well  direct 
ed  fire  of  the  artillery,  with  the  charged  bayonet,  soon  forced 
them  to  take  shelter  in  their  houses,  and  many,  it  is  believ 
ed,  secured  themselves  in  caves  previously  prepared  in  ths 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  241 

high  bank  of  the  river.  The  friendly  Indians  were  to  cross 
the  river  above  the  town,  for  the  purpose  of  taking"  such  as 
might  attempt  to  eseape  ;  but  owing  to  the  coldness  of  the 
water,  they  declined,  after  making  the  attempt :  they  cross 
ed  the  creek,  thronged  to  our  flanks,  and  fought  with  an  in 
trepidity  worthy  of  any  troops.  At  9  o'clock,  the  enemy 
was  completely  driven  from  the  plain,  and  the  houses  of 
both  towns  wrapped  in  flames,  to  the  number  of  about  400. 
It  is  difficult  to  determine  the  strength  of  the  enemy,  but 
the  chiefs  say  there  were  assembled  the  warriors  of  eight 
towns,  for  the  defence  of  Autossee,  it  being  their  beloved 
ground,  on  which,  they  proclaimed,  no  while  man  could 
approach  without  inevitable  destruction. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  8cc. 

JOHN  FLOYD. 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 
Killed  11— wounded  54. 

BRITISH    LOSS. 

Killed  200 — wounded  not  known. 

Gen.  Claiborne  to  tlte  Secretary  of  War. 

Fort  Cluiborne,  Jan.  1st,  1814. 

[Extract]Slti—Qn  the  13th  ult.  I  marched  a  detachment 
from  this  post  with  a  view  of  destroying  the  towns  of  the 
inimical  Creek  Indians,  on  the  Alabama,  above  the  mouth 
of  the  Cahaba.  After  having  marched  about  eighty  miles, 
from  the  best  information  I  could  obtain,  I  was  within  thir 
ty  miles  of  a  town  newly  erected  on  a  ground  called  Holy, 
occupied  by  a  large  body  of  the,  enemy,  under  the  command 
of  Withertbrd,  the  half  breed  chief.  On  the  morning  of 
the  22d,  the  troops  resumed  their  line  of  march,  chiefly 
through  woods  without  a  track  to  guide  them.  When  near 
the  town  on  the  morning  of  the  23d  my  disposition  for 
attack  was  made. — The  troops  advanced  in  three  columns. 
With  the  centre  column  I  advanced  myself,  ordering  Les 
ter's  guards  and  Well's  troop  of  dragoons  to  act  as  a  corps 
of  reserve.  About  noon  the  right  -column  composed  of  the 
twelve  month's  volunteers,  commanded  by  Col.  Joseph 
Carson,  came  in  view  of  the  town  called  Eccanachaca  (or 
Holy  Ground)and  was  immediately  vigorously  attacked  by 
the  enemy,  who  were  apprized  or  our  approach,  and  had 
Chosen  their  fit-Id  of  action. 

31 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAK. 

Before  the  centre*  commanded  by  Lieut.  Col.  Russell, 
with  a  part  of  the  3d  regiment  of  U.  S.  infantry  and  mount 
ed  militia  riflemen,  or  the  left  column,  which  was  compos 
ed  of  militia  and  a  party  of  Choctaws  under  Pushamnttaha, 
commanded  by  Maj.  Smoot,  of  militia,  who  were  ordered 
to  charge,  could  come  generally  into  action,  the  enemy  were 
repulsed  and  were  flying  in  all  directions,,  and  many  of  them 
easting  away  their  arms. 

A  pursuit  was  immediately  ordered  but  from  the  nature 
of  the  country,  nothing  was  effected.  The  town  was  near* 
ly  surrounded  by  swamps  and  deep  ravines,  which  render 
ed  our  approach  difficult,  and  facilitated  the  escape  of  the 
enemy.  In  the  town  we  found  a  large  quantity  of  provi 
sions  antl  immense  property  of  various  kinds,  which  the 
enemy,  fly  ing  precipitately,  were  obliged  to  leave  behind, 
and  which,  together  with  two  hundred  houses  were  de 
stroyed. 

The  next  day  was  occupied  in  destroying  a   town   con 
sisting  of  sixty  houses,  eight  miles  higher  up  the  river,  and 
in  taking  and  destroying  the  enemy's  boats.     At  the  town 
last  destroyed  was  killed  three    Indians   of  some  distinc 
tion. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be>  &c. 

FERD.  L.  CLAIRORNE. 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 
Killed  1 — wounded  (5. 

BRITISH  LOSS. 

Killed  -33 — wounded  not  known. 


Gen.  Floyd  to  Gen.  Pinkncy. 

Camp  Defiance,  Jan.  27,  181  f 

[Extract^]  SIR — T  have  the  honor  to  acquaint  your  ex 
cellency  that  this  morning  at  20  minutes  past  5  o'clock,  a 
very  large  body  of  hotile  Indians  made  a  desperate  attack 
upon  the  army  under  my  command.  They  stole  upon 
the  centinels,  fired  on  them,  and  with  great  impetuosity 
rushed  upon  our  line  :  in  20  minutes  the  action  became 
general,  and  our  front,  right,  and  left  flanks  were  closely 
pressed,  but  the  brave  and  gallant  conduct  of  the  field  and 
line  officers,  and  the  firmness  of  t,he  men,  repelled  them  at 
every  ppint. 


HISTOJRY  OF  THE  WAR. 

The  steady  firmness,  and  incessant  fire  of  Capt.  Thomas' 
artillery,  and  Capt.  Adams'  riflemen,  preserved  our  front 
lines.  The  enemy  rushed  within  30  yards  of  the  artillery, 
and  Capt.  Brodnax,  who  commanded  one  of  the  piquet 
guards,  maintained  his  post  with  great  bravery,  until  the 
enemy  gained  his  rear,  and  then  cut  his  way  through 
them  to  the  army.  As  soon  as  it  became  light  enough 
to  distinguish  objects,  1  ordered  Majs.  Watson's  and  Fre- 
man's  battallions  to  wheel  up  at  right  tingles  with  Majors 
Booth's  and  Cleveland's  battallions,  who  formed  the  right 
wing,  to  prepare  for  the  charge.  The  order  for  the 
charge  was  promptly  obeyed,  and  the  enemy  fled  in  every 
direction  before  the  bayonet.  From  the  effusion  of  bloocij 
and  the  number  of  head  dresses  and  war  clubs  found  in 
various  directions,  their  loss  must  have  been  considerable, 
independent  of  their  wounded. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

JOHN  FLOYD, 

AMERICAN   L.OSS. 
Killed  17---wounded  132. 
BRITISH  LOSS. 

Killed  52 — wounded  not  known. 

Gen.  Jackson  to  Gen.  Pinkncy. 

Fort  Strother,  Jan.  29,  1814. 

•[Extract]  SIR— I  had  ordered  800  Tennessee  volun 
teers  to  join  me  on  the  10th  inst.  but  they  did  not  arrive 
until  the  14th ;  the  next  day  they,  with  the  force  before 
with  me,  130,  marched  across  the  river  to  graze  our  horse*. 
The  motives  which  influenced  me  to  penetrate  further  into 
the  e«iem\  's  country  were  many  and  urgent.  1  received  a  let 
ter  from  Col.  Snodgrass,  informing  me  that  an  attack  was 
soon  to  be  made  on  fort  Armstrong,  by  900  of  the  enemy,  col 
lected  from  New  Youka,  Oakfuskee,  and  Ufauley  towns, 
and  were  concentrated  in  the  bend  of  the  Tallapoosee.  It' 
I  could  have  hesitated  before,  I  could  now  hesitate  no  longer. 
On  the  19th  I  encamped  at  Eutochapco  ;  here  I  soon  per 
ceived  how  little  knowledge  my  spies  had  of  the  country, 
of  the  situation  of  the  enemy,  or  of  the  distance  we  were 
from  them,  and  the  insubordination  of  the  new  troops,  an^ 
want  of  skill  in  their  officers,  became  more  apparent : 
iny  wishes  and  my  duty  remained  united. 


244  HISTORY  OF  THE  WA'H. 

We  arrived  within  a  few  miles  of  our  destination  the  21s*. 
and    encamped   on  a  high     piece  of  ground  ;  about    10 
o'clock  at  night  our  picket  fired  upon  a  few  of  the  enemy,  and 
killed  one.     At  11  o'clock  otir  spies  returned  with   infor 
mation  that  a  large  body  of  the  enemy   were    encamped 
about  three  miles   distant.     Being  prepared  at  all  points, 
nothing  remained  to  be  done,  but  await  their  approach,  or 
be  in  readiness  to  attack  them  by  day  light.     The   enemy 
attacked  our  left  flank,  about  0  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
which  was  vigorously  met  by  our  troops;  the  attack  lasted 
half  an  hour.     So  soon  as  it  became  light  enough  to  pur 
sue  the  enemy,  the  brave  Gen.  Coffee  led  on  our  troops  to  the 
charge  ;  the  "enemy  was  completely  routed  at  every   point, 
and  chased  two   miles  with  great  slaughter.     Gen.  Coffee 
•was  now  sent  with  400  troops  to  reconnoitre  the  enemy's 
camp,  who  returned  after  satisfying  himself  oi  their  strength, 
In  half  an  hour  a  considerable  force  of  the  enemy  made  its 
appearance  on  ray  right  Hank,  and  attacked  us  with  great 
spirit.     Gen.  Coffee   requested  200  men  of  me  for  tho  pur 
pose  of  turning  their   left  flank,  which  was  granted  ;  but 
by  some  mistake,  not  observed  at  the  time,  only  54 followed 
him,  who  were  chiefly  old  volunteer  officers.     With  this 
little  band  of  heroes,  the  Gen.  attacked  it,  and  drove  them 
from  the   ground;  at  the  same  time  200  friendly    Indians 
were  ordered  to  iall  upon  their  right,  and  co-operate  with  the 
General.    This  order  was  soon  obeyed,  and  in  its  execution, 
what  I  expected,  was  realized.  The  enemy  intended  the  at 
tack  on  ray  right  as  a  feint,  and  soon  attacked  my  left  with 
their  main  force,  which  they  hoped  to  find  weakened  and  in 
disorder — they  were  disappointed — the  whole  line  met  the 
attack  with  firmness  and  astonishing  intrepidity,  and  having 
given  a  few  fires  charged  with  great  vigor;  the  effect  was 
immediate  and  inevitable.     The  enemy  fled   with  precipi 
tation,  and  were  pursued   to  a  considerable  distance   with 
great  slaughter.     In  the  mean  time  Gen.  Coffee  was  con 
tending  with  a  superior  force,    the  Indians    having  joined 
my  left.     Jim  Fife,  with  100  friendly  Indians,  I  forthwith 
ordered  to  his  assistance;  he  no   sooner  reached  the  spot 
than  the  General  made  a  charge,  and  the  enemy  were  ront- 
i3tl  and  driven  three  miles,  with  the  loss  of  4o  slain.     I  was 

determined  to  commence  a  return  march  the  next  morning", 

-.-     *  ., 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  245 

as  mv  provisions  were  nearly  consumed.  I  considered  it 
not  necessary  to  pursue  them  any  farther,  as  the  object  of 
a  genera!  engagement  would  be  more  certainly  attained  by 
commencing  a  return,  which,  to  them,  would  have  the  ap 
pearance  of  a  retreat,  and  would  inspire  them  with  new 
courage  to  pursue  me ;  and  not  prudent  because  of  my 
wounded,  the  starving  condition  of  my  horses,  they  not 
having  neither  eat  coin  nor  cane  for  two  days,  and  of  the 
scarcity  of  my  provisions — influenced  by  these  considera 
tions,  1  commenced  my  return  march  on  the  23d  and  reach 
ed  Enotachopco  that  night.  I  took  a  different  route  from 
the  one  we  came  in,  to  avoid  a  deep  defile  between  two 
mountains.  Having  a  deep  creek  to  pass  J  issued  a  gener 
al  order  pointing  out  the  manner  in  which  the  men  should 
be  formed,  in  case  of  an  attack.  The  front  guard  and  the 
wounded  had  crossed,  when  an  alarm  gun  was  heard  in  the 
rear.  I  heard  it  without  surprise,  and  even  .with  pleasure, 
as  I  calculated  on  the  firm  ness  of  my  troops,  from  the  man 
ner  in  which  I  had  seen  them  act  on  the  22d.  Having 
chosen  the  ground,  I  expected  to  have  entirely  cut  off  the 
enemy,  by  wheeling  the  right  and  left  columns  on  their  pi 
vots,  recrossing  the  creek  above  and  below,  and  falling 
upon  their  flanks  and  rear.  But  to  my  astonishment,  after 
a  few  guns  had  been  fired,  I  beheld  the  right  and  left  col 
umns  of  the  rear  guard  give  way.  This  shameful  retreat 
was  disastrous  in  the  extreme;  drawing  with  it  the  greater- 
part  of  the  centre  column,  and  producing  consternation 
and  dismay  in  the  whole  army.  There  was  left  to  oppose 
the  enemy  a  few  of  the  rear  guard,  the  artillery,  and  Capt 
Russell's  company  of  spies;  they  realized  and  exceeded 
my  best  expectations.  Never  was  there  more  bravery  dis 
played  than  on  this  occasion.  Amidst  the  most  galling 
lire  from  the  enemy,  more  than  ten  times  their  number, 
they  ascended  the  hill.  In  the  hurry  of  the  moment,  in 
separating  the  gun  from  the  limbers,  the  rammer  and  picker 
were  left  tied  to  it.  No  sooner  was  this  discovered  than 
Craven  Jackson,  and  Constantine  Perkins,  gunners,  found 
means  to  replace  them ;  Jackson  amidst  the  galling  fire  of 
the  enemy,  pulled  out  the  ramrod  of  his  musket,  used  it  as 
a  picker,  primed  with  a  cartridge,  and  fired  the  cannon. 
Perkins  having  taken  off  his  bayonet,  used  his  gun  as  a 
rammer,  and  Jackson  using- his  former  plan,  again  dis~ 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

charged  her.  Lieut.  Armstrong  soon  fell,  and  exclaimed 
as  he  lay,  *  my  brave  fellows,  some  of  you  may  fall,  bu.t  you 
must  save  the  cannon.'  At  this  time  a  number  crossed  the 
creek,  and  entered  into  the  chase,  when  they  were  pursued 
more  than  two  miles,  fleeing  in  consternation,  throwing 
41  way  their  packs,  and  left  26  of  their  warriors  dead  on  the 
£eld.  This  last  defeat  was  decisive. 

lam,  sir,  with  sentiments  of  respect,  &c. 

ANDREW  JACKSON, 

AMERICAN   LOSS. 
Killed  20— wounded  75. 

BRITISH  LOSS. 

Killed  235 — wounded,  not  known, 

Gen.  Jackson  to  Governor  Blmmt. 

Fort  Williams,  March  31,  1814. 

[Extract.]  SIR — I  have  just  returned  from  the  expedi 
tion  which  1  advi.sed  you  in  my  last  I  was  about  to  make 
to  the  Tallapoosee  ;  and  hasten  to  acquaint  you  with  the 
good  fortune  which  attended  it. 

I  took  up  the  line  of  march  from  this  place  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  21st  inst.  and  having  opened  a  passage  of52  1-2 
miles  over  the  ridges  which  divide  the  waters  of  the  two  riv 
ers,  I  reached  the  bend  of  the  Tallapoosee,  three  miles  be 
yond  where  i  had  the  engagement  of  the  22d  of  January, 
and  at  the  southern  extremity  of  New-Youka,  on  the 
morning  of  the  27th.  This  bend  resembles  in  its  curva 
ture  that  of  a  horse  shoe,  and  is  thence  called  bv  that  name 
among  the  whites.  Nature  furnishes  few  situations  so  elli- 
gible  for  defence,  and  barbarians  have  never  rendered  one 
more  secure  by  art.  Across  the  neck  of  the  bend  which 
leads  into  it  from  the  north,  they  had  erected  a  breast- work 
f>f  the  greatest  compactness  and  strength,  from  five  to 
eight  feet  high,  and  prepared  with  double  port  holes  very 
artfully  arranged.  The  ligure  of  this  wall  manifested  no 
less  skill  in  the  projection  of  it,  than  its  construction  ;  an 
army  could  not  approach  it  without  being  exposed  to  a 
double  and  cross  tire  from  the  enemy,  who  lay  In  perfect 
Security  behind  it. 

In  this  bend  the  warriors  from  Oakfusky,  Oakehagu, 
New-Youka,  Hillibee,  the  Fish  Ponds,  and  Eufauta  towns, 
apprised  of  *>or  approach,  had  collected  their 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  24? 

Their  exact  number  cannot  be  ascertained  ;  but  it  is  said 
by  the  prisoners  we  have  taken,   to  have  been  a  thousand. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  27th,  having  encamped  the 
preceding  night  at  the  distance  of  five  miles  from  them,  I 
detailed  Gen.  Coffee  with  the  mounted  men,  and  nearly  the 
whole  of  the  Indian  force,  to  cross  the  river  at  a  ford  about 
3  miles  below  their  encampment,  and  to  surround  the  bend 
in  such  a  manner  that  none  of  them  should  escape  by  at 
tempting  to  cross  the  river.  With  the  remainder  of  the 
forces  I  proceeded  slowly  and  in  order,  along  the  point  of 
land  which  led  to  the  front  of  their  breast- wo rk  ;  having 
planted  my  cannon  (one  six  and  one  three  pounder)  on  au 
eminence  at  the  distance  of  150  or  200  yards  from  it,  I 
opened  a  brisk  tire,  playing  upon  the  enemy  with  the  mus 
kets  and  rifles  whenever  they  shewed  themselves  beyond 
it ;  this  was  kept  up,  with  short  interruptions,  for  about  two 
hour.**,  when  apart  of  the  Indian  force,  and  Capt. Russell's 
and  Lieut.  Bean's  companies  of  spies,  vtho  had  accompani 
ed  Gen.  Coffee,  crossed  over  in  canoes  to  the  extremity  of 
tire  bend,  and  set  fire  to  the  buildings  which  were  there  sit 
uated  ;  they  then  advanced  with  great  gallantry  towards 
the  breast- work,  and  commenced  a  spirited  fire  upon  the 
enemy  behind  it. 

Finding  that  this  force,  notwithstanding  the  bravery  they 
displayed,  was  wholly  Insufficient  to  dislodge  them,  and 
that  Gen.  Coffee  had  entirely  secured  the  opposite  bank 
of  the  river,  I  now  determined  to  take  their  works  by  storm. 
The  men  by  whom  this  was  to  be  effected  hud  been  waiting" 
with  impatience  to  receive  their  order,  and  hailed  it  with 
acclamation. 

The  spirit  which  animated  them  was  a  sure  augury  of 
the  success  which  was  to  follow.  The  history  of  warfare 
furnishes  few  instances  of  a  more  brilliant  attack — the  re 
gulars  led  on  by  their  intrepid  and  skillful  commander,  CoL 
Williams,  and  by  the  gallant  Major  Montgomery,  soon 
gained  possession  of  the  works  in  the  midst  of  a  most  tre 
mendous  fire  from  behind  them,  and  the  militia  of  the  ven 
erable  Gen.  Doherty's  brigade,  accompanied  them  in  the 
charge,  with  a  vivacity  and  firmness  that  would  have  done 
honor  to  regulars.  The  fighting  continued  with  some  se 
verity  about  five  hours. 


248  HISTORY  OF  THE  WA& 

According  lo  my  original  purpose,  I  commenced  my  re 
turn  march  for  fort  Williams  to-day,  and  shall,  if  I   find 
supplies  there,  hasten  to  the  Hickory  ground.     The  power 
of  the  Creeks  is,  I  think,  for  ever  broken. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

ANDREW  JACKSON, 

AMERICAN    LOSS. 

Killed  26— Wounded  100. 

BRITISH    LOSS. 

Killed  843— Prisoners  250; 


CHAPTER  XI. 

CAPT.  PORTER'S  CRUIZE. 

Cftpt.  Porter  lo  Ike  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 
TJ.   8.  F.  Essex,  Pacific  Ocean,  July  2,  1813. 

SIR — On  the  23d  March  last,  I  sailed,  shaping  my 
course  to  the  northward,  and  on  the  26th  of  the  same' 
month,  fell  in  with  the  Peruvian  corsair  ship  Nereyda, 
mounting1  15  guns  :  she  had  a  few  days  before,  captured 
two  American  whale  ships,  the  crews  of  which  (amounting 
in  number  to  24  men)  were  then  detained  prisoners  on 
board  her  ;  and  they  assign  no  other  motive  for  the  cap 
ture,  than  that  they  were  the  allies  ofG.  Britain,  and  as 
such,  should  capture  all  American  vessels  they  could  fall 
in  with  :  therefore,  to  prevent  in  future  such  vexatious  pro 
ceedings,  I  threw  all  her  armament  into  the  sea,  liberated 
the  Americans,  and  dismissed  the  Nereyda. 

I  then  proceeded  with  all  possible  dispatch  for  Lima,  to 
intercept  one  of  the  detained  vessels,  which  had  parted  with 
the  Nereyda  only  three  days  before,  and  was  so  fortunate 
as  to  arrive  there  and  recapture  her  on  the  5lh  April,  at  the 
moment  she  was  entering  the  port.  This  vessel  (the  ship 
Barclay,  Capt.  Gideon  Randall,  of  New  Bedford,)  I  took 
under  my  protection,  and  have  had  her  with  me  ever  since. 

From  Lima,  I  proceeded  for  Galapagos  Island  where  I 
captured  the  following  British  Letters  of  marque  ships. 

Montezuma,  2  guns,  21  men — Policy,  10  guns,  26  men 
• — Georgiana,  6  guns,  25  men— Atlantic,  8  guns,  24  men— 
and  Greenwich,  10  guns,  25  men. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  2  19 

The  Geprgiana  being  reputed  a  very  fast  sailer,  and  ap 
parently  ueli  calculated  for, a  cruize r,  I  mour.ted  16  guns 
on  her  and  gave  the  commaiwi  other  to  that  excellent  offi 
cer,  Lieut.  John  Downes,  with  a  complement  of  42  men. 

Lieut.  Downes  joined  me  at  Tumbez,  near  Guiaquil,  on 
the  coast  ot  Peru,  on  the  24th  June,  after  capturing  three 
Letter  of  Marque  ships. 

Hector,  1 1  guns  25  men— -Catherine,  8  guns,  29  men — 
Rose,  8  guns,  21  men. 

I  found,  by  experience,  that  the  Georgiana  did  not  de 
serve  the  character  given  of  her  for  sailing.  I  therefore 
shipped  her  officers  and  crew  to  the  Atlantic,  and  mount 
ed  on  her  20  guns,  with  a  complement  of  00  men,  and  ap 
pointed  midshipman  Rich.  Dashiell,  acting  sailing  master, 
on  board  her  ;  to  this  vessel  I  gav-e,  the  name  of  Essex  Ju 
nior.  I  also  fitted  up  the  ship  Greenwich  as  a  store  ship, 
and  mounted  on  her  20  guns,  placing  her  under  the  com 
mand  of  Lieut.  Gamble,  of  the  marines.  On  board  her  I 
have  put  all  the  provisions  and  stores  of  mv  other  prizes, 
except  a  supply  of  three  and  a  half  months  for  each,  and 
have  by  this  means  secured  myself  a  tin  I  supply  of  every 
necessary  article  for  seven  months.  1  had  hoped  to  dis 
pose  of  my  other  prizes  at  Guiaquil :  the  Govs.  in  Peru, 
liowever,  are  excessively  alarmed  at  my  appearance  on  the 
coast,  as  my  fleet  now  amou  its  to  nine  sail  of  vessels,  all 
formidable  in  their  appearance,  and  they  would  if  they  dare, 
treat  us  with  a  hostility  little  short  of  declared  enemies. 

Indeed,  sir,  when  1  compare  my  present  situation  with 
\vhat  it  was  when  I  doubled  Cape  Horn,  I  cannot  brst  es 
teem  myself  fortunate  in  an  extraordinary  degree.  There 
my  ship  was  shattered  by  tempestuous  weather,  and  desti 
tute  of  every  thing;  my  officers  and  c'-ew  half  starved,  na 
ked,  and  worn  out  with  fatigue.  -Now,  sir,  my  ship  is  in 
prime  order,  abundantly  supplied  with  every  thing  neces 
sary  for  her.  I  have  a  noble  ship  for  a  consort  of  20  guns, 
and  well  manned,  a  store  ship  of  20  guns,  and  well  sup 
plied  with  the  best  of  every  thing  that  we  may  want,  and 
prizes  which  would  be  worth  in  England  two  mUiions  of 
dollars:  and  what  renders  the  comparison  more  pleasing, 
the  enemy  has  furnished  all. 

The  times  of  my  best  men  have  expired  ;  but  Jtheir.  at 
tachment  to  the  ship,  and  theiy  zeal  for  the  sen-ice  we  ait1 

frl 


250  HISTOWT  OF  THE  WAfc 

engaged  on,  prevent  all  complaints  on  that  accou-il.     f  I ;. 
not  probable  that  you  will  hear  of  me  for  several  months  to 
come,   unless  some  disaster  happens;  but  I  beg  leave  to 
assure  yon,  sir,  that  I  shall  not  be  idle. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &e. 

D.  PORTER 

Loss  of  fort  Niaqartf.—Gen.  M'Clnre,  about  the  first  of 
Dec.  1813,  abandoned  fort  George,  in  Canada,  and  burnt 
the    town    of   Newark,    adjoining    it,    as  a  measure,  to 
prevent  the  enemy's  occupying  fort  George  after  he   had 
left  it.     On  the  18th- of  fhe  same  month,  the  British  crossed 
to  Lewistown,  in  considerable  force,  arid  burnt  it  to  the 
ground  :  when  their  Allies  were  set  at  liberty,  and  indulg 
ed  freely  in  their  brutal  excesses,  in  murdering  our  defence 
less  citizens  ;  they  then  attacked    and  burnt  Manchester, 
and  Tnscar-ora,  the  latter  an  Indian  town.      In  the  mean 
time  ihe  British  attacked  fort  Niagara,  and  ttiok  it  by  storm, 
at  4  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  19th;  the  gate  being 
open,  they  surprised  the  picket,  and  entered  the  fort  before 
they  were  discovered,  when  a   scene  of  terrible  slaughter 
took  place.     They  were  not  opposed  by  any,  except  a  few 
wounded  men  in  the  southeast  block  house,  and  a  few  of 
the  guard  ;  but,  strange  as  it  may  appear,  the  enemy  bay  - 
onetted  about  80  of  our  men,  chiefly,  after  they  had  cried 
for  quarters.     The  preceding  facts  were  sworn  to  before  a 
justice,  by   Robert  Lee,  a  gentleman  of  Lewislown,  whi> 
was  in  the  fort  when  taken. 

Burning  bf  Buffaloe  and  Black  Hock. — Soon  after  the 
storming  of  fort  Niagafa,  and  the  burning  of  Lewistown, 
&c»  ft;l«j,  Greh.  Hall  repaired  to  the  frontiers,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  collecting  a  force,  (militia)  sufficient  to  defend 
.Buffaloe  and  Black  Rock-.  From  the  22d  Dec.  to  the  29th, 
Gen.  Hall  had  collected  about  2000  troops,  miiitia  and  ex 
empts,  but  was  reduced  to  1200  by  desertions,  on  the  mor 
ning  o/.tto-batUe  of  the  30th.  In  the  even! rig  of  the  29th 
(says  Gen.  Hall,  in  a  letter  of  the  30th  Dec.  to  Gov.  Totnp- 
kms,)  at  about  12  o'clock,  I  received  information  that  one 
of  our  patroles  had  been  fired  on,  one  mile  below  Black 
Rock,;' riTheWiemy  advanced  and  took  possession  of  the 
battery  near  Gonjokaties  creek.  The  ti-oops  were  imme 
diately  formed,  and  stood  by  their  arms.  I  was  not  yet 


HISTORY  OF   THE    WAR. 

certain  what  point  the  enemy  meant  to  attack.  Being" 
anxious  to  anticipate  the  enemy's  landing1,  and  meet  him  at 
the  water's  edge,  I  gave  orders  for  the  troops  at  the  Rock, 
to  attack  the  enemy,  and  dislodge  them  from  the  battery, 
and  to  drive  them  to  their  boats.  The  attempt  failed 
through  the  confusion  into  which  the  militia  were  thro.wn, 
on  the  first  fire  of  the  enemy,  and  the  darkness  of  the  nigluV 
I  then  ordered  the  corps  under  Major  Adams,  and  Col. 
Chapin  to  make  the  attack.  These  three  detachments  were 
thrown  into  confusion,  and  were  of  no  service  afterwards. 
As  the  day  dawned,  I  discovered  a  detachment  of  the  en 
emy's  boats  crossing  to  our  shore,  and  bending  their  course 
towards  the  rear  of  Gen.  Porter's  house.  I  immediately 
ordered  Col.  Blakeslie  to  attack  the  enemy's  force  at  the 
water's  edge.  I  now  became  satisfied  as  to  the  disposition 
and  object  of  the  enemy.  Their  left  wing  composed  of 
1000  regulars,  militia,  and  Indians,  had  been  landed  below 
the  creek,  under  cover  of  the  night.  With  their  centre, 
consisting  of  400  royal  Scots,  commanded  by  Col.  Gordon, 
the  battle  was  commenced.  Their  right  which  w  as  pur 
posely  weak,  was  landed  near  the  main  battery,  merely  to 
divert  our  force,  the  whole  under  the.  immediate  command 
of  Lieut.  »^en.  Drummond,  and  led  on  by  Maj.  Gen.  Riall. 
They  were  attacked  by  four  field  pieces  in  the  battery  and 
at  the  water's  edge  ;  at  the  same  time  the  battery  from  the 
other  side  of  the  river  opened  a  heavy  tire  upon  us,  of  shells, 
hot  shot,  and  bail.  The  whole  force  now  opposed  to  the 
enemy  was  at  most,  not  over  600  men,  the  remainder  hav 
ing  fled,  in  spite  of  the  exertions  of  their  officers.  .  These 
few,  but  brave  men,  disputed  every  inch  of  gro.und,  \\  ith  the 
steady  coolness  of  veterans,  at  the  expence  of  many  valua 
ble  lives.  -  The  defection  of  the  militia,  and  the  reserve, 
and  loss  of  the  services  of  the  cavalry,  by  reason  of  the 
ground  on  which  they  must  act,  left  the  forces  engaged, 
exposed  to  the  enemy's  fire  in  front  and  flank.  Ai'U ,.-r 
standing  their  ground  for  half  an  hour,  opposed  by  an  over 
whelming"  force,  and  nearly  surrounded,  a  retreat  became 
necessary  to  their  safety,  and  was  accordingly  ordered.  I 
then  made  every  effort  to  rally  the  troops,  vvuh  a  view  to  at 
tack  their  columns  as  they  entered  the  village  of  Buffaloe; 
but  all  in  vain.  Deserted  by  my  principal  force,  I  fell  back 
that  night  to  Eleven  Mile  creek,  and  was  forced  to  leave 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

the  flourishing  villages  of  Black  Rock  and  Buffaloe  a  prey 
to  the  enemy,  which  they  have  pillaged  and  laid  in  ashes. 
They  have  gained  but  little  plunder  from  the  public  stores; 
the  chief  loss  has  fallen  upon  individuals.' 

Our  loss  was  50  killed — 40  wounded — and  69  missing, 
and  one  cannon.  *  I  regret  to  add,  (says  Gen.  Hall,  To 
Gov.  Touipkins  in  his  letter  of  J  m.  13)  that  on  reposses 
sing  the  battle  ground,  we  collected  50  dead  bodies,  yet 
imbnned,  of  the  battle  of  the  30th  ult.  The  enemy  admit 
their  loss  to  be,  in  killed  and  wounded,  300.' 

Col  Butler  to  Gen.  Harrison. 

Detroit,  March  7,  1814. 

[Extract]  SIR — By  Lieut.  Shannon,  of  the  27th  regi 
ment  U.  S.  infantry,  I  have  the  honor  to  inform  yon,  that 
a  detachment  of  the  troops  under  my  command,  led  by 
dipt.  Holmes,  of  the  24lh  regiment  U.  S.  infantry,  have 
obinmed  a  signal  victory  over  the  enemy. 

The  affair  took  place  on  the  4th  inst.  about  100  miles 
from  this  place,  on  the  river  De  Trench.  Our  force  con- 
sir.ed  of  no  more  than  160  rangers  and  mounted  infantry. 
Tne  enemy,  had  from  their  own  acknowledgment,  230. 
Tr.-e  fine  lijrht  company  of  the  royal  Scots  is  totally  destroy 
ed  ;  the>  led  the  attack  most  gallantly,  and  their  comman 
der  fell  within  ten  paces  of  our  front  line.  The  light  com 
pany  ot  Iht  89th  has  also  suffered  severely;  one  officer  of 
that  company  fell,  one  is  a  prisoner,  and  another  is  said  to 
be  badly  wounded.  In  killed,  and  wounded,  and  prison 
ers,  the  enemy  lost  about  80 — whilst  on  our  part  there  were 
but  four  killed  and  four  wounded.  This  great  disparity 
inthelosson  each  side  is  to  be  attributed  to  the  very  judicious 
position  occupied  by  Capt.  Holmes,  who  compelled  the  ene 
my  to  attack  him  at  great  disadvantage ;  this,  even  more  than 
his  gallantry,  merits  the  laurel. 

We  took  one  hundred  head  of  cattle  also  from  the  ene 
my,  intended  for  Long  Point  or  Burlington. 

H.  BUTLER. 

WARRINGTON'S  VICTOPtY. 

Cctpt.  Harrington  to  t/ie  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

U.  S.  sloop  Peacock,  at  sea,  April  20,  1814. 
[Extract.]  SIR — 1  have  the  honor  to  inform   you,  that 
we  have  this  morning  captured,  after  an  action  of  42  min- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR*.  253 

utes,  his  majesty's  brig-  Epervier,  rating  and  mounting  18 
o2  pound  carronades,  with  128  men,  of  whom  11  were 
killed  and  15  wounded.  Not  a  man  in  the  Peacock  was 
killed,  and  only  two  wounded,  neither  dangerously  so. 
The  fate  of  the^Epervier  would  have  been  determined  in 
much  less  time,  but  for  the  circumstance  of  our  fore-yard 
being  totally  disabled  by  two  round  shot  in  the  starboard 
quarter  from  her  first  broadside,  which  entirely  deprived  us 
of  the  use  of  our  fore  and  fore-top-saiis,'and  compelled  us  to 
keep  the  ship  large  throughout  the  remainder  of  the  action. 

This,  with  a  few  top-mast  and  top-gallant  back  stay  scut 
away,  a  few  shot  through  our  sails,  is  the  only  injury  the 
Peacock  has  sustained.  Not  a  round  shot  touched  our 
hull;  our  masts  and  spars  are  as  sound  as  ever.  When 
the  enemy  struck,  he  had  five  feet  water  in  his  hold,  his 
main-top-mast  was  over  the  side,  his  main  boom  shot  away, 
his  fore-mast  cut  nepriy  in  two  and  tottering,  his  fore  rig 
ging  and  stays  shot  away,  his  bowsprit  badly  wounded,  and 
45  shot  holes  in  his  hull,  20  of  which  were  within  a  foot  of 
his  water  line.  By  great  exertion,  we  got  her  in  sailing 
order  just  as  the  dark  came  on. 

In  15  minutes  after  the  enemy  struck,  the  Peacock  was 
ready  for  another  action,  in  every  respect  but  her  fore-yard, 
which  was  sent  down,  finished,  and  had  the  fore-sail  set 
again  in  45  minutes — such  was  the  spirit  and  activity  of 
our  gallant  crew.  The  Epervier  had  under  her  convoy 
an  English  hermaphrodite  brig,  a  Russian  and  a  Spanish 
ship,  which  all  hauled  their  wind  and  slood  to  the  E.  N. 
E.  I  had  determined  upon  pursuing  the  former,  buttound 
that  it  would  not  answer  to  leave  our  prize  in  her  then 
crippled  state  ;  and  the  more  particularly  so,  as  we  found 
she  had  8i20,000  in  specie,  which  we  soon  transferred  to 
this  sloop.  Every  officer,  seaman,  and  marine  did  his  duty, 
which  is  the  highest  compliment  1  can  pay  them. 
I  have  the  iionor  to  be,  &c. 

L.  WASHINGTON. 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 

Killed  none— wounded  2. 

BRITISH    LOSS. 

Killed  11 — wounded  15 — prisoners  117. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

Lieut.  Woolscy  to  Com.  Chauncey. 

Sackett's  Harbor,  June  {,  181  j. 

j 'Extract^  SIR — I  had  the  honor  to  receive  per  express 
yourcommunicationofthe  27th,  vestingin  me  discretionary 
powers.  I  immediately  despatched  Mr.  Dsxon  in  the  long 
g'ig  to  reconnoitre  the  coast,  and  went  with  my  officers  to  the 
falls,  to  run  the  boats  down  over  the  rapids.  At  sun  set 
\ve  arrived  at.  Oswego  with  the  boals  (19  in  number)  load 
ed  in  all  with  21  long  32  pounders,  10  24  pounders,  3  42  do. 
(carronades)  and  10  cables,  besides  some  light  articles, 
and  distributed  in  the  balteaux  a  guard  of  about  150  rifle 
men,  under  command  of  Major  Appling.  Mr.  Dixon 
having  returned  with  a  report  of  the  coast  being  clear,  we 
set  off  at  dark  and  arrived  at  Big  Salmon  river  about  sun 
rise  on  the  20lh,  with  the  loss  of  one  boat  having  on  board 
two  24  pounders  and  one  cable. 

At  Big  Salmon  we  met  the  Oneidas,  whom  I  had   des 
patched  the  day  previous,  under  the  command    of  Lieut. 
Hill,  of  the  rifle  regiment.     As  soon  as  they  had  taken   up 
their  line  ol  march  along  the  shore  to   Big  Sandy  Creek,  1 
started  with  all  the  boa;s  aud  arrived  at  our  place   of  desti 
nation  about  two  miles  up  the, Creek,     At  2  P.  M.  on  the 
30th,  I  received  your  letter  of  the  29th,  6  P.  M.  per  express, 
and  agreeably  to  .the  order  contained  therein,  sent  Lieut. 
Pierce  to  look  out  as  far  as  Stony  Point :  about  6  he  returned, 
having  been  pursued,  by  a.  gun  boat  and  three  barges.     Tue 
best  possible  disposition  was  made  ot  the  riflenien  and  In 
dians,  about  half  a  mile  below  our  boats.     About  8  A.M. 
a  cannonading  at  long  shot  was  commenced  by  the  enemy, 
and  believing  (as  I  did).that  no  attempt  would  be    made  to. 
land  with  their  small  force,  I  ordered  Lieut.  Pierce  to  pro 
ceed  in  erecting  shetrs  and  making1  preparations  to  unload 
the  boals.     About.  9  o'clock  Capt.  Harris  with  a  squadron 
of  dragoons,  and  Capt.   JYlelvin  with  a  company  of  light 
artillery  and  2  6- pounders,  arrived.     CapL  Harris  the  com 
manding  officer,   agreed    with  me  that  this    reinforcement 
should  halt,  as  the   troops   best  calculated  for  a  bush  right 
were  already  on  the  ground,  where  they  could   act  to  the 
greatest  advantage,  aud  that  the  enemy   seeing  a  large  re 
inforcement  arrive  would    most  probably    retreat.     About 
10,  the  enemy  having  landed  and  pushed  up  the  creek  with 
four  gun  boats,  three  cutters,  and  one  gig — the  riflemen 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  25-5 

under  that  excellent  officer,  Major  Appling,  arose  from 
their  concealment,  and  after  a  smart  fire  of  about  10  min 
utes,  succeeded  in  capturing  all  the  boats  and  their  crews, 
without  one  having  escaped.  At  about  5  P.  M.  buried, 
with  the  honors  of  war,  Mr.  IIoare(a  British  midshipman) 
killed  in  the  action. 

The  enemy's  loss  in  this  affair,  is  4  gun  boats,  one    car 
rying  1  24  pounder,  and  one  68  Ib.  carronade  ;  each  of  the 
others  carrying  two  heavy  guns  ;  two  cutters  and  1  gig, 
L  have  the  honor  to  be,  <kc. 

M.  T.  WOOLSEY, 

AMERICAN   LOSS. 
Killed  none — wounded  5. 

BRITISH    IX)SS. 

Killed  14 — wounded  28— -prisoners  169. 


LOSS  OF  THE  ESSEX. 
Capt.  Porter  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Nary. 

Essex  Junior,  at  sea,  July  3,  1814. 
[Extract.}  SIR— I  sailed  from  the  Delaware,  Oct.  27, 
1812,  and  repaired  to  Port  Praya,  Noronho,  and  Cape  Frio, 
On  my  passage  from  Port  Praya  to  Noronho,  I  captured 
his  B.  M.  packet  Norton  ;  after  taking  Out  11,000  pounds 
sterling  in  specie,  sent  her  for  America.  Orl' Cape  Frio 
I  captured  a  schooner  with  hides  and  tallow,  and  sent  her 
into  Porto  Rico.  I  proceeded  to  St.  Catherines  to  supply 
my  ship  with  provisions.  From  St.  Catherines  I  shaped 
my  course  for  ihe  Pacific,  and  arrived  til  Valparaiso  March 
14,  1813.  Of  the  success  we  met  with  in  our  next  cruise 
you  have  been  informed  in  my  letter  of  July  2,  1813.  I  re 
ceived 'information  that  the  Phoebe  frigate,  and  Racoon 
and  Cherub  sloops  of  war,  were  in  pursuit  of  me.  My 
ship,  alter  being  near  a  year  at  sea,  required  some  repairs 
to  put  her  in  a  state  to  meet  them;  which  I  determined  to 
do,  and  repaired,  with  my  prizes,  to  the  Island  of  Nooa- 
heevah,  or  Madison  Island,  where  I  completely  overhaul 
ed  my  ship,  and  took  on  board,  from  the  prizes,  provisions 
and  stores  for  upwards  of  four  months,  and  sailed  for  the 
coast  of  Chili,  Dec.  12,  1813.  Previous  to  sailing  I  secur 
ed  the  Seringapalam,  Greenwich,  and  Sir  A.  Hammond, 
under  the  guns  of  u  battery  which  I  had  erected  for  their 
protection;  (nf iff  taking  possession  of  this  tine  Island,  for 


256  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

the  United  States,  and  establishing  the  uiosl  friendly  inter  - 
course  with  its  natives)  I  left  them  under  the  care  of  Lieut. 
Gamble  and  21  men,  with  orders  to  repair  tq  Valparaiso 
after  a  certain  period.  Believing'  Com.  Hillyer  would  be 
most  likely  to  appear  at  Valparaiso  lirst,  I  therefore  deter 
mined  to  cruise  about  that  place.  Agreeably  to  my  ex 
pectations  the  Com.  arrived  at  that  place  ;  but,  contrary  to 
my  wishes,  he  brought  with  him  the  Cherub  .sloop  of 
•war,  mounting  28  gnus,  and  a  complement  of  180  men. 
The  force  of  the  Phoebe,  the  Commodore's  flag  ship,  was 
30  long  18  pounders,  1(5  32  Ib,  carronades,  and  7  3  poun 
ders  in  her  lops,  in  all  53  guns,  and  a  crew  of  320  men; 
making  a  force  ot  81  guns  and  500  men.  The  force  of 
the  Essex  was  40  32  Ib.  carronades  and  6  long  twelves,  and 
her  crew  had  been  reduced  by  manning. out  her  prizes  to 
255  men.  They  provisioned,  and  went  off  the  port  for  the 
purpose  of  blockading  ine.  I  often  endeavored  to  provoke 
a  challenge,  and  bring  the  Phoebe  alone  to  action  with  the 
Essex,  bul  without  success.  There  were  no  hopes  of  any 
advantages  to  my  country  ..from  a  longer  stay  in  port;  I 
therefore  determined  to  put.  to  sea  the  first  opportunity. 
The  28th  of  march,  the  day  after  this  resolution  was  form 
ed,  the  wind  blew  fresh  from  the  south,  when  I  parted  my 
larboard  cable  and  dragged  directly  out  to  sen.  IN'ot  a 
moment  was  to  be  lost  in  getting  sail  on  the  ship.  On 
rounding  the  point  a  heavy  squall  struck  us,  and  carried 
away  our  nuini  top-mast,  precipitating  four  men  into  the 
sea,  who  drowned.  Both  ships,  now  gave  chase  ;  seeing  I 
could  not  recover  my  former  anchorage  in  my  disabled 
state,  I  ran  elose  into  a  small  lay,  and  anchored  within  pis 
tol  shot  of  the  shore,  .undercover  of  two  batteries  off  Val 
paraiso,  which  being  neutral  were  bound  to  protect  me  ;  at 
least  till  I  had  repaired  damages.  I  had  not  succeeded  in 
repairing  or  getting  a  spring  on  my  cable  when  the  enemy 
:.it  54  minutes  past  3,  P.  M.  made  his  attack.  The  Phoebe 
placing  herself  under  my  stern,  and  the  Chembon  my  star 
board  bow  ;  but  finding  that  situation  a  hot  one,  she  bore 
up  and  run  under  m\  stern  also,  where  both  ships  kept  up 
a  raking  fire.  I  had  got  3  long  J2  pounders  out  of  the 
stem  ports,  which  were  worked  with  so  much  bravery  that 
in  hail  an  hour  we  so  disabled  both  as  to  compel  them  to 
haul  oil  to  repair  damages.  My  ship  had  received  many 


HISTORY  OP  THE  WAK.  257 

injuries,  and  several  had  been  killed  and  wounded,  but  all 
appeared  determined  to  defend  the  ship  to  the  last,  and  to 
die  in  preference  to  a  shameful  surrender.  The  enemy 
soon  repaired  his  damages,  and  made  a  fresh  attack  with 
both  ships  on  my  starboard  quarter,  out  of  reach  of  my  car- 
ronades,  and  where  my  stern  i»uns  could  not  be  brought  to 
bear— he  there  kept  ui>  a  galling-  fire  which  it  was  out  of 
my  power  to  return.  Tlu'only  rope  not  cut  was  the  flying1 
gib  halliards,  and  that  beinjj  the  only  sail  I  could  set,  I 
caused  it  to  be  hoisted,  my  cables  to  be  cut,  and  run  down 
on  both  sh.ps,  with  an  intention  of  laying  the  Phoebe  on 
board. 

The  firing  on  both  sides  was  now  tremendous  ;  I  had 
let  tall  my  fore-topsail  and  foresail,  but  the  want  of  tacks 
and  sheets  rendered  th  m  useless,  yet  were  we  enabled  for 
a  short  time  to  close  with  the  e.iemy,  although  our  decks 
were  strewed  with  4he  dead,  our  cockpit  filled  with 
Wounded,  our  ship  had  been  several  times  on  fire,  and  a 
perfect  wreck,  we  were  still  encouraged  to  hope  to  save 
her,  as  the  Cherub  in  her  crip  Vied  state,  had  been  compel 
led  to  haul  off.  The  Phoebe,  from  our  disabled  state,  w  is 
enabled  to  edge  ff,  a;id  choose  her  distance,  tor  her  long 
guns,  atid  kept  up  SUCH  a  tremendous  fire,  as  to  mow  down 
m\  brave  companions  by  the  dozen.  1  now  gave  up  all 
hopes  of  closing  with  him,  and  determined  to  run  on  shore, 
land  my  men,  and  destroy  the  vessel.  We  had  approach 
ed  the  shore  wiihiu  musket  shot,  when  in  an  instant  the 
wind  shifted,  and  payed  our  head  down  on  the  Phoebe. — 
My  ship  was  now  totally  unmanageable;  yet,  as  her  head 
was  toward  the  enemy,  and  he  to  UKJ  leeward  of  me,  I 
^stiil  hoped  to  be  able  to  board  him.  Finding  the  enemy' 
was  determined  to  avoid  being  boarded,  and  my  ship  alarm 
ingly  on  fire,  and  the  slaughter  ou  board  having  become 
most  horrible,  I  directed  a  hawser  to  be  bent  to  the  sheet 
anchor,  and  the  bow7  anchor  to  be  cut,  to  bring  her  head 
round  :  this  succeeded,  and  we  again  got  our  guns  to  bear; 
mil  the  hawser  soon  gave  way,  and  left  us  a  perfect  wreck. 
The  flames  were  bursting  up  the  hatchway,  and  no  ho..es 
were  entertained  of  saving  the  ship,  as  a  quantity  of  pow 
der  had  already  exploded,  and  the  fire  had  nearly  reached 
the  magazine,  which  served  to  increase  Uie  horrors  of  our 
•vitiation.  J  therefore  directed  those  who  could  swim,  to 


258  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR- 

jump  overboard,  and  gain  the  shore.  Some  reached  it- 
some  were  taken  by  the  enemy — -and  some  perished.  We 
Avho  remained,  turned  our  attention  wholly  to  extinguishing 
the  flames;  when  we  had  succeeded,  went  again  to  our 
guns,  where  the  firing  was  kept  up  for  some  minutes.  Al 
most  every  gnu  having  been  dismounted,  and  the  impossi 
bility  of  making1  further  attempts  to  capture  our  antago 
nists,  and  the  entreaties  of  the  remainder  of  my  brave  crew, 
to  surrender  to  save  the  wounded,  I  sent  for  the  officers  of 
divisions  to  consult  them,  but  what  was  my  surprise,  to  fi  id 
only  acting  Lieut.  M'Kiiig'ht  remaining.  I  was  informed 
that  the  cockpit,  steerage,  wardroom,  and  birth-deck  would 
contain  no  more  wounded;  and  that  the  ship  was  tilling 
with  water  very  fast.  The  enemy  were  enabled  from  the 
smoothness  of  the  water,  to  take  aim  at  us  as  a  target — in 
tine,  1  saw  no  hopes  of  saving  my  vessel,  or  making  my  es 
cape,  and  at  20  minutes  past  6  P  M.  gave  the  painful  or 
der  to  strike  the  colors.  Seventy-five  men,  including  offi 
cers,  were  all  that  remained  of  my  crew  when  the  colors 
were  struck,  capable  of  doing  duty.  I  directed  an  oppo 
site  gun  tired  to  shew  we  intended  no  further  res  stance  ; 
but  they  did  not  desist;  a  number  of  men  were  kdled  by 
my  side  and  in  other  parts  of  the  ship.  I  now  believed  he 
intended  to  show  us  no  quarter,  and  thought  it  would  be  as 
well  to  die  with  my  flag  flying  as  struck,  and  was  on  the 
point  of  again  hoisting  it,  when  10  minutes  after  hauling 
the  colors  down,  he  ceased  firing. 

I  must,  in  justification  of  myself  and  crew  observe,  that 
with  our  six  twelve  pounders  only,  we  fought  this  action,  our 
patron  a  deS  being  almost  useless. 

Our  loss  is  58  killed — (5;>   wounded — and  31  missing- 
total  154.  I  have  the  honor  to  !«e,  £c. 

DAVID  PORTER. 

Col  Mitchell  to  (,'eu.  Brown. 

II.  ft.  Oswego,  May  8, 1814. 

[Extract]  SIR — I  informed  you  of  my  arrival  at  foifc 
Oswego  on  the  30th  ult.  This  post  being  but  occasion 
ally  and  not  rtcently  occupied  by  regular  troops,  was  in  n 
bad  state  of  defence.  Of  cannon  we  iiad  but  live  old  guns, 
three  of  which  had  lost  their  trunnions.  What  could  be 
done  in  the  way  of  repair  was  effected.  On  the  5th  inst. 


HISTORY  OP  THE  WAR.  25.9 

the  British  naval  force  consisting  of  four  large  ships,  three 
brisks  anti  a  Dumber  of  gun  and  other  boats  were  descried 
at  reveille  beating  about  seven  miles  from  the  fort.  Infor 
mation  v\as  immediately  given  to  Capt.  Woolsey  of  the 
navy,  (who  was  at  Oswego  village)  and  to  the  neighbor 
ing  mililia.  It  being  doubtful  on  which  side  of  the  river 
the  enemy  would  attempt  to  land,  and  my  force  (290  ef 
fectives;  being  too  small  to  bear  division,  . I  ordered  the 
tents  in  store  to  ta  pitched  on  the  village  side,  while  I  oc 
cupied  the  other  with  my  whole  force.  It  is  probable  that 
this  artifice  had  its  effect,  and  determined  the  enemy  to  at 
tack  where,  from  appearances,  they  expected  the  least  op 
position.  About  1  o'clock  the  fleet  approached.  Fifteen 
boats,  large  and  crowded  with  troops,  at  a  given  signal, 
moved  slowly  to  the  shore.  These  were  preceded  by  gun 
boats  seal  to  rake  the  woods  and  cover  the  landing,  while 
the  larger  vessels  opened  a  fire  upon  the  fort.  Capt. 
Boyle  and  L.eift.  Legate,  (so  soon  as  the  debarking  boats 
got  within  range  of  our  shot)  opened  upon  them  a  very 
successful  fire  from  the  shore  battery,  and  compelled  them 
twice  to  retire.  They  at  length  returned  to  the  ships  and 
the  whole  stood  oh1' from  the  shore  for  better  anchorage. 
One  of  the  enemy's  boats  which  had  been  deserted,  was 
taken  up  by  us,  and  some  others  by  the  militia.  The  first 
mentioned  was  sixty  feet  long,  carried  thirty-six  oars  and 
three  sails,  and  could  accommodate  150  men.  She  had 
received  a  ball  through  her  bow,  and  was  nearly  filled 
with  water. 

At  day  break  on  the  6th  the  fleet  appeared  bearing  up 
under  easy  sail.  They  took  a  position  directly  against 
the  fort  and  batteries,  and  for  three  hours  kept  up  a  heavy 
fire  of  grape,  &c.  Finding  that  the  enemy  had  effected  a 
landing,  1  withdrew  my  small  disposable  force  into  the 
rear  of  the  fort,  and  wi«tli  two  companies  met  their  advanc 
ing  columns,  while  the  other  companies  engaged  the  flanks 
of  the  enemy.  Lieut.  Pierce  of  the  navy  and  some  sea 
men,  joined  in  the  attack  and  fought  with  their  character 
istic  bravery.  We  maintained  our  ground  about  thirty 
minutes,  and  as  long  as  consisted  with  my  fur! her  duty  of 
defending  the  public  stores  deposited  at  the  fails,  which  no 
doubt  formed  the  principal  object  of  the  expedition  on  the 
part  of  the  enemy.  Nor  was  this  movement  made  precipi- 


HISXOKY  OF  THE  WAR. 

lately.  T  halted  within  400  yards  of  the  fort.  Opt.  Ho- 
mayne's  company  formed  the  rear  tyuard,  and,  remaining 
with  it,  I  marched  to  this  place  in  good  order,  destroying 
the  bridges  in  my  rear.  The  enemy  landed  six  hundred 
of  De  WattevilieY  regiment,  six  hundred  marines,  two 
companies  of  the  Giengary  corps,  and  three  hundred  and 
fifty  seamen. 

(Gen.  Drumniond  and  Com.  Yeo  were  the  land  and  na 
val  commanders.  They  burned  the  old  barracks  and 
evacuated  the  fort  about  3  o'clock  in  the  morning  oi  the  7th, 

Our  loss  in  killed  is  six  ;  in  wounded  38 — and  in  inis- 
sing,  25.  The  enemy  lost  70  killed,  and  165  wounded, 
drowned,  and  prisoners. 

Gen.  jBrown  to  the  ISecretttry  of  War. 

H.  Q,   Chippewa,  July  7,  1814. 

[Extract^]  SIR — On  the  2d  mst.  I  issued  orders  for 
crossing  the  Niagara,  and  made  arrangements  deemed  ne 
cessary  for  securing  the  garrison  of  fort  Erie — the  3d,  that 
post  surrendered,  at  5  P.  M.  Our  loss  in  this  affair,  was 
4  wounded. — Io7  prisoners,  including- 1  Major,  1  Capt.  3 
Lieuts.  and  1  ensign,  with  the  ammmi'tion  and  cannon  be- 
lo  g  ng  to  the  post  were  surrendered  to  us." 

On  the  morning  of  the  4th,  Brig.  Gen.  Scott,  was  order 
ed  to  advance  towards  Chippewa,  and  be  governed  by 
circumstances  ;  taking  care  to  secure  a  good  military  po 
sition  for  the  night ;  after  some  skirmishing,  he  selected 
this  plain  With  the  eye  of  a  so'dier,  his  right  resting  on  the 
Viver,and  a  ravine  being  in  ftout.  At  11  at  night  I  joined 
him,  with  the  reserve  under  Brig.  Gen.  Ripiey,  with  our 
iieid  and  batten  g  train,  and  corps  of  artillery.  The  next 
morning  Ge;..  Porle  arrived  with  a  part  of  the  Pennsylva 
nia  and  N.  York  volunteers,  and  some  Indians.  Early  \\\ 
the  morniiig  oi  the  5th,  the  enemy  commenced  a  petty  war 
upon  our  pickets,  and,  as  he  was  indulged,  his  presumption 
increased, 

Ai  4  P.  M.  agreeably  to  my  orders,  Gen.  Porter  advanc 
ed  from  the  rear  of  our  camp,  taking  the  woods  in  order  to 
keep  out  of  view  of  the  enemy,  in  hopes  of  surrounding 
their  scouting  parlies.  In  half  an  hour  Porter's  command 
met  the  light  partes  and  drove  them  to  camp  ;  and  near 
Chippewa,  met  their  whole  column  in  tfrder  of  battle.  1 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

immediately  ordered  Gen.  Scolt  to  advance  with  his  bri 
gade,  and  Towson's  artillery,  who  met  them  upon  the  high 
plain  in  front  of  our  camp.  lie  advanced  in  the  most  offi 
cer  like  style,  ai.d  in  a  few  minutes  was  in  close  action,  with 
a  superior  force  of  British  regulars.  Gt-n.  Porter's  com 
mand  had  given  way,  and  fled  in  every  direction,  which 
caused  Scott's  left  flank  to  be  greatly  exposed.  Capt. 
Harris,  with  his  dragoons,  was  directed  to  stop  tl.e  the  fu 
gitives,  behind  the  ravine  fronting  our  camp;  Gen.  Ripley 
\vas  directed  to  pass  to  the  left  and  skirt  the  woods,  so  as 
to  keep  out  of  view,  and  fall  upon  the  rear  of  the  enemy's 
right  flank.  This  order  was  promptly  obeyed,  and  the 
greatest  exertions  made  to  close  with  the  enemy,  but  in 
vain;  for  such  was  the  zeal  and  activity  of  the  line  com 
manded  by  Gen.  Scott,  that  it  was  not  to  be  checked. 
Maj.  Jessup,  commanding  the  left  flank,  finding  himself 
pressed  in  front  and  flank,  and  his  men  falling  fast  around 
him,  ordered  his  battallion  to  *  support  arms,  and  advance  /' 
the  order  was  promptly  obeyed,  amidst  a  most  deadly  and 
destructive  fire.  He  gained  a  more  secure  position,  and 
returned  upon  the  enemy  so  galling  a  discharge,  as  caused 
them  to  retire.  By  this  time  their  whole  line  was  falling 
back,  and  our  gallant  soldiers  pressing  upon  them,  when 
they  broke  their  lines,  and  ran  to  regain  their  works.  In 
this  effort  he  was  too  successful,  when  the  guns  opened 
immediately  upon  our  line,  and  checked,  in  some  degree, 
the  pursuit.  At  this  moment,  I  determined  to  bring  np  my 
ordnance,  and  force  the  place  by  a  direct  attack  ;  Major 
Wood,  of  the  engineers,  and  Capt.  Austin,  my  aid,  rode  to 
the  right  of  their  line  of  works  and  examined  them ;  I  was 
induced  by  their  report,  to  order  the  forces  to  retire  to 
carnp,  tili  a  future  time. 

Respectfully  and  truly  yours.       JACOB   BROWN. 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 

Killed  60 — won  ded  244 — missing  19. 

BRITISH  LOSS. 
Killed  190 — \votinded  ^3.20 — prisoners  245. 

BLAKELEY  S  VICTORY. 

Capt.  Biakeiey  to  the  Secretary  <>j  the  Navy. 

U.  S.  S.  Wnsp,  L'Onent,  .Inly  8,  JS14. 
SIR — On  Tuesday  the  28  h  alt.  being  then  i»i  latitude 
4B,  36  N.  and  long.  11,  15  W.  we  fell  ui  with,  engaged^ 


202  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

and  after  an  action  of  19  minutes,  captured  his  Britannic 
majesty's  sloop  of  war  Reindeer,  William  Manners,  Esq. 
commander. 

At  half  past,  12,  P.  M.  the  enemy  shewed  a  blue  and 
\vhite  flag"  diagonally  at,  the  fore,  and  tired  a  gun.  Ail, 
15,  called  all  hands  to  quarters,  and  prepared  for  action  ; 
1,  22,  believing  we  could  weather  the  enemy,  tacked  ship 
and  stood  for  him  ;  1,  50,  the  enemy  tacked  ship  and 
stood  from  us ;  1,  56,  hoisted  our  colors  and  fired  a  gun 
te  windward  ;  at  2,  20,  the  enemy  still  standing  from  us, 
set  the  royals  ;  at  2,  25,  set  the  flying  gib  ;  at  2,  29,  set  the 
tipper  staysails  ;  at  2,  32,  the  enemy  having  tacked  ior  us 
took  in  the  staysails;  at  2,  47,  furled  the  royals  ;  at  2,  51, 
seeing  that  the  enemy  would  be  able  to  weather  us,  tacked 
ship  ;  at  3,  3,  the  enemy  hoisted  his  flying  gib — brailed 
up  our  mizen  ;  at  3,  15,  the  enemy  on  our  weather  quar 
ter,  distant  about  60  yards,  fired  his  shifting  gun,  a  12  pound 
carronade  at  us,  loaded  with  round  and  grape  shot  from  his 
top-gallant  forecastle;  at  3,  17,  fired  the  same  gun  a  se 
cond  time  ;  at  3,  19.  tired  it  a  third  time ;  at  3,  21,  fired  it 
a  fourth  time  ;  at  3,  24,  a  fifth  shot,  all  from  the  same  gun. 
Finding  the  enemy  did  not  get  sufficiently  on  the  beam  to 
enable  us  to  bring  our  guns  to  bear,  put  the  helm  a-lee, 
a-.dat  26  minutes  after  3,  commenced  the  action  with  the 
after  carronade  on  the  starboard  side,  and  tired  in  succes 
sion  ;  at  3,  34,  hauled  up  the  mainsail  ;  at  3,  40,  the  enemy 
having  Ins  l.-i  board  bow  in  contact  with  our  larboard  quar 
ter,  endeavored  to  board  us,  but  was  repulsed  in  every  at 
tempt;  at  3,  44,  orders  were  given  to  board  in  turn,  wlvch 
were  promptly  executed,  when  all  resistance  immediately 
ceased,  and  at  3,  45,  the  enemy  hauled  down  his  flag. 

The  Reindeer  mounted  sixteen  24  ib.  carronades,  two 
long 6  or  9  pounders,  and  a  shifting  12  ib.  carronade,  with 
a  complement  on  board  of  118  men.  Her  crew  was  said 
to  be  the  pride  of  Piy  mouth. 

The  Reindeer  was  literally  cot  to  pieces  in  a  line  with 
her  ports ;  her  upoerworks,  boats,  and  spare  spars,  were 
one  complete  wreck.  A  breeze  springing  up  the  next 
afternoon,  her  foremast  went  by  the  board. 

Having  received  all  the  prisoners  on  board,  which  from 
the  number  of  wounded  occupied  much  time,  together  with 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

their  baggage,  the  Reindeer  was  on  the  evening  of  the  29th 
set  on  fire,  and  in  a  lew  hours  blew  up. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sec. 

J.  BLAKELEY, 

AMERICAN  LOSS.  ' 

Killed  o — wounded  21. 

BRITISH  LOSS. 

Killed  23— wounded  42. 


Gen.  Brown  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

Buffalo,  Aug.  17,  1814. 

[Extract^]  SIR — You  are  already  apprised  that  the 
army  had  on  the  25th  ult.  taken  a  position  at  Chippewa* 
About  noon  of  that  day,  Col.  Swift,  who  was  posted  at 
Lewistown,  advised  me  by  express,  that  the  enemy  appear 
ed  in  considerable  force  in  Queeuston,  and  on  its  heights  ; 
that  four  of  the  enemy's  tieet  had  arrived  dun  g  the  pre 
ceding  night,  and  were  then  laying  near  fort  IS iagara,  and 
that  a  1'iimber  of  boats  were  in  view,  moving  up  the  strait. 
Within  a  few  .minutes" after  this  intelligence  had  been  re 
ceived,  I  was  furl  her  informed  by  Capt.  Denmon,  of  the 
quarter  master's  department,  that  the  enemy  were  landing 
at  Lewistown,  and  that  our  baggage  and  stores  at  -Schlos- 
ser,  and  on  their  way  thither,  were  in  danger  of  immedi 
ate  capture.  Gen.  Scott,  with  the  1st  brigade,  Towson's 
artillery,  and  ail  the  dragoons  and  mounted  men,  were 
accordingly  put  in  march  on  the  road  loading  to  Q,ueeris- 
ton,  with  orders  to  report  if  the  enemy  appeared,  and  to 
call  for  assistance  if  that  was  necessary.  Oa  the  General's 
arrival  at  the  Fails  he  learned  that  the  enemy  was  in  force 
directly  in  his  front — a  narrow  piece  of  woods  alone  inter 
cepting  his  view  of  them.  Waiting  only  to  give  this  infor 
mation  he  advanced  upon  them.  By  the  time  Assistant 
Adj.  Gen.  Jones  had  delivered  his  message,  the  action  be 
gan  ;  and  before  the  remaining  part  of  the  division  had 
crossed  the  Chippewa,  it  had  become  close  and  general  be 
tween  the  advance  corps.  Though  gen.  Riply  with  the 
2d  brigade,  Major  Hmdman  with  the  corps  of  artillery,  and 
Gen.  Porter  as  the  head  of  his  command,  had  respectively 
pressed, forward  with  ardor,  it  was  not  less  than  an  hour 
before  they  were  brought  to  sustain  Gen.  Scott,  during 
which  time  his  command  most  skilfully  and  gallantly 


H1STOIIV  OF  THE  WAR. 

maintained  the  conflict.     Upon  my  arrival  I  found  that  the 
General  had   passed  the  wood  and  engaged  the  enemy  al 
(Jueenston  road,  and  on  the  ground   to  the  left  of  it,  with 
the  9th,  1 1th,  and  22d  regts.  and  Towson's  artillery.    The 
25th  had  been  thrown  to  the  right  to  be  governed  by  cir 
cumstances.      Apprehending  that  these  corps  were  much 
exhausted,  and  knowing  that  they  had  suffered  severely,  I 
determined    to  interpose   a  new   line  with    the  advancing 
troops,  and  thus  disengage  gen.  Scott  and  hold  his  brigade 
in  reserve.       Orders  were  accordingly  given  to  gen.  Rip- 
ley.     The  enemy's  artillery  at  'his  moment  occupied  a  hill 
which  gave  h  m  great  advantages,  and  was  the  kev  of  the 
whole  position.     It  was   supported   by  a  line  of  infantry 
To  secure  the  victory,  it  was  necessary  to  carry  tins  artil 
lery  and  seize  the  height.     This  duty  was  assigned  to  Col, 
Miller,  while,  to  favor  its  execution,  the  1st  regiment,  un 
der  the  command  of  Col.  Nicholas,   was  directed  to  me 
nace  and  amuse  the  infantry.     To  my  great  mortification, 
this  regiment,  after  a  discharge  or  two,  give  way  and  re^ 
treated  some  distance  before  it   could  be  rallied,  though  it 
is  believed  the  officers  of  the  regiment  exerted  themselves 
to  shorten  this   distance.     In  the  mean    tune,  Col.   Miller, 
without  regarding  this  occurrence,   advanced  steadily  and 
gallantly  t>>  his  object,  and  carried  the  height  and  the  can* 
non.     Gen.  Hipley  brought  up  the  23d  (which   had  also 
faultered)  to  his  support,  and  the  enemy  disappeared  from 
before  them.     The  1st  regiment  was  now  brought  into  line 
on  the  left  of  the  2 1st,  and  the  detachments  of  the  17th  and 
19»h,  Gen.  Porter  occupying,  wiih  his  command  theextreme 
left.  Aboutthe  time  Col.  Miller  earned  theenemy's  cannon, 
the  25th  regiment,  under  Maj.  .lessup,  was  engaged    in   u 
more  obstinate  conflict  with  all  ihat  remained  to  dispute  With 
us  the  field  of  battle.    Tht-Maj.  as  has  been  already  stated, 
had  been  ordered  by  Gen.  Scott, at  thecoimnencetnentof  lhe 
action,  to  take  ground  to  his  right.     He  had  succeeded  in 
turning  the  enemy's  left  flank — had  captured  (by  a  detach 
ment  under  Capt.  Keichum;  Gen.  lliali  and  sundry  other 
officers,  and  shewed  himself  again  to  his  own  army,  in   a 
blaze  of  fire,  which  defeated  or  destroyed  a  very  superior 
force  of  the  enemy.     He  wrts  ordered  to  form  on  the  right 
of  the  2d  regiment.     The  enemy  rallying  his  forces,  and  as 
is  believed,  having;  received  reinforcements,  now  attempted 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  266 

to  drive  us  from  our  positions,  and  regain  bis  artillery.— 
Our  line  was  unshaken,  and  the  enemy  repulsed.  Two 
other  attempts  having  the  same  object,  had  the  same  issue. 
Gen.  Scott  was  again  engaged  in  repelling  the  former  of 
these ;  and  the  last  I  saw  of  him  on  the  field  of  battle,  he 
was  near  the  head  of  his  column,  and  giving  to  its  march  a 
direction  that  would  have  placed  him  on  the  enemy's  right. 
It  was  with  great  pleasure  I  saw  the  good  order  and  intre 
pidity  of  Gen.  Porter's  volunteers  from  the  moment  of  their 
arrival,  but  during  the  last  charge  of  the  enemy,  those  qua 
lities  were  conspicuous.  Stimulated  by  the  examples  set 
by  their  gallant  leader,  by  Maj.  Wood,  of  the  Pennsylvania 
corps,  by  Col.  Dobbin,  of  New- York,  and  by  their  officers 
generally,  they  precipitated  themselves  ivon  the  enemy's 
line,  and  made  ail  the  prisoners  which  were  taken  at  this 
point  of  *he  action. 

Having  been  for  some  time  wounded,  and  been  a  good 
deal  exhausted  by  loss  of  blood,  it  became  my  uish  to  de- 
voh  e  the  command  on  Gen.  Scott,  and  retire  from  the  field ; 
but  on  enquiry,  I  had  the  misfortune  to  learn,  that  he  was 
disabled  by  wounds ;  I  therefore  kept  my  post,  and  had 
the  satisfaction  to  see  the  enemy's  last  effort  repulsed.  I 
now  consigned  th,e  command  to  Gen.  R  pley. 

I  saw  and  felt  the  victory  was  complete.  The  exhaus 
tion  of  our  men  was  such  as  madesome  refreshment  neces 
sary.  They  particularly  required  water;  I  therefore  or 
dered  Gen.  Rspley  to  return  to  camp,  after  bringing  off  the 
dead,  wounded,  and  artillery,  which  v.as  effected  in  good 
order.  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

JACOB  BROWN. 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 

Killed,  171— Wounded,  572— Missing,  110. 

BRITISH    LOSS. 

Killed,  184 — Wounded,  559— Prisoners,  221. 

Gen.  Gaines  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

Fort  Lrie,  Aug.  23,  1814. 

[Extract.]  SIR — I  have  the  honor  to  communicate  the 
particulars  of  the  battle  fought  at  this  place,  on  the  15th 
inst.  I  ha\e  heretofore  omitted  stating  to  you,  that  during 
the  13  h  and  14ih,  the  enemy  had  kept  up  a  brisk  cannon 
ade  upon  this  fort,  which  was  briskly  returned  from  our 

34 


26(5  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR, 

batteries,  without  any  considerable  loss  on  our  part.     Afc 
6,  A.  JVL  of  the  loth,  one  of  their  shells  lodged  in  a  small 
magazine  in  Fort  Erie,  which  was  fortunately  almost  emp 
ty.     It  blew  up  with   an  explosion  more  awful   in  its  ap 
pearance,  than  injurious  in  its  effects,  as  it  diu  not  disable 
a  man,  or  derange  a  gun.       It  occasioned  but  a  moment 
ary  cessation  of  the  thunders  of  the  artillery  on  both  sides  ; 
it  was  followed  by  a  loud  and  joyous  shout  by  the  British 
army?  which  was  immediately  answered  on  our  part,  and 
Capt,  Williams,  amidst  the  smoke  of  the  explosion,  renew 
ed  the  contest  with  an  animated  roar  of  his  heavy  cannon. 
The  night  was  dark  and  rainy,  but  the  faithful  centinel 
slept  not.     At  half  past  2  o'clock,  the  right  column  ol  the 
enemy  approached,  and  though  enveloped  in  darkness,* 
black  as  his  designs  and  principles,  was  distinctly  heard  on 
our  left,  and  promptly  marked  by  our    musketry  and  can 
non.     Being  mounted  at  the  moment,   1  repaired  to  the 
point  of  attack,  where  the  sheet  of  fire  enabled  me  to  see 
the  enemy's  column,  about  1500  men,  approaching  on  that 
point;  his  advance  was  not  checked  until  it  had  approach 
ed  within  ten  feet  of  CHIP  infantry.     A  line  of  loose  brush 
representing  an  abet/is  only  intervened  ;  a  column  of  the 
enemy  attempted  to  pass  round  theabeitis  through  the  wa 
ter,  where  it  was  nearly  breast  deep.      At  this  moment  the 
enemy    were  repulsed,  bat  instantly  renewed  the  charge,, 
aj  d  were  agun  repulsed.       My  attention  was  novt  called 
to  the  nght,  where  our  batteries  and  lines- were  lighted  by 
'  a  most  brilliant  fire  of   cannon  and   musketry  ;  it  announc 
ed  the    approach  of  the  centre  and  left  columns  of  the  en 
emy,  under  Cols   Drummond  and  Scott;  they  were  soon 
repulsed.     That  of  the  centre,  led  by  Col.  Drummond  was 
not  long  kept  in  check  ;  it  approached  at  once  every  as- 
sai?able  point  ot  the  fort,  and  with  scaling*  ladders,  ascend 
ed  the  parapet,  but  was  repulsed  with  dreadful  carnage. — 
The  assault  was  twice  repeated,  and  as  often  checked  ;  but. 
the  enemy   having  moved  round  the  d.trh,  covered  with 
darkness,  and  the  heavy  cloud  of  smoke  which  rolled  from 
our  cannon  and  musketry,   repeated  the  charge,  and  re-as- 
cerjdedthe  ladders,  when  their  pikes,  bayonets  and  spears, 

#  ;  I,  with  seveml  of  my  officers,  several  limes,  heard  orders  given,  to  giv? 
Hie  damned  Yankee  rascals  n&  quarters* 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  267 

fell  upon  our  gallant  artillerists.  Our  bastion  \vas  lost ; 
Lieut.  M'Donough,  being1  severely  wounded  demanded 
quarter — it  was  refused  by  Col.  Druinuiond.  M'Donough 
then  seized  a  handspike,  and  nobly  defended  himself  uotil 
he  was  shot  down  with  a  pistol  by  {\\emonster  who  had  re 
fused  him  quarter,  who  often  reiterated  the  order — yve  the 
damned  yankee  rascals  no  quarter.  This  hardened  murder 
er  soon  met  his  tale ;  lie  was  shot  through  the  breast  while 
repeating  the  order,  to  give  no  quarter. 

The  battle  now  raged  with  increased  fury  on  the  right, 
but  on  the  left  the  enemy  was  repulsed  and  put  to  flight. 
Thence  and  from  the  centre  I  ordered  reiniorcements. — 
They  were  promptly  sent  by  Brig.  Gen.  Kipley  and  Brig. 
Gen.  Porter.  Capt.  Fanning,  of  the  corps  of  artil '-cry,  kept 
up -a  spirited  auti  destructive  tire  with  his  field  pieces  on 
the  enemy  while  attempting  to  approach  the  fort.  Major 
Hindman's  gailaiit  efforts,  aided  by  Maj.  Trimble,  having 
failed  to  drive  the  enemy  from  the  bastion  with  the  remain 
ing  artillerists  and  infantry  in  the  fort,  Capt.  Birdsall  of  the 
4th  rifle  regiment,  with  a  detachment  of  riflemen,  gallant 
ly  rushed  in  through  the  gateway  to  their  assistance,  and 
\vith  some  infantry  charged  the  enemy  ;  but  was  repulsed 
and  the  Captain  severely  wounded.  A  detachment  from 
the  11th,  19th,  and  22d  iiifa  itry,  under  CapL  Foster  of 
the  llth,  were  introduced  over  the  interior  bastion,  for  the 
purpose  of  charging  the  enemy.  Major  Hall,  Assist.  Ins. 
Gen.  very  handsomely  tendered  his  services  to  lead  the 
charge.  The  charge  was  gallantly  made  by  Capt.  Foster 
and  Maj.  Hall,  but  owing  to  the  narrowness  of  the  passage 
up  to  the  bastion  admitting  only  2  or  3  men  abreast,  it  fail 
ed.  It  was  often  repeated,  and  as  often  checked.  The 
enemy's  force  in  the  bastion  was,  however,  much  cut  to 
pieces  and  diminished  by  our  artillery  and  small  arms.  At 
this  moment  every  operation  was  arrested  by  the  explosion 
of  some  cartridges  deposited  in  the  end  of  the  stone  build 
ing  adjoining  the  contested  bastion.  The  explosion  was 
tremendous — it  was  decisive  :  the  bastion  was  restored.  At 
this  moment  Capt.  Biddle  was  ordered  to  cause  a  field 
piece  to  be  posted  so  as  to  enfilade  the  exterior  plain  and 
salient  glacis.  Capt.  Fanning  s  battery  Jikewise  played 


HISTORY  OP  TKE  WAR. 

upon  them  at  this  time  with  great  effect.  The  enemy 
were  in  a  few  moments  entirely  defeated,  taken,  or  put  to 
flight. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &r. 

EDMUND  P.  0  AINES. 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 

Killed  17— Wounded  56— Missing  11— Total  84. 
BRITISH  LOSS. 

Killed  422— Wounded  3.j4— Prisoners  186— Total  062. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

CAPTURE  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  ALEX 
ANDRIA. 

Copy  of  a  letter  from  the  mayor  oj  Alexandria  to  the  mayor 

(//  Georgetown. 

DEAK  SIR — Enclosed  is  a  copy  of  the  terms  proposed 
to  the  common  council  of  Alexandria,  by  the  commanding 
officer  of  the  squadron  now  lying  before  the  town,  to  which 
they  were  compelled  to  submit. 
Very  respectfully,  &c. 

CHARLES  SIMMS. 
TERMS  OF  CAPITULATION. 

His  Majesty's  ship  tfea  Horse, 
Off  Alexandria,  29th  Any.  1814. 

GENTLEMEN— In  consequence  of  a  deputation  yester 
day  received  from  the  city  of  Alexandria,  requesting  fa 
vorable  terms  for  the  safety  of  the  city,  the  undermention 
ed  are  the  only  conditions  in  my  power  to  offer. 

The  towo  of  Alexandria,  with  the  exception  of  public 
works,  shall  not  be  destroyed,  unless  hostilities  are  com 
menced  on  the  part  of  the  Americans,  nor  shall  the  inhabi 
tants  be  molested  in  any  manner  whatever,  or  their  dwel 
ling  houses  entered,  if  the  following  articles  are  complied 
•with  : 

Art.  1.  All  naval  and  ordnance  stores,  public  0r  private 
must  be  immediately  delivered  up. 

2.  Possession  will  be  immediately  taken  of  all  the  ship 
ping,  and  their  furniture  must  be  seat  on  board  by  the  own 
ers  without  delay. 


HISTORY  OF   THE   WAR. 

3.  The  vessels  that  have   been  sunk  nuist  be  delivered 
up  in  the  state  they  were,  on  the  19th  of  August,  the  dhy 
of  the  squadron  passing-  the  Kettle  Bottoms. 

4.  Merchandize  of  every  description   must  be  instantly 
delivered  up,   and  to  prevent  any  irregular.ty,   that  ui^ht 
be  committed  in  its  embarkation,  the  merchants  have  ir   a 
their  option  lo  load  the  vessels  generally  employed  tor  iLat 
purpose,  when  they  shall  be  towed  otf  by  us. 

5.  All  merchandize  that  has  been  removed  from  Alex 
andria,  since  the  19th  inst.  is  to  be  included  in  the  above 
articles. 

6.  Refreshments  of  every  description  to  be  supplied  the 
ships,  and  paid  for  at  the  market  price,  by  bills  OH  the  Bn- 
tish  government. 

7.  Omcers  will  be  appointed  to  see  that  articles  No.  '2,  3. 
4  and  5,  are  strictly  complied  with,   and  an\  de  nttiou  or 
non-compliance,  on  the  part  of  the  inhabitants  oi  Alexan 
dria,  will  render  this  treaty  null  and  void. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sec. 

JOHN  A  GORDON, 
Captain  of  H.  M.  ship  &ea  Horse, 
and  senior  officer  of  H.  Al.  skips  off  Alexandria. 
TO  the  common  council 

of  the  town  of  Alexandria. 

Gen.  Winder  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

Baltimore,  August  27,  1814. 

SIR— When  the  enemy  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  Poto 
mac,  of  all  the  militia  which  [  had  been  authorised  to  as 
semble,  there  were  but  about  J700  in  the  fieid,  from  13  to 
1400  nnder  Gen.  Stansbury  nenr  this  place,  and  about  250 
at  Bladensburgh,  under  Lieut.  Col.  Kramer. 

After  all  the  force  that  could  be  put  at  my  disposal  in 
that  short  time,  and  making  such  dispositions  as  I  deemed 
best  calculated  to  present  the  most  respectable  force  at 
whatever  point  the  enemy  might  strike,  I  was  enabled  by 
the  most  active  and  harrassing  movements  of  the  troops  to 
interpose  before  the  enemy  at  Bladensbnrgh  about  5000 
men,  including  350  regulars  and  Commodore  Barney 's 
command.  Much  the  largest  portion  of  this  force  arrived 
on  the  ground  when  the  enemy  were  in  sight,  ai«d  were 
Disposed  01  to  support  in  the  best  manner  the  position  which 


270  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR, 

Gen.  Stansbnry  had  taken.  They  had  barely  reached  the 
ground  before  the  action  commenced,  which  was  about  1 
o'clock  P.  M.  of  the  24th  inst.  and  continued  about  an 
hour. 

The  artillery  from  Baltimore  supported  by  Maj.  Pink- 
iiey's  rifle  battalion,  and  a  part  of  Capl.  Doughtey's  from 
the  navy  yard,  were  in  advance  to  command  the  pass  of 
the  bridge  at  Bladensburgh,  and  played  upon  the  enemy, 
-with  very  destructive  effect.  But  the  rifle  troops  were  ob 
liged  after  some  time  to  retire,  and  of  course  the  artillery. 
Superior  numbers  however  rushed  upon  them  and  made 
their  retreat  necessary,  not  however  without  great  loss  on 
the  part  of  the  enemy* 

The  right,  and  centre  of  Stansbury's  brigade  consisting  of 
Lieut.  Col.  Ragan'sand  Shuier's  regiments,  generally  gave 
way  very  soon  afterwards,  with  the  exception  of  about  40, 
rallied  by  Col.  Rag.in,  after  having  lost  his  horse,  and  the 
whole  or  a  part  ot  Capt.  Shower's  company,  both  of  whom 
Gen.  Stansbury  represents  to  have  made,  even  thus  desert 
ed,  a  gallant  stand. 

The  reserve  under  Brig.  Gen.  Smith  of  the  District  of 
Columbia,  with  the  militia  of  the  city  and  Georgetown, 
with  the  regulars  and  some  detachments  of  [Maryland  mili 
tia,  flanked  on  their  right  by  Com.  Barney,  and  his  brave 
fellows,  and  Lieut.  Col.  Beat,  still  were  on  the  right  on  the 
hill,  and  maintained  the  contest  for  some  time  with  great 
effect. 

It  is  not  with  me  to  report  the  conduct  of  Com.  Barney, 
and  his  command,  nor  can  I  speak  from  observation,  being 
too  remote,  but  the  concurrent  testimony  of  all  who  did  ob 
serve  them,  does  them  the  highest  justice  for  their  brave 
resistance  and  the  destructive  effect  they  produced  on  the 
enemy. 

From  the  best  intelligence,  there  remains  but  little  doubt 
that  the  enemy  lost  at  least  four  hundred  killed  and  wound 
ed,  and  of  these  a  very  unusual  portion  killed. 

Our  loss  cannot,  1  think,  be  estimated  at  more  than  from 
thirty  to  forty  killed,  and  fifty  to  sixty  wounded,  and  one 
hundred  and  twenty  prisoners. 

I  am/  with  very  great  respect,  8cc. 

WILLIAM  H.  WINDER. 


HISTORY  OF^  THE  WAK. 

Com.  Barney  to  the  Secretary  of  tlte  Navy. 

Farm,  al  Elk  ridge,  Aug.  29,  1814. 
[Extract^]  SIR — This  is  the  tirst  moment  I  have  had  it 
in  my  power  to  make  a  report  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
forces  under  my  command  since  I  had  ihe  honor  of  seeing 
you   on  Tuesday,  the  23d  inst.   at  the  camp  at  the  '  Old 
Fields/      On  the  afternoon  of  that  day  we  were  informed 
that  the   enemy  was  advancing  upon  us.       Our  arra>  was 
put  into  order  of  battle  and  our  positions  taken  ;    my  forces 
were  on  the  right  flanked  by  the  two  battalions  of  the  36th 
and  38th  regiments.      A   little  before  sunset  Gen.  Winder 
came  to  me    and   recommended  that   the  heavy  artillery 
should  be  withdrawn,  with  the  exception  of  one  12  pounder 
to  cover  the  retreat.     We  took  up  the  line  of  march  in  the 
flight,     and   entered    Washington   by  the  Eastern  Branch 
bridge.      The  Gen.  requested  me  to  take  command  and 
place  my  artillery  to  defend  the  passage  of  the  bridge  on 
the  Eastern  Branch,  as   the  enemy  was    approaching  the 
city  in  that  direction.     I  immediately  put  my  guns  in  posi 
tion,  leaving  the  marines  and  the  rest  of  my  men  at  the  bar- 
vacks,  to  wait  further  orders.     I  was  in  this  situation  when 
I  had  the  honor  to  meet  you,  with  the  President,  and  heads 
of  Departments,  when  it  was  determined  I  snould  draw  of? 
my  guns  and  men,   and  proceed  towards  Bladensburgb, 
which  was  immediately  put  into  execution.     On  our  way  I 
was  informed  the  enemy  was  within  a  mile  of  Bladensburgh; 
we  hurried  on,  though  the  day  was  very  hot,   and  my  mei* 
much  crippled  from  the  severe  marches  we  had  experienc 
ed  the  preceding  da\s.       I  preceded  the  men,  and  when  I 
arrived  at  the  line  which  separates   the  District  from  Ma 
ryland,  the  battle  began.       I  sent  an  officer  back  to  hasten, 
on  my  men — they  came  up  in  a  trot.     \Ve  took  our  position 
on  the  rising  ground,  put  the  pieces  in  battery,  posted  the 
marines  under  Capt.  Miller,  and  flotilla  men/ who  were  to 
act   as  infantry  under  their  own  officers,   on  my  right,  to* 
support  the  pieces,  and  waited  the  approach  of  the  enemy. 
During  this  period  the  engagement  continued — the  enemy 
advancing,   and  our  army  retreating  before  them — appar 
ently  in  uiuch  disorder,      At  length   the  enemy  made  his 
appearance  on  the  main  road  in  force  and  in  front  of  my 
battery,  and  on  seeing  «s  made  a  halt ;  I  reserved  our  fire"; 
and  in  a  few  minutes  the  enemy  again  advanced,  when  I 


272  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

ordered  an  18  pounder  to  be  fired,  which  completely  clear 
ed  the  road  ;  shortly  after,  a  second  and  third  attempt  was 
made  by  the  enemy  to  come  forward,  hut  all  who  made  the 
attempt  were  destroyed.  The  enemy  then  crossed  over  in 
to  an  open  field  and  attempted  to  flank  our  right.  He  was 
there  met  by  three  12  pounders,  the  marines  under  Captain 
Miller,  and  my  men  acting  as  infantry,  and  again  was  to 
tal  iy  cut  up.  By  tins  time  not  a  vestige  of  the  American 
army  remained,  except  a  body  of  five  or  six  hundred  post 
ed  on  a  height  on  my  right,  from  whom  I  expected  much 
support  from  their  fine  situation.  The  enemy  from  this 
period  never  appeared  in  front  of  us.  JHe  however  pushed 
forward  his  sharp  shooters,  one  of  whom  shot  my  horse 
from  Under  me,  which  tell  dead  between  two  of  my  guns, 
T;.e  enemy,  who  had  been  kept  in  check  b\  our  fire  nearly 
hah  a  ,  hour,  now  began  to  out  flank  us  on  the  right.  Our 
guns  were  turned  that  way — lie  pushed  up  the  hill  about 
two  or  three  hundred  men  towards  the  corps  of  Americans 
stationed  as  above  described,  who,  to  my  great  mortifica 
tion  made  no  resistance,  giving  afire  or  two  and  retiring. 

In  this  situation  we  had  the  whole  army  of  the  enemy  to 
contend  with  ;  our  ammunition  was  expended,  and  unfor 
tunately  the  drivers  of  my  ammunition  waggons  had  gone 
oft' in  the  general  panic.  At  this  time  I  received  a  severe 
wound  in  my  thigh.  Finding  the  enemy  now  completely 
in  our  rear  and  no  means  of  defence,  I  gave  orders  to  my  of 
ficers  and  men  to  rat  re.  The  great  io>s  ot  blood  occasion 
ed  such  a  weakness  that  I  was  compel  ed  to  lie  <iown.  1  re 
quested  my  officers  to  leave  me,  which  they  obstinately  re 
fused,  but  upon  being  ordered,  they  obexed  :  one  only  re 
mained.  In  a  short  time  I  observed  a  British  soldier  and 
had  him  called,  and  directed  him  to  seek  an  officer;  in  a 
few  minutes  an  officer  came,  who,  on  learning1  who  I  was, 
brought  Gen.  Ross  and  Admiral  Coekburn  to  me.  These 
officers  behaved  to  me  with  the  most  marked  attention,  res 
pect,  and  politeness  ;  had  a  surgeon  brought,  and  my 
wound  dressed  immediately.  After  a  few  minutes  conver 
sation,  the  Genera  Unformed  (after  paying  me  a  handsome 
C(iin,)iimept,)  that  I  wax  paroled,  and  at  liberty  to  proceed 
to  Washington  or  Bladenslmrgh,  offering  me  every  assist 
ance  in  his  power,  giving  orders  for  a  litter  to  be  brought 
in  which  I  was  carried  to  Bladensburgb. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

My  wound  is  deep,  but  I  flatter  myself  not  dangerous  ; 
*he  ball  is  not  yet  extracted. 

JOSHUA  BARNEY. 

Com.  Macdonouf/h  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 
U.  S.  ship  Saratoga,  off  Plaits  burg,  Sept.  11,  1814. 
SIR — The  Almighty  lias  been  pleased  to  grant  us  a  sig 
nal  victory  on  Lake  Cimmplain,  in  the    capture  of  one  frig 
ate,  one  brig*,  and  two  stoops  of  war  ot  the  enemy. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

T.  iMACDONOUGH. 

Com.  Macdonough  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 
U.  S.  ship   Saratoga,  at  anchor  otF| 
Plaltsburg,  Sept.  13,  1814.      ] 

SIR— By  Lieut,  commandant  Cissin,  1  have  the  honor 
to  convey  to  you  the  flags  oi  h-s  Britannic  majesty's  late 
squadron,  captured  on  the  1  Hh  inst.  by  the  U.  States' 
squadroii  under  my  command,  together  with  the  particulars 
of  the  action  which  took  place  on  the  llth  inst.  on  this  lake. 

At  8  A.  M.  the  look-out  boat  announced  the  approach 
of  the  enemy.  At  9,  he  anchored  in  a  line  ahead,  at 
about  three  hundred  yards  distance  from  my  line  ;  his  ship 
opposed  to  the  Saratoga,  his  brig  to  the  Eagle,  his  gullies, 
thirteen  in  number,  lo  the  schooner,  sloop,  and  a  division 
of  our  gallies  ;  one  of  his  sloops  assist  ng  their  ship  and 
brig,  the  other  assisting  their  galiies.  Our  remaining  gal- 
lies  with  the  Saratoga  and  Eagle 

In  this  situation  the  whole  force  on  both  sides  became 
engaged,  the  Saratoga  suffering  much  from  the  heavy  tire 
of  the  Confiance.  I  could  perceive  at  the  same  time,  how 
ever,  that  our  tire  was  very  destructive  tj  her.  The  Ti- 
conderoga  gallantly  sustained  her  full  share  of  the  action. 
At  half  past  10  o'clock  the  Eagle,  not  being  able  to  bring 
her  guns  to  bear,  cut  her  cable  and  anchored  in  a  more 
eliigible  position,  between  my  ship  and  the  Ticonderoga, 
where  she  very  much  annoyed  the  enemy.  Our  guns  on 
the  starboard  side  being  nearly  ail  dismounted,  or  not  man 
ageable,  a  stern  anchor  was  let  go,  the  bower  cable  cut,  and 
the  ship  winded  with  a  fresh  broadside  on  the  enemy's  ship, 
which  soon  after  surrendered.  Our  broadside  was  then 
sprung  to  bear  on  the  brig,  which  surrendered  in  about  }5 
minutes  after,  35 


"2T4  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

The  sloop  that  was  opposed  to  the  Eagle,  had  struck 
some  time  before  and  drilled  down  the  line;  the  sloop 
which  was  with  their  gallies  having  struck  also.  Three 
of  their  gallies  are  sa'd  to  be  sunk,  the  others  pulled  off. 
Our  gaihes  were  about  obeying  with  alacrity  the  signal  to 
follow  them,  when  all  the  vessels  were  reported  to  me  to 
be  in  a  sinking  state  :  it  then  became  necessary  to  annul 
the  signal  to  the  gallies,  and  order  their  men  to  the  pumps. 

I  C'mld  only  look  at  the  enemy's  gallies  going  off  in  a 
shattered  condition,  for  there  was  not  ;i  mast  m  either  squad 
ron  that  could  stuad  to.  make  sail  on. 

The  Saratoga  had  tiftyvtive  round  shot  in  her  hull;  the 
Confiance  oiie  hundred  and  tive.  The  enemy's  shot  pas 
sed  principally  just  over  our  heads,  as  there  were  not  20 
whole  hammocks  in  the  nettings  at  the  close  of  the  action, 
which  lasted  without  intermission  two  hours  and  twenty 
minutes. 

The  Saratoga  was  twice  set  on  tire  with  hot  shot  from 
the  enemy's  shio. 

I  have  tiie  honor  to  be,  Sec. 

T.  MACDONOUGH. 

p  3. — Accompanying  this  is  a  list  ot  killed  and  wound 
ed,  a  lisl  of  prisoners — and  a  precise  statement  of  both  forces 
engaged. 


AM  URIC  AX 

FORCE 

AND 

LOSS. 

Sh.-ps. 

guns. 

men. 

killed. 

wounded. 

Saratoga, 

26 

210 

28 

29 

Eagle, 

20 

120 

13 

20 

T  conderoga, 

17 

1  10 

6 

6 

Bwrfrte, 

7 

30 

2 

luGun  Boats, 

16 

350 

3 

3 

8(i  820         5-2         58 

BRITISH   FORGE    AND    LOSS. 


Ships. 

guns. 

men. 

killed,   wounded 

Con  fiance, 

39 

300 

50.         60 

Linnet, 

1(> 

120 

20         30 

Growler, 

11 

40 

6          10 

Engle, 

11 

40 

8         10 

13Gun  Boats, 

18 

550 

90      sunk 

95          1050        174     110 


HISTORY  OP  THE  WAR.  275 

Note. — Tke  following  valuable  property  was  taken  on  board 
the  fleet,  to  wit  : — ll,8v,0  /6s.  of'porvder  exclusive  of  fixed 
anmmmtwn — 85,000  Ibs.  of  cannon  ball — UOOO  muskets — 
#00  suits  of  sailors  dothiny,  and  all  the  winter  clothing  of 
the  whole  of  their  land  army. 

Gen.  Ma  comb  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

P.attsburg,  Sept.  12,  1814. 

[Extract.]  SIR — I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  thai  the 
British  army  commanded  by  sir  Cieorge  Prevost,  consist- 
ing"  of  four  brigades,  a  corps  of  artillery;  a.  squadron  of 
horse,  and  a  strong  light  corps,  amounting  in  all  to  14,1)00 
men,  after  investing  this  place  on  the  north  of  the  Saranac 
river  since  the  5th  inst  broke  up  their  camp  and  raised 
the  siege  this  morning  at  2  o'clock,  retreating  precipitately, 
and  leaving  their  sick  and  wounded  behind.  The  strength 
of  this  garrison  is  only  ioiH)  men  tit  for  duty  ! 

The  light  troops  and  militia  are  in  full  pursuit  of  ihe 
•nemv,  making  prisoners  in  all  directions.  Upwards  of 
300  deserters  have  already  come  in,  and  many  arrive  hour 
ly.  Onr  loss  in  the  fort  is  trifling  indeed,  having  only  one 
officer  and  15  men  killed,  and  one  officer  and  oO  uiea 
\vounded. 

Vast  quantities  of  provision  were  left  Hetnnd,  and  de 
stroyed;  also  an  immense  quantity  of  bomb  shells,  cannon- 
bail,  grape  shot,  ammunition,  flints,  *cc,  &,c.  intrenching 
tools  of  all  sorts,  also  tents  and  marquees.  A  great  deal 
has  been  found  concealed  in  the  ponds  and  creeks,  and  bu 
ried  in  the  ground,  ami  a  vast  quantity  carried  oft*  by  the 
inhabitants.  Such  was  the  precipitance  of  his  retreat,  that 
he  arrived  at  Chazy,  a  distance  of  eight  miles  beiore  we 
discovered  that  he  had  gone. 

YV*?  have  buried  the  British  officers  of  the  army  and  navy, 
with  the  honors  of  war,  and  shewn  every  attention  and  kind 
ness  to  those  who  have  fallen  into  our  hands.  The  con 
duct  of  the  officers,  non-commissioned  officers  and  soldiers 
of  mv  command,  during  this  trying  occasion  cannot  be  re 
presented  in  too  high  terms.  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  <ke. 

ALEXANDER  MACOiMB, 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 

Killed  37 — wounded  62 — missing  20. 

BkilTJSH  LOSS. 

Killed  368 — wounded  494 — prisoners  252 — deserted  780, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  \VAH- 

Burning  of  Petipauge. — Between  10  and  11  o'clock,  P. 
M.  of  April  7th,  1814,  six  British  boats  were  discovered 
coming-  into  Connecticut  river  ;  by  12,  a  large  force  of  the 
enemy  had  taken  possession  of  an  old  fort  at  Saybrook 
Point,  where,  finding  nothing",  the  fort  having  been  decay 
ed  for  several  y*  ars,  re-entered  their  boats,  and  proceeded 
iV  P  tipauge  Point,  6  m^les  higher  up  the  river,  where 
they  arrived  about  4  o'c  ock.  The  vessels  in  the  harbor 
being  on  tire,  first  gave  notice  that  the  enemy  was  near. 
There  was  not  time  after  the  alarm,  to  get  the  women  and 
children  off,  before  the  em  my  had  lande<  ,  and  began 
burning  the  vess  is  on  the  slocks;  they  immediately  com- 
inenced  searching  the  houses  and  stores,  tor  arms  and  am 
munition,  taking  all  they  could  find,  and  destroying  furni 
ture  to  a  considerable  amount  ;  liquors  of  ail  kinds,  when 
found,  at  t-r  satisfying  themselves,  wt  re  destroyed  by  stav 
ing  t-/e  casks.  There  wa^  no  opposition  to  their  plunder, 
all  hough  they  remained  on  shore  till  10  o'clock,  when 
they  called  i  their  men,  a».d  proceeded  dow<i  the  river 
about  a  mile,  with  a  brig,  a  schooner,  and  2  sioops,  where 
they  anchored  and  lay  ti  \  dark,  when  they  set  fire  to  their 
prizes,  and  proceeded  down  to  ibeir  vessels. 

A I tack  on  Stoninyton. — The  British  fleet  off  New-Lon 
don  having  been  reinforced  on  the  9th  August,  1814,  a 
part  of  it,  to  wit,  o  e  74,  two  frigates,  a  sloop  of  war,  and 
a  brig,  appeared  oti  Stouii.gton,  when  sir  7  homas  Hardy 
senl  a  flag  on  shore  for  the  information  of  the  women  and 
ch~ Id-rent 9  that  if  the  town  was  not  surrendered  in  one  hour, 
the  who.e  should  1-e  laid  in  ashes.  The  inhabitants  in 
formed  sir  Hiomas,  <hal  Ston'nytwt,  was  not  Petipauye, 
and  prepared  their  cannon,  2  long  eighttens's,  and  one  6 
pounder  for  defending  themselves.  The  attack  began  at 
9,  at  night,  and  continued  till  1  in  the  morning,  with  round 
shot,  bombs,  and  rockets.  The  militia,  30  in  number,  re 
turned  the  lire  with  great  vigor  and  effect.  The  attack 
was  renewed  next  morning,  and  as  warmly  resented — their 
brig*,  which  lay  nearest  shore,  was  almost  cut  to  pieces, 
and  one  barge,  full  of  men,  was  sunk,  when  the  enemy 
withdrew.  Our  loss  was  4  wounded,  2  houses  fired,  and  2 
horses  killed.  On  the  llth  the\  again  attacked  the  s  lace, 
before  which,  the  humane  pir  Thomas  sent  in  another  de* 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  277 

tnand  for  its  surrender,  accompanied  with  a  threat  that  if  it 
was  not  complied  with, he  would  lay  the  town  in  ashes,  ors«- 
srijice  /i-'s  whole  force,  consisting  of  13  sli.ps  oj  war.  Our 
little  band  of  Heroes  pa  d  little  attention  to  his  threat,  but 
went  steadily  to  work  at  their  cannon,  and  mauled  :he  en- 
emy  so,  that  he  was  ooiiged  to  abandon  the  expedition. 

Gen.  Smith  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

Baltimore,  Sept.  19,  1815. 

[Extract.]  SIR — I  have  the  honor  of  stati  g  'hat  the 
enemv  landed  between  7  and  8000  men  on  the  12ch  m*t.  at 
]\orth  Point,  14  miles  distant  from  this  city.  A  >licipa- 
ting  this  debarkation,  Gen.  Striker  had  been  detached  on 
Sunday  evening1  with  a  portion  of  his  brigade,  to  check 
any  attempt  the  enemy  might  make  in  that  quarter  to  laud  ; 
the  General  took  a  position  on  Monday,  at  the  junction  of 
the  two  roads  leading  from  this  place  to  the  Point,  having 
his  right  flanked  on  Bear  Creek,  and  his  left  by  a  nr<<r*h. 
Here  he  waited  the  approach  of  the  enem\,  after  hav.ug- 
sent  on  an  advance  corps.  Between  two  and  three  o'clock 
the  enemy's  whole  force  came  up,  and  commenced  the 
battle  by  some  discharges  of  rockets,  which  were  succeed 
ed  by  the  cannon  from  both  sides,  when  the  action  became 
general.  Gen.  Strieker  gallantly  maintained  his  ground 
against  this  great  superiority  of  numbers,  one  hour  a;;d  20 
minutes,  when  his  left  gave  way  and  he  was  obliged  to  re 
tire  to  the  ground  in  his  rear.  He  there  formed  his  brig*. 
ade,  but  the  enemy  not  thinking  it  advisable  to  pursue,  re 
fell  back,  according  to  previous  arrangements,  a;sd  formed 
on  the  left  of  my  entrenchments.  I  tee!  a  pride  in  the  be 
lief,  that  the  stand  made  on  Monday,  in  no  small  degree, 
tended  to  check  the  temerity  *of  a  foe,  daring  to  invade  a 
country  like  ours.  Major  General  Ross  the  commander 
in  chief  of  the  British  forces,  was  killed  in  this  action. 
About  the  time  Geii.  Strieker  joined  my  left,  he  vv  s  joined 
by  Gen.  Winder,  (who  had  been  stationed  on  the  west  side 
of  the  city,)  with  Gen.  Douglass'  brigade  of  Virginia  mili 
tia,  and  the  V.  S.  dragoons,  who  took  post  on  the  left  of 
Gen.  Strieker.  Meanwhile,  Gens.  Stansbnry  and  For- 
man,  the  seamen  and  marines  under  C<>ni.  Rodgers,  the 
Pennsylvania  volunteers  under  Cols.  Cobean  and  Findiey, 
the  Baltimore  artillery  under  Col,  Harris,  and  the  marine 


278  HISTORY  OP  THE  WAH. 

artillery  under  Capt.  Stiles,  manned  the  trenches  and  bat- 
tenes — all  prepared  to  meet  the  enemy. 

On  Tuesday  the  enemy  appeared  in  front  of  my  en- 
trenchoieiits,  at  the  distance  of  two  miles,  on  the  Phila 
delphia  road,  and  attempted  by  a  circuitous  rout,  to  march 
against  our  left,  and  enter  the  city;  Generals  Winder  and 
S  r'cker  were  ordered  to  adapt  their  movements  so  as  to 
defeat  their  intentions,  which  completely  succeeded.  This 
movement  induced  the  enemy  to  concentrate  his  forces  by 
one  or  two  o'clock,  in  my  trout,  pushing  his  advance  to 
within  a  mile  of  our  videttes,  and  shewing  an  intention  of 
attacking  us  that  evening1.  1  drew  Generals  Winder  and 
Strieker  nearer  to  the  leit  of  my  entrenchments,  and  to  the 
right  01  the  enemy,  with  the  intention  ot  falling  on  his  re.ir, 
should  he  attack  me  ;  or,  if  he  declined  it,  of  attacking  him 
in  the  morning.  T*>  this  movement,  ant)  m\  defences, 
vlrdi  the  e«»eiiiy  had  the  fa.rest  opportunity  ofobservir.gr, 
I  attribute  in*  v^-treat,  which  was  commenced  at  1  o'clock 
the  next  moraing",  in  which  he  was  so  favored,  by  the  ex 
treme  darkness  and  continued  rain,  that  we  did  noi  discov 
er  it  until  day  light.  A  considerable  detachment  was  sent 
in  pursuit,  but  the  troops  being  so  worn  down  by  fatigue, 
that  they  con  Id  do  nothing  more  than  pick  up  a  few  strag 
glers;  they  completed  their  embarkation  the  ne\t  day  at 
1  o'clock. 

I  have  now  the  pleasure  of  calling  your  attention  to  the 
brave  commander  of  fort  Mdlenry,  Major  Ai  mislead,  and 
to  the  operations  r>.  that  quarter. 

Maj.  Armistead  had  under  h  s  command  one  company 
of  LL-S.  artillery,  two  do.  se;i  fencibles,  three  do.  of  Balti 
more  artillery,  a  detachment  from  Com.  Barney's  flotilla, 
and  about  (500  mihlia,  in  all  about  1000  men. 

On  the  12th,  16  ships,  including  o  bomb  ships,  anchored 
about  two  miles  from  the  tort.  The  next  morning  at  sun 
rise,  the  enemy  commenced  the  attack,  from  his  bomb  ves 
sels,  at  the  distance  of  two  miles,  which  was  out  of  our 
reach.  At  2  o'clock  one  ol  our  guns  was  dismounted, 
which  occasioned  considerable  bustle  in  the  fort,  killing 
one  and  wounding  several,  which  induced  the  enemy  to 
draw  his  ships  within  a  g  o<l  striking  distance,  when  the 
Major  opened  a  well  directed  fire  upon  them  for  hall  an 
fconr,  which  caused  thorn  to  haul  oft'  to  their  old  position. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

when  our  brave  little  band  gave  three  cbeers,  and  again 
ceased  tiring.  Availing  ihemselves  of  the  darkness  ot^the 
nio-ht,  they  had  pushed  a  considerable  force  ab^ve  the  fort, 
and  formed  in  a  half  circle,  when  they  commenced  firing 
again,  which  was  returned  wi*h  spirit,  for  more  than  two 
hours,  when  the  enemy  were  again  obliged  to  haul  off. 

During  the  bombardment,  wh'ch  fasted  Id  hours,  on  the 
part  ot  the  enemy,  from  15  to  1800  shells  were  thrown  by 
them  ;  400  of  which  fell  in  the  Fort,  threatening  destruction 
to  all  within,  but  wonderful  as  it  may  appear,  only  4  of  our 
men  were  killed,  and  24  wounded. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  See. 

S.  SMITH. 

AMERICAN   LOSS. 
Killed  24 — wounded  90 — missing  47. 

BRUISH  LOSS. 
Killed  97 — wounded  1(55 — prisoners  136. 

Gen.  Jackson  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

Mobile,  September  17,  1814, 

[Extract.]  SIR — With  lively  emotions  of  satisfaction,  f 
communicate  that  success  has  crowned  the  gallant  efforts 
of  oiir  brave  soldi*  rs,  in  resisting  and  repulsrng  a  combin 
ed  British  naval  and  land  force,  uh;ch  on  the  15th  iust.  at 
tacked  fort  Bowyer,  on  the  point  ot'  Mobile, 

The  ship  which  was  destroyed,  was  the  Hermes,  of  from; 
24  to  28  guns,  Captain  the  hon.  William  H.  Percy,  senior 
officer  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  ;  and  the  brig  so  considera 
bly  damaged  is  the  Sophie,  18  guns.  The  other  ship  was 
the  Carroll,  of  from  21  to  28  guns;  the  other  brig's  name 
unknown. 

On  board  the  Carron  85  men  were  killed  and  wounded  , 
among  whom  was  Col.  Nicoll,  of  the  royal  marines,  who 
lost  an  eye  by  a  splinter.  The  land  force  consisted  of 
110  marines,  and  200  Creek  Indians,  under  the  command 
of  Capt.  Woodbine,  of  the  marines,  and  about  20  artille 
rists,  with  one  four  and  a  half  inch  howitzer,  from  which 
they  discharged  shells  and  nine  pound  shot.  They  re- em 
barked  the  piece,  and  retreated  by  land  towards  Pensaco- 
la,  whence  they  came. 

-By  the  morning  report-of  the  16th,  there  were  present  in 
the  fort,  fii  for  duty,  officers  and  men,  158. 

I  have  the  honor,  fcr.  ANRRFW 


260  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR, 

Gen.  Brown  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

Fort  Erie,  Sept.  29,  1814. 

[Extract]  SIR— In  my  letter  of  the  18th  inst.  1  briefly 
informed  you  of  the  fortunate  issue  of  the  sortie  which  took 
place  the  day  preceding. 

The  enemy's  c,  nip  I  had  ascertained  to  be  situated  in  a 
iield  surrounded  by  woods  nearly  two  miles  distant  from 
their  batteries  arid  entrenchments,  the  object  ctf  which  was 
to  keep  the  parts  of  the  force  which  was  not  upon  duty,  out 
of  the  range  of  our  fire  from  fort  Erie  and  Bl»ck  Rock. 
Their  infantry  was  formed  into  three  brigades,  estimated 
at  12  o^  15  hundred  men  each.  One  of  these  brigades, 

£? 

wilh  a  detail  from  their  artillery,  was  stationed  at  their 
works,  (these  being  about  500  yards  distant  from  old  fort- 
Erie,  and  the  right  of  our  line.)  We  had  already  suffered 
much  from  the  fire  of  two  of  their  batteries,  and  were  aware 
that  a  third  was  about  to  open  upon  us.  Under  these  cir 
cumstances,  I  resolved  to  storm  the  batteries,  destroy  the 
cannon,  and  roughly  handle  the  brigade  upon  duty,  before 
those  iu  reserve  could  be  brought,  into  action. 

On  the  morning  of  the  17th,  the  mf:intr}  and  riflemen, 
regulars  and  militia,  were  ordered  to  be  paraded  and  put 
in  readiness  to  march  precisely  at  12  o'clock.  Gen.  Por 
ter  with  the  volunteers,  Col.  Gibson  with  the  riflemen,  and 
Major  Brooks  with  the  #jd  and  1st  infantry,  aid  a  few 
dragoons  acting  as  infantry,  were  ordered  to  move  from 
the  extreme  left  of  our  position  upon  the  enemy's  right,  by 
a  passage  opened  through  the  woods  for  the  occasion. 
Gen.  Miller  wa*  directed  to  station  his  command  in  the 
ravine  which  lies  between  fort  Erie  and  the  enemy's  bat 
teries,  by  passing  them  by  detachments  through  the  skirts 
of  the  vvood — and  the  21st  infantry  under  Gen.  Ripley  was 
posted  as  a  corps  01  reserve  between  the  new  bastions  of 
fort  Erie ;  all  under  cox  er,  and  out  of  the  view  of  the  enemy. 

About  "20  minutes  before  three,  P,  M,  I  found  the  left 
columns,  u.iderthe  command  of  Gen.  Porter,  which  were 
destined  to  turn  the  enemy's  right,  within  a  few  rods  of  the 
British  entrenchments.  They  were  ordered  to  advance 
and  commence  -he  action.  Passing  down  the  ravine,  I 
judged  from  the  report  of  musketry,  that  the  action  had 
commenced  on  our  ieit;  1  now  hastened  to  Gen.  Miller, 
and  directed  him  to  seize  the  moment  and  pierce  the  en- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  281 

etny's  entrenchments  between  butteries  No.  2  and  3.  My 
orders  were  promptly  and  ably  executed.  Within  '30 
minutes  ufter  the  first  gun  was  fired,  butteries  No.  2  and  3, 
the  enemy's  line  of  entrenchments,  und  his  two  block 
houses  were  in  our  possession.  Soon  after  bait  ry  No.  1 
was  abandoned  by  the  Br,t;-h.  The  guns  in  each  were 
spiked  by  us,  or  otherwise  destroyed,  and  the  magaz  ne 
of  No.  3  was  blown  up. 

A  few  minutes  before  the  explosion,  I  had  ordered  up 
the  reserve  under  Gen.  Ripley.  As  he  passed  me  at  the 
head  of  his  column,  I  desired  him,  as  he  would  be  the 
senior  in  advance,  to  ascertain  as  near  as  possible,  the  situ 
ation  of  the  troops  in  general,  and  to  have  a  care  that  not 
more  was  hazarded  than  the  occasion  required;  that  the 
object  of  the  sortie  effected,  the  troops  would  retire  in  good 
order,  &c.  Gen*  Ripley  passed  rapidly  on — soon  after,  I 
became  alarmed  for  Gen.  Miller,  and  sent  an  order  for  the 
21st  to  hasten  to  his  support  towards  battery  No.  1,  Col. 
Upham  received  the  order,  and  advanced  to  the  aid  of 
Gen.  Miller.  Gen.  Ripley  had  inclined  to  the  left,  where 
Major  Brooks'  command  was  engaged,  with  a  view  of 
making  some  necessary  enquiries  of  that  officer,  and  in. 
the  act  of  doing  so  v?as  unfortunately  wounded.  By  this 
t:me  the  object  of  the  sortie  was  accomplished  beyond  my 
most  sanguine  expectations.  Gen.  Miller  had  consequent 
ly  ordered  the  troops  on  the  right  to  fall  back — observing 
this  movement,  I  sent  my  staff  along  the  line  to  call  in  the 
other  corps.  Within  a  few  minutes  they  retired  from  the 
ravine,  and  from  thence  to  camp. 

Thus  1000  regulars,  and  an  equal  portion  of  militia,  in 
one  hour  of  close  action,  blasted  the  hopes  of  the  enemy, 
destroyed  the  fruits  of  oO  days  labor,  and  diminished  his 
effective  force  lOOOnitn  at  least. 

Lieut.  Gen.  Drummond  broke  up  his  camp  during  the 
night  of  the  21st,  and  retired  to  his  entrenchments  hehind 
the  Cluppewa.  A  party  of  our  men  came  up  with  the 
rear  of  his  army  at  Frenchman's  cveek;  the  enemy  de 
stroyed  part  of  their  stores  by  setting  tire  to  the  buildings 
from  which  they  were  employed  in  conveying  them.  We 
found  in  and  about  their  camp  a  considerable  quantity  of 
cannon  ball,  and  upwards  of  100  stand  of  arms, 

36 


382  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAK. 

I  send  you  enclosed  herein  a  return  of  our  loss.  The 
return  of  prisoners  enclosed  does  not  include  the  stragglers 
that  came  in  after  the  action. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

JACOB  BRQWN. 

AMERICAN   LOSS. 
Killed  79 — wounded  214 — missing  218. 

BRITISH  LOSS. 

Killed  271 — wounded  311 — prisoners  385. 

BLAKE LEY's  SECJND  VICTORY. 

Capt.  BUikeley  to  the  SecrHary  oj  the  i\avy. 

U  S.  S.  Wasp,  at  sea,  Se  ;l.  11,  1814. 
[Extract.]  SIR — I  have  the  honor  of  informing  you  of 
the  destruction  of  H.  B.  M.  brig  Avon,  of  18  guns  by  this 
ship  on  the  1st  inst.  At  6,  30  mi  lUtes  P.  M.  discovered 
4  sail ;  two  on  ourslaruoard,  and  tuoon  our  larboard  bow; 
haul*  d  up  for  one  on  our  starboard  bow,  being  farthest  to 
wit.dward.  At  7,  the  brig  made  signals,  with  flags,  lan 
terns,  rockets,  and  guns.  At  9  29,  the  chase  being  under 
our  lee  bow,  commenced  the  action,  by  firing  a  12  Ib.  car- 
ronade  t  him.  which  he  ivtumed,  when  we  run  under  his 
lee  bow,  to  prevent  his  escaping.  At  10,  believing  the 
enemy  to  be  silenced,  ceased  tiring,  and  hailed  and  asked 
if  he  had  surrendered.  No  answer  l/eing  given,  and  he 
having  recommenced  firing,  it  was  returned.  At  10,  12, 
the  enemy  having  suffered  greatly,  and  having  made  no  re 
turn  to  our  two  last  broadsides,  I  hailed  the  second  time, 
when  he  answered  in  the  affirmative.  The  guns  were 
then, ordered  to  be  secured,  and  the  boat  lowered  to  take 
possession.  In  the  act  of  lowering  the  boat,  a  second  brig 
was  discovered  close  under  our  stern,  and  standing  for  us. 
Sent  the  crew  to  quarters,  and  prepared  for  anoiher  action, 
and  waited  his  coming  up.  At  10,  3(3,  discovered  two 
more  sails  astern,  standing  for  us.  Our  braces  having  been 
cut  away,  we  kept  off  the  wind,  until  others  couid  be  rove, 
with  the  expectation  of  drawing  the  second  bngfrom  his 
companions,  but  was  disappointed  :  having  contnued  ap 
proaching  us  until  within  gun  shot  she  suddenly  hauled  by 
the  wind,  fired  a  broadside,  which  done  considerable  dam-r 
age,  and  soon  retraced  her  steps  to  join  her  consorts.  Our 
prize,  when  \ve  abandoned  her,  was  firing  guns  of  distress; 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  283 

the  two  last  sails  came  to  her  assistance,  in  time  to  save 
her  crew  from  sinking  with  the  vessel,  which  went  down 
soon  afterwards. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  <Scc. 

J.  BLAKELEY. 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 

Killed  2— Wounded  1. 

BRITISH  LOJ^S. 
Killed  12— Wounded  33. 

Gen.  M'  Arthur  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

H.  Q.  Detroit*,  Nov.  18,1814. 

[Extract.]  SIR — I  have  the  honor  to  report  to  you  the 
safe  return  of  the  mounted  troops  to  this  place. 

It  was  deemed  expedient,  from  the  ardour  of  the  Ken 
tucky  and  Ohio  volunteers  and  militia,  that  they  should  be 
actively  employed  in  the  enemy's  territory,  with  a  view  to 
destroy  their  resources,  and  paralize  any  attempt  they  might 
make  on  this  post  during  the  winter.  Accordingly  630 
troops,  and  70  Indians,  were  put  in  motion  to  destroy  the 
valuable  mills  at  the  head  of  Lake  Ontario,  and  Grand 
River.  We  proceeded  over  the  river  St.  Ciair,  down  to 
the  Scotch  settlement,  up  Bear  Creek,  about  30  miles,  and 
across  to  the  Moravian  towns,  where  we  arrived  the  30th 
ult. 

We  were  fortunate  at  this  place  in  taking  a  British  offi 
cer  who  was  proceeding  to  Burlington  with  the  informa 
tion  of  our  approach,  which  enabled  us  to  reach  Delaware 
town  undiscovered.  The  rangers  were  detached  across 
the  Thames,  to  pass  in  rear  of  the  town,  to  guard  the  differ 
ent  roads,  whilst  the  troops  were  swimming  their  horses 
across.  We  were  thus  enabled  to  reach  Oxford,  150  miles 
from  Dttroitj  before  they  heard  of  our  approach.  A  few 
hours  before  our  arrival  at  Buford,  the  enemy  retreated  to 
Malcolm's  mills,  on  the  road  to  Burlington,  where  they 
•were  reinforced,  to  the  number  of  500  militia,  and  about 
100  Indians.  A  deep  creek  of  difficult  passage,  except  at 
a  bridge  immediately  in  front  of  their  works,  which  had 
been  partly  destroyed,  lay  between  us.  Arrangements 
were  made  for  a  joint  attack  on  their  front  and  rear.  The 
Ohio  troops  were  thrown  across,  under  cover  of  a  thick 
wood,  and  the  Kentucky  troops  were  ordered  to  attack  in 


284  HISTORY  OF  rilB  WAR, 

front.  The  enemy  were  entirely  defeated  and  dispersed, 
with  the  loss  of  1  Capt.  and  17  privates  killed,  and  3  Capts. 
5  subalterns,  and  103  privates,  taken  prisoners.  Oar  loss 
was  only  one  killed,  and  six  wounded.  The  next  day -we 
proceeded  on  and  took  several  prisoners,  200  stands  of 
arms,  and  destroyed  five  valuable  mills,  when  we  com^ 
jnenced  our  return  march  for  this  place,  which  we  reached 
yesterday 

1  have  the  honor  to  fae,  &r. 

I).  M'ARTHUR. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Gen.  Jackson  to  Gov.  Early. 

H  Q,  Tensavv,  Nov,  ^4tb,  1814. 

\lExtracl^\  SIR — Last  evening  I  returned  from  Pensa-^ 
cola  to  this  place — 1  reached  that  post  on  the  evening-  of 
the  6th  On  my  approach,  I  sent  Maj.  Pierre  with  a  flag 
to  communicate  the  object  of  my  visit  to  the  Gov.  of  Pensa- 
cola.  He  approached  tort  St.  George,  with  his  flag  dis 
played,  and  was  fired  on  by  the  cannon  from  the  tort — he 
returned  and  made  report  thereof  to  me.  I  immediately 
•went  with  the  Adj.  Gen.  and  the  Maj,  with  a  small  escort, 
arid  viewed  the  ton  and  found  it  defended  by  British  and 
Spanish  troops.  I  immediately  determined  to  storm  the 
town. 

On  the  morning  of  the  7th,  I  marched  with  the  effective 
regulars  of  the  3d,  39th,  and  44th  infantry,  part  of  Gen. 
Coffee's  brigade,  the  Mississippi  dragoons,  and  part  of  the 
West  Tennessee  regiment,  and  part  of  the  Choctaws  led 
by  Maj.  Blue,  of  the  39th,  and  Maj.  Kennedy  of  the  Mis 
sissippi  territory.  feeing  encamped  on  the  west  of  the 
town  I  calculated  they  would  expect  the  assault  from  that 
quarter,  and  be  prepared  to  rake  me  from  the  fort,  and  the 
British  armed  vessels,  seven  in  number,  that  'ay  in  the  bay. 
To  cherish  this  idea  I  sent  out  part  of  the  mounted  men  to 
show  themselves  on  the  west,  whilst  I  passed  in  rear  of  the 
fort  undiscovered  to  the  east  of  the  town.  When  I  appear 
ed  within  a  m:le,  J  was  in  full  view.  My  pride  was  nev 
ermore  heightened  than  viewing  the  uniform  firmness  ef 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR, 

my  troops,  and  with  what  undaunted  courage  they  advanc 
ed,  with  a  strong  fort  ready  to  assail  them  on  the  right,  7 
British  armed  vessels  on  the  left,  and  strong  blockhouses 
and  batteries  of  cannon  in  their  front,  but  they  still  advanc 
ed  with  unshaken  firmness,  entered  the  town,  when  a  batte 
ry  of  two  cannon  was  opened  upon  the  centre  column  com 
posed  of  the  regulars,  viith  ball  and  grape,  and  a  shower 
ot  musketrv  from  the  houses  and  gardens.  The  battery 
was  immediately  stormed  b\  Capt.  Levall  and  company, 
and  carried,  and  the  musketry  was  soon  silenced  by  the 
steady  and  well  d.recte<i  tire  of  the  regulars. 

The  Gov.  met  Cols.  Williamson  a>id  Smith,  who  led  the 
dismounted  volunteers,  with  a  flag,  begged  lor  mercy,  and 
surrendered  the  town  and  fort  unconditionally  ;  mercy  was 
granted  and  protection  given  to  the  citizei.s  and  their  prop 
erty. 

On  the  morning  of  the  8th,  I  prepared  to  march  and 
storm  the  Barancas,  but,  before  I  could  move,  tremendous 
explosions  told  me  that  the  Brirancas,  with  all  Us  appen 
dages,  was  blown  up.  I  dispatched  a  detachment  of  tv\o 
hundred  men  to  explore  it,  who  returned  in  the  niohc  with 
the  information  that  it  was  blown  up,  all  the  combustible 
parts  burnt,  the  cannon  spiked  and  dismounted  except  two: 
this  being  the  case,  I  determined  to  \\ithdraw  my  troops, 
but  before  I  did  I  had  the  pleasure  to  see  the  British  de 
part. 

The  steady  firmness  of  my  troops  has  drawn  a  just  res.- 
pect  from  our  enemies — It  has  convinced  the  Red  Sticks 
that  they  have  no  strong  hold  or  protection,  only  in  the 
friendship  of  the  United  States.  The  good  order 
and  conduct  of  my  troops  whilst  inPetisacola,  has  con 
vinced  the  Spaniards  of  our  friendship,  and  prowess,  and 
has  drawn  from  the  citizens  an  expression  that  our  Cuoc- 
tawsare  more  civilized  than  the  British. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

ANDREW  JACKSON. 

Gen.  Jackson  to  the  Secretary  of  IVar. 

ti.  Q,.  New-Orleans,  Dec.  27, 1814. 
[Extractt]  SIR — I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  of  the 
result  ot  the  action  on  the  23d.     The  loss  of  our  gun  boats 
near  tho  pass  of  the  Rigolets,  have  given  the  enemy  com- 


286'  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAK. 

mand  of  lake  Borgne,  he  was  enabled  to  choose  his  point 
of  attack.  It  became  therefore  an  object  of  importance  to 
obstruct  the  numerous  bayous  and  canals  leading  from  that 
lake,  to  the  highlands  on  the  Mississippi.  This  important 
service  was  committed  to  Major  Gen.  Villere,  commanding 
the  district  between  the  river  and  the  takes,  and  w^o,  being 
a  native  of  the  country,  was  presumed  to  be  be  4  acqiui  ,ted 
\vitli  all  those  passes.  Unfortunately,  however,  a  picquet 
which  the  Gen.  had  established  at  the  mouth  of  the  bayou 
Bienvenu,  and  which  notwithstanding  my  orders  had  been 
left  unobstructed,  was  completely  surprised,  and  the  enemy 
penetrated  through  a  canal  leading  to  his  farm,  about  two 
leagues  below  the  city,  and  succeeded  in  cutting  oil  a  com 
pany  of  militia  stationed  there. — This  intelligence  was 
communicated  to  me  about  12  o'clock  on  the  2«2d.  My 
force  at  this  time  did  not  exceed  in  all  1500.  1  arrived 
near  the  enemy's  encampment  about  seve;i,  and  imme 
diately  made  my  dispositions  for  the  att-ick.  His  iorces 
•amounting  at  that  time  on  laud  to  about  3000,  extended 
half  a  mile  on  the  river,  and  in  the  rear  nearn  tot;»e  wood, 
Gew.  Coffee  was  ordered  to  turn  their  right,  while  with  tha 
residue  of  the  force  1  attacked  his  strongest  position  on  the 
ieft  near  the  river. 

Coil).  Patterson  having  dropped  down  the  river  in  the 
schooner  Caroline,  was  directed  to  ope<i  a  tire  upon  their 
camp,  which  he  executed  at  about  halt' after  seven.  This 
being  the  signal  of  attack,  Gen.  Coffee's  men  with  their 
usual  impetuosity,  rushed  on  the  enemy's  right  and  enter 
ed  their  camp,  while  our  right  advanced  with  equal  ardor. 
A  thick  fog  arose  about  8  o'clock  occasioning  some  con 
fusion  among  the  different  corps.  Fearing  tbe  conse 
quences,  under  this  circumstance,  of  the  prosecution  of  a 
night  attack  with  troops  then  acting  together  for  the  first 
time,  I  contested  myself  with  lying  on  the  field  that  night; 
and  at  four  in  the  morning  assumed  a  stronger  position 
about  two  miles  nearer  the  city. 

In  this  affair  the  whole  corps  under  iny  command  de 
serve  the  greatest  credit.  The  best  compliment  1  can  pay 
to  Gen.  Coffee  and  his  brigade,  is  to  say,  they  behaved  as 
they  have  always  tione  while  under  my  command.  The 
two  tield  pieces  were  well  served  by  the  officer  commaiKl- 
i£  them. 


HISTORY  OF   THE    WAR. 

We  have  made  1  major,  2  subalterns,  and  sixty-three 
privates  prisoners. 

1  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sec. 

ANDREW  JACKSON. 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 

Killed  and  Wounded  100. 

BRITISH  LOS-'. 

Killed  and  Wounded  344  —  Prisoners  66. 

Gen.  Jackson  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

H.  Q.  New-Orleans,  Jan.  13,1815. 

[Extract,]  SIR  —  At  such  a  crisis  I  conceive  it  my  duty 
to  keep  you  constantly  advised  of  m\  situation. 

Early  on  the  morning-  of  the  8th,  the  enemy  having  been 
actively  employed  the  two  preceding  days  in  making  pre 
parations  ior  a  storm,  advanced  in  two  strong  columns  on 
my  right  and  left.  They  were  received  however,  with  a 
firmness,  which  seems,  they  little  expected,  and  which  de 
feated  all  their  hopes.  Mv  men  undisturbed  by  their  ap 
proach,  which  indeed  they  long  anxiously  wished  for,  op 
ened  upon  them  afire  so  deliberate  and  certain,  as  render 
ed  their  scaling  ladders  and  fascines,  as  well  as  their  more 
direct  implements  of  warfare,  perfectly  useless.  For  up 
wards  of  an  hour  it  was  continued  with  a  briskness  of  which, 
there  have  been  but  tew  instances,  perhaps,  in  any  country, 
In  justice  to  the  enemy  it  must  be  said,  they  withstood  it  as 
long  as  could  have  been  expected  from  the  most  determin 
ed  bravery.  At  length  however  when  all  prospect  of  suc 
cess  became  hopeless,  they  fled  in  confusion  from  the  field 
—  leaving  it  covered  with  their  dead  and  wounded. 

My  loss  .was  inconsiderable  ;  being  only  seven*  killed 
and  six  wounded. 

Such  a  disproportion  in  loss,  when  we  consider  the  num 
ber  and  the  kind  of  troops  engaged,  must,  1  know,  excite 
astonishment,  and  may  not,  every  where,  be  fully  credited  : 
yet  1  am  perfectly  satisfied  that  the  account  is  not  exagge 
rated  Oil  the  one  part,  nor  underrated  on  the  other. 

Whether  after  the  severe  losses  he  has  sustained,  he  is 
preparing  to  return  to  his  shipping,  or  to  make  still  migli- 


*  This  nay  in  the  action  on  the  line—  afterward*  a  tfcirtnisking  tvns  fay? 
vp  in  which  a/ew  mor?  o/'our  men  wrf  fo*f 


288  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAK. 

tier  efforts  to  attain  his  first  object,  I  do  not  pretend  to  de 
termine.  I:  becomes  me  to  act  as  though  the  latter  was 
his  intention.  One  thing,  however,  seems  certain,  that  if 
he  still  calculates  on  effecting  what  he  has  hitherto  been 

c5 

unable  to  accomplish  he  must  expect  considerable  rein 
forcements,  as  the  force  with  which  he  landed,  must  un 
doubtedly  be  diminished  at  least  8000.  Besides  the  loss 
which  he  sustained  on  the  night  of  the  23d  ultimo,  which 
is  estimated  at  400,  he  cannot  have  suffered  less  between 
thnt  period  and  the  morning  of  the  8th  itist.  than  300  ; 
having  within  that  time,  been  repulsed  in  two  general  at- 
temps  to  drive  us  from  our  position,  and  there  having'  been 
continual  cannonading  and  skirmishing,  during  the  whole 
of  it.  Yet  he  is  still  able  to  show  a  very  formid  -ble  force. 

The  commanding  General  sirE  Iward  Packenham  was 
killed  in  the  action  of  the  8th,  and  Major  Generals  Kean 
and  Gibbs  were  mortally  wounded. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c, 

ANDREW  JACKSON. 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 

Killed  seven — wounded  six. 

BRITISH  LOSS. 

Killed  700 — wounded  1400 — prisoners  562. 

Lieut.  Shields  to  Com.  Patterson. 

JNew-Orleans,  Jan.  25th,  18?.5. 

[Extract.]  SIR — I  have  the  honor  of  reporting  the  re 
sult  of  the  expedition  ordered  by  you  on  the  17th  inst. 
The  19th,  at  night,  I  left  the  Pass  'Cheuf  Menteur,  having 
made  the  necessary  observations  on  the  enemy  before  dark, 
with  5  boats  and  your  jjig,  manned  with  50  men.  At  10 
P.  M.  captured  a  boat  by  surprise,  manned  with  55  men. 
The  number  of  prisoners  exceeding  my  men,  I  thought  it 
most  prudent  to  land  them,  to  prevent  weakening  my  force, 
which  was  accordingly  done,  and  the  prisoners  were  put 
into  the  charge  of  the  army  at  the  Pass.  The  2 1st,  at  day 
light,  I  again  fell  into  the  track  of  the  fleet.  Finding  it 
impossible  to  make  any  captures,  without  being  discover- 
ed,  I  determined  to  run  down  among  them,  and  strike  at 
every  opportunity — hoisted  English  colors,  and  took  u 
transport  boat  with  5  men  ;  ordered  her  to  follow,  and 
stood  for  a  transport  schooner,  with  10  men,  which  I  board- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  289- 

t(\  with  8  men,  and  took  without  opposition.  From  9,  to 
12  o'clock,  we  were  in  the  midst  of  their  boats,  and  suc 
ceeded  in  taking  5  more,  with  about  70  men.  The  ene 
my's  loss  on  this  occasion  was  140  prisoners,  7  boats  and  1 
transport  schooner. 

1  have  the  honor  to  be,  Vc. 

THO.  SHIELDS. 

Sailing  master  Johnson  to  Com.  Patterson. 

New-Orleans,  January  7,  1815. 

[Extract.]  SIR — I  h  ive  the  pleasure  of  informing-    you 
of  my  succeeding   in  destroying  a  transport  brig    in  lake 
Borgne,  yesterday,  at  4  A.  M.      On  the  5th  inst.  I  pro 
ceeded  down  to  the  east  mouth  of  the  Pass,  to  ascertain  the 
enemy's  position  ;  finding  at  anchor  there  one  brig,  three 
gun  boats,  three  schooners,  and  several  barges,  the  brig 
lying  a  m;le  distant  from  the  others,  I  returned,  and  deter 
mined  to  make  an  attempt  to  destroy  her.     My  crew  -ow 
amounted  to  38  men  ;  with    th.s   force   I  was  confident  1 
should  be  able  to  destroy  her,  although  I  had  been   previ 
ously   informed    she  mounted  4    pieces    of  cannon,   and 
equipped  accordingly.     On  the  6th  at  4  A.  M.  we  boarded 
the  brig,  her  crew  consisting  of  a  Captain,  a  sailing  master, 
and  8  marines,    making   no    resistance.     It  being   nearly 
day-light,  I  ordered  the  prisoners  into    my  boat,  and  set 
fire  to  the  brig,  which  proved  to  be  the  Cyrus,  loaded  with 
rum,  bread,  and  soldiers  clothing. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

WILLIAM  JOHNSON. 

ADDRESS, 

Directed  by  Major  General  Jackson  to  be  read  at  the  head 
of  each  of  the  corps  composing  the  line  below  A'eit;- 
Orleans,  January  21,  1815. 

Citizens  and  fellow  soldiers  !  The  enemy  has  retreated, 
and  your  General  has  now  leisure  to  proclaim  to  the  world 
what  he  has  noticed  with  admiration  and  pride — your  un 
daunted  courage,  your  patriotism  and  patience,  under 
hardships  and  fatigues. — Natives  of  different  States,  acting 
together  for  the  first  time  in  this  camp;  differing  in  habits 
and  in  language,  instead  of  viewing  in  these  circumstan- 
the  germ  of  distrust  and  division,  you  have  made  them 
37 


290  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

the  source  of  an  honorable  emulation,  and  from  the  seed?* 
of  discord  itself  have  reaped  the  fruits  of  an  honorable 
union.  This  day  completes  the  fourth  week  since  fifteen 
hundred  of  you  attacked  treble  your  number  of  men,  who 
had  boasted  of  their  discipline,  and  their  services,  u  ,der  a 
celebrated  leader,  in  a  long1  and  eventful  war — attacked 
them  in  their  camp,  the  moment  they  had  profaned  the  soil 
of  freedom  with  their  hostile  tread,  and  inflicted  a  blow 
which  was  a  prelude  to  the  final  result  of  their  attempt  to 
conquer,  or  their  poor  contrivances  to  divide  us.  A  few 
hours  was  sufficient  to  unite  the  gallant  baud,  though  at  the 
moment  they  received  the  welcome  order  to  march,  tbey 
were  separated  many  leagues,  in  different  directions  from 
thecih.  The  gay  rapidity  of  the  march,  arid  the  cheer 
ful  countenances  of  the  officers  and  men,  would  have  in 
duced  a  belief  that  some  festive  entertainment,  not  the- strife 
of  battle,,  was  the  scene  to  which  they  hastened  with  so 
much  eagerness  and  hilarity.  In  the  conflict  that  ensued* 
the  same  spirit  was  supported,  and  my  communications  to 
the  executive  of  the  U.  States  have  testified  the  sense  I  en 
tertained  of  the  merits  of  the  corps  and  officers  that  were 
engaged.  Resting  on  the  field  of  battle,  they  retired  in 
perfect  order  on  the  next  morning  to  these  lines,  destined 
to  become  the  scene  of  future  victories,  which  they  were 
to  share  with  th<>  rest  of  you,  my  brave  companions  in  arms. 
Scarcely  were,  your  lines  in  a  protection  against  musket 
shot,  when  on  the  23d  a  disposition  was  made  to  attack 
them  with  ali  the  pomp  and  purade  of  military  tactics,  as 
improved  by  those  veterans  of  the  Spanish  war. 

Their  batteries  of  heav\  cannon  kept  up  an  incessant 
fire;  their  rockets  illuminated  the  air;  and  under  their 
cover  two  strong  columns  threatened  our  flanks.  The  foe 
insolently  thought  that  this  spectacle  was  too  imposing  to 
be  resisted,  and  i;i  the  intoxication  of  his  pride  he  already 
saw  our  lines  abandoned  without  a  contest — how  were 
those  menacing  appearances  met? 

By  shouts  of  defiance,  by  a  manly  countenance,  not  to 
be  shaken  by  the  roar  of  his  cannon,  or  by  the  glare  of  his 
fire- work  rockets;  by  an  artillery  served  with  superior 
skill,  and  with  deadly  effect.  Never,  my  brave  fnends,  can 
your  General  forget  the  testimonials  of  attachment  to  our 
glorious  cause,  of  indignant  hatred  to  our  foe,  of  efieclioii- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  291 

ate  confidence  in  your  chief,  that  resounded  from  every 
rank,  as  he  passed  along  your  line.  This  animating  scene 
damped  the  courage  of  the  enemy  ;  lie  dropped  his  scaling- 
ladders  and  fascines,  and  the  threatened  attack  dwindled 
into  a  demonstration,  which  served  only  to  shew  the  empti 
ness  of  his  parade,  and  to  inspire  you  with  a  just  confidence 
in  yourselves. 

The  new  year  was  ushered  in  with  the  most  tremendous 
fire  his  whole  artillery  could  produce — a  few  hours  only, 
however,  were  necessary  for  the  brave  and  skilful  men  \vho 
directed  our  own  to  dismount  his  cannon,  destroy  his  bat 
teries,  and  effectually  silence  his  lire.  Hitherto,  my  brave 
friends,  in  the  contest  on  our  lines,  your  courage  had  been 
passive  only;  you  stood  with  calmness,  afire  that  would 
have  tried  the  firmness  of  a  veteran,  and  you  anticipated  a 
hearer  contest  with  an  eagerness  which  was  soon  to  be 
gratified. 

On  the  8th  of  January  the  final  effort  was  made.  At  the 
dawn  of  day  the  batteries  opened  and  the  columns  advanc 
ed.  Knowing  that  the  volunteers  from  Tennesse  and  the 
militia  from  Kentucky  were  stationed  on  your  left,  it  was 
there  they  directed  their  chief  attack. 

Reasoning  always  from  false  principles,  they  expected 
little  opposition  from  men,  whose  officers  even  were  not  in 
uniform,  who  were  ignorant  of  the  rules  of  dress,  and  who 
had  never  been  caned  into  discipline — i'atal  mistake  !  a  fire 
incessantly  kept  up,  directed  with  calmness  and  unerring 
aim,  strewed  the  field  with  the  bravest  officers  and  men  of 
the  column  which  slowly  advanced,  according  to  the  most 
approved  rules  of  European  tactics,  and  was  cut  down  by 
the  untutored  courage  of  American  militia.  Unable  to 
sustain  this  galling  and  unceasing  fire,  some  hundreds  near 
est  the  entrenchment  called  for  quarter,  which  was  granted 
— the  rest  retreating,  were  rallied  at  some  distance,  but  on 
ly  to  make  them  a  surer  mark  for  the  grape  and  cannister 
shot  of  our  artillery,  which,  without  exaggeration,  mowed 
down  whole  ranks  at  every  discharge  :  and  at  length  they 
precipitately  retired  from  the  field. 

Our  right  had  only  a  short  contest  to  sustain  with  a  few 
rash  men,  who,  fatally  for  themselves,  forced  their  entrance 
into  the  unfinished  redoubt  on  the  river.  They  were 
quickly  dispossessed,  and  this  glorious  day  terminated  with 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR, 

a  loss  to  the  enemy  of  their  commander  in  chief  and  one 
Major-General  killed,  another  Major-  eneral  wounded, 
the  most  experienced  and  bravest  of  their  officers,  and  more 
than  three  thousand  men  killed,  wounded  and  missing", 
while  our  ranks,  my  friends,  were  thinned  only  by  the  loss 
of  six  of  our  brave  companions  killed,  and  seven  disabled 
by  wounds — wonderful  interposition  of  Heaven  !  unexam 
pled  event  in  the  history  of  war! 

Let  us  be  grateful  to  the  God  of  battles  who  has  direct 
ed  the  arrows  of  indignation  against  our  invaders,  while 
he  covered  with  his  protecting  shield  the  brave  defenders 
of  their  coqntry. 

Alter  this  unsuccessful  and  d  sastrous  attempt,  their 
spirits  were  broken,  their  force  was  destroyed,  and  their 
•whole  attention  was  employed  in  providing  the  means  of 
escape.  This  they  have  effected  ;  leaving  their  heavy  ar 
tillery  in  our  power,  and  many  of  their  wounded  to  our 
clemency.  The  consequences  of  this  short,  but  decisive 
campaign,  are  incalculably  important.  The  pride  of  our 
arrogant  enemy  humbled,  his  forces  broken,  his  leaders 
killed,  his  insolent  hopes  of  our  disunion  frustrated — his 
expectation  of  noting  in  our  spoils  and  wasting  our  country 
changed  into  ignominious  defeat,  shameful  flight,  and  a  re 
luctant  .acknowledgment  of  the  humanity  and  kindness,  oi 
those  whom  he  had  (loomed  to  all  the  horrors  and  hiiin illa 
tion  of  a  conquered  state. 

O:i  the  other  side,  unanimity  established,  disaffection 
crushed,  confidence  restored,  your  country  saved  from  con 
quest,  your  property  from  pillage,  your  wives  and  daughr 
ters  trom  insull'and  violation* — the  union  preserved  from 
dismemberment,  and  perhaps  a  period  put  by  this  deceive 
shvke  io  a  bloody  and  savage  war.  These,  my  brave 
fneitds,  are  the  consequences  of  the  efforts  you  have  made, 
and  the  success  with  which  they  have  been  crowned  by 
Heaven. 

These  important  results  have  been  effected  by  the  united 
courage  and  perseverance  oi"  the  army  ;  but  which  the  dif 
ferent  cor  s  as  well  as  the  individuals  that  compose  it,  vi 
ed  with  each  oilier  in  their  exertions  to  produce.  The 
gratitude,  the  admiration  of  their  country,  offers  a  fairer  re- 

*  Previous   to  the  attack    Gen    Packenham  gave  out  for   natchrvord, 
Beauty  aad  Booty/  and  promised  ihree  days  not  and  plunder. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  293 

ward  than  that  which  any  praises  of  the  Gen.  can  bestow, 
and  the  best  is  that  of  which  they  can  never  be  deprived, 
the  consciousness  ot  having  done  their  duty,  and  of  merit 
ing-  the  applause  they  will  receive. 

Com.  Dccatur  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

H.  B.  M.  ship  Endymion,  at  sea,  Jan.  18,  1815, 
SIR — The  painful  duty  of  detailing  to  you  the  particu 
lar  causes  which  preceded  and  led  to  the  capture  of  the 
late  U.  S.  frigate  President  by  a  squadron  of  his  Britannic 
majesty's  ships*  has  devolved  upon  me.  In  my  communi 
cation  of  the  14th,  I  made  known  my  intention  of  proceed 
ing*  to  sea  on  that  evening.  Owi  g  to  some  mistake  of  the 
pilots,  the  ship  in  go;ng  out  grounded  on  the  bar,  where 
she  continued  to  strike  heavily  for  an  hour  and  a  half;  al 
though  she  had  broken  several  of  her  rudder  braces,  and 
had  received  such  other  material  injury  as  to  render  her 
return  into  port  desirable,  I  was  unable  to  do  so  from  the 
strong  westerly  wind  which  was  then  blowing.  We  shap 
ed  our  course  along  the  shore  of  Long-Island  aad  for  50 
miles,  and  then  steered  S.  E.  by  E.  At  five  o'clock,  three 
ships  were  discovered  ahead;  we  immediately  hauled  up 
the  ship  and  passed  two  miles  to  the  northward  of  them. 
At  day  light,  we  discovered  four  ships  in  chase,  one  on 
each  quarter,  and  two  astern,  the  leading  shi>>  of  the  ene 
my  a  razee — she  commenced  a  fire  upon  us  but  without 
effect.  At  meridian  the  wind  became  light  and  ban4mg  ; 
\ve  had  increased  our  distance  from  the  razee,  but  the 
next  ship  astern,  which  was  also  a  large  ship,  had  gained 
and  continued  to  gain  upo-s  us  considerably;  we  immedi- 
atelyoccupied  all  hands  to  lighten  ship.  At  3,  we  had  the 
wind  quite  light;  the  enemy  who  had  now  been  joined  by 
a  brig,  had  a  strong  breeze,  and  were  coming  up  with  us 
rapidly.  The  E  idvmion^mountmg  50  guns,  24  pounders 
on  the  main  deck)  had  now  approached  us  within  gun  shot 
and  had  commenced  a  tire  with  her  bow  guns,  which  we 
returned  from  our  stern.  At  5  o'clock,  she  had  obtained 
a  position  on  our  starboard  quarter,  within  half  point 
blank  shot,  on  which  neither  our  stern  nor  quarter  guns 
would  bear;  I  remained  with  her  in  tins  position  for  half  an 

.*•  Majestic  razee,  Endymion)  Pomonr,  Tcnedos.  Dispatch  (brig.) 


294  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

hour,  in  the  hope  that  she  would  close  with  us  on  our 
bn-adside,  in  which  case  I  prepared  my  crew  to  board,  but 
from  his  continuing  to  yaw  his  ship  to  maintain  his  position, 
it  became  evident  that  to  close  was  not  his  intention.  Eve 
ry  fire  now  cut  some  of  our  sails  or  rigging".  To  have 
co  tinned  our  course  under  these  circumstances,  would 
have  been  placing1  it  in  his  power  to  cripple  us,  without  be 
ing  subject  to  injury  himself,  and  to  have  hauled  up  more 
to  the  northward  to  bring  our  stern  guns  to  bear,  would 
have  exposed  us  to  his  raking  fire. 

.It  was  now  dusk  when  I  determined  to  alter  my  course 
south,  for  the  purpose  oi  bringing  the  enemy  abeam,  and 
although  their  ships  astern  were  drawing  up  fast,  I  felt  sat 
isfied  I  should  be  enabled  to  throw  him  out  of  the  combat 
before  they  could  come  up,  and  was  not  without  hopes,  if 
the  night  proved  dark  (of  which  there  was  every  appear 
ance  J  that  I  might  still  be  enabled  to  effect  my  escape. 
Our  opponent  kept  off  at  the  same  instant  we  did,  and  fire 
commenced  at  the  same  time.  We  continued  engaged, 
steering  south  with  steering  sails  set  two  hours  and  a  half, 
when  we  completely  succeeded  in  dismantling  her.  Pre 
viously  to  her  dropping  entirely  out  of  the  action,  there 
.were  intervals  of  minutes,  when  the  ships  were  broadside 
and  broadside,  and  in  which  she  did  not  fire  a  gun.  At 
this  period,  half  past  8  o'clock,  although  dark,  the  other 
ships  ot 'thesquaclroii  were  in  sight,  and  almost  within  gnu 
shot.  We  were  of  course  compelled  to  abandon  her.  In 
resuming  our  former  course  for  the  purpose  of  avoiding  the 
squadron,  we  were  compelled  to  present  our  stern  to  our 
antagonist — but  such  was  his  state,  though  we  were  thus 
exposed  and  within  range  ot  his  guns  for  half  an  hour,  that 
he  did  not  avail  himself  of  this  favorable  opportunity  of 
raking  us.  We  continued  tins  coarse  until  i  1  o'clnck, 
when  two  fresh  ships  of  the  enemy  (the  Pornone  and  Tene- 
dos)  had  come  up.  Tbe  Pomoue  had  opened  her  fire  on 
thelarboard  bow,  within  musket  shot ;  the  ether  a  font  two 
cables'  length  astern,  taking  a  raking  position  on  our  quar 
ter;  and  the  rest  (with  the  exception  of  the  Elifiytnion) 
within  gun  .shot.  Thus  situated,  with  about  one  fifth  of 
my  crew  killed  and  wounded,  my  ship  crippled,  and  a  more 
than  four-fold  force  opp.sed  to  me,  without  a  chance  of 
f scane  left,  I  deepied  it  my  duty  to  surrender. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  295r 

It  is  with  emotions  of  pride,  I  bear  testimony  to  the  gal 
lantry  and  steadiness  of  every  officer  and  man  I  had  the 
honor  to  command  on  this  occasion,  and  I  feel  satisfied 
iliat  the  fact  of  their  having*  beaten  a  force  equal  to  them 
selves,  in  the  presence,  and  almost  under  the  guns  of  vastly 
a  superior  force,  when,  too,  it  was  almost  self  evident,  that 
whatever  their  exertions  might  be,  they  must  ultimately  be 
captured,  will  be  taken  as  evidence  of  what  they  would 
have  performed,  had  the  force  opposed  to  them  been  in  any 
degree  equal. 

For  24  hours  after  the  action  it  was  nearly  calm,  and  the 
squadron  were  occupied  in  repairing  the  crippled  ships. 
Such  of  the  crew  of  the  President  as  were  not  badly  wound 
ed,  were  put  on  board  the  different  ships;  myself  and  a 
part  of  my  crew  were  put  on  board  this  ship.  On  the  17th 
we  had  a  gale  from  the  eastward,  when  this  ship  lost  her 
bowsprit,  fore  and  main-masts,  and  mizen  top-mast,  all  of 
which  were  badly  wounded,  and  was,  in  consequence  of 
her  disabled  condition,  obliged  to  throw  overboard  all  hey 
upper  deck  guns. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

STEPHEN  DECATUR, 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 

Killed  24 — woundeii  55. 

BRITISH  LOSS. 

Killed  15— wounded  '28. 

BOYLE'S  VICTORY. 

Capt.  Boyle  to  Mr.  Georye  P.  titephcnson. 

Privateer  Chasseur,  at  sea,  March  2,  1815. 
[Extract.]  SIR — I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you,  that 
on  the  26th  of  February  being  about  six  leagues  to  wind 
ward  of  Havanna,  and  two  leagues  from  the  land — at  11, 
A.  M.  discovered  a  schooner  bearing  N  E.  of  us,  appar 
ently  running  before  the  wind  ;  made  every  possible  sail  in 
chase.  At  half  past  meridian  I  fired  a  gun  and  hoisted 
the  American  flag,  to  ascertain,  if  possible,  the  nation 
which  she  belonged  to,  but  she  shewed  no  colors.  At  ]„ 
P.  M.  drawing  up  with  him  very  fast,  she  fired  a  stern 
chase  gun  at  us,  and  hoisted  English  colors,  shewing  at  tin- 
time  only  three  ports  in  the  side  next  to  ns. 


296  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

Under  the  impression  that  she  was  a  running  vessel 
bound  to  Havanna,  weakly  armed  and  manned,  I  tried 
every  effort  to  close  with  him  as  quick  as  possible.  Saw 
very  few  men  on  his  deck,  and  hastily  made  small  prepar 
ation  for  action,  though  my  officers,  myself  and  men  did 
not  expect  any  fighting1,  of  course  we  were  not  completely 
prepared  forac;iou.  At  1,  2(>,  we  were  within  pistol  shot 
of  him  when  he  opened  a  tier  of  ten  ports  on  a  side,  and 
gave  his  broadside  of  round,  grape  and  musket  balls.  I 
then  opeaed  the  Chasseur's  fire  from  the  great  guns  and 
musketry,  and  endeavored  to  close  with  him  for  the  pur 
pose  o'  boarding;  we  having  quick  way  at  this  time,  siiot 
ahead  of  him  under  his  lee  ;  he  put  his  helm  up  for  the  pur 
pose  of  wearing  across  our  s'.ern  and  to  givv  us  a  raking 
fi.-e,  which  1  prevented  by  tamely  ttking1  notice  of  his  in- 
te:t;.o;>,  and  putting  our  helm  hard  up  also.  He  shot  quick 
ahead,  and  I  closed  vviihln  ten  yards  of  him;  at  this  time 
both  fires  were  heavy,  severe,  and  destructive.  1  now  found 
his  men  had  been  concealed  under  his  bulwark,  and  tiiat  I 
had  a  heavy  enemy  to  contend  with,  and  at  I,  40,  gave  the 
order  for  boarding,  which  my  brave  officers  and  men  cheer 
fully  obeyed  with  unexampled  quickness,  instantly  put  the 
helm  to  starboard  to  lay  him  on  board,  and  in  the  act  of 
boarding  her,  she  surrendered.  She  proved  to  he  H.  B< 
majesty's  schooner  St.  Lawrence,  commanded  by  Lieut. 
James  E.  Gordon,  of  15  guns,  14  twelve  pound  carronades 
upon  an  improved  construction,  and  a  long  nine;  75  men, 
and  had  on  board  a  number  of  soldiers,  marines,  and  some 
gentlemen  of  the  navy  passengers;  having  by  report  15 
killed  and  23  wounded.  I  had  5  men  killed  and  8  wound 
ed,  imseif  amongst  the  latter,  though  very  shghtiy.  Thus 
ended  the  action  in  15  minutes  alter  its  commencement, 
and  about  8  minutes  close  quarters,  with  a  force  equal  in 
every  respect  to  our  own. 

The  Chasseur  mounts  six  12  pounders,  and  eight  short  9 
poum>  carronades,  (the  latter  taken  from  one  of  her  prizes) 
ten  of  our  12  pound  carronades  having  been  thrown   over- 
hoard  while  hard  chased  by  the  Barrosa  frigate. 
Yours  with  respect, 

THOMAS  BOYLE, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  29? 

Col.  Scott  to  Governor  Early. 

Great  Satili  river,  February  28,  1815. 
[Extract]  Sill — i  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  of  a 
brilliant  affair  having  taken  place  on  the  24th  inst.  on  the 
river  St.  Mary's,  between  a  part  of  my  detachment,  20 
men,  commanded  by  Capt.  William  Stickler,  aided  by 
,uH>iu  o()  of  the  Patriots  of  Florida,  under  Col.  Dill,  and  <> 
or'  the  enemy's  barges,  containing  al.)out  2-30  men,  which 
had  attempted  tn  proceed  up  the  river  to  burn  Mr.  A. 
Clark's  mills.  The  enemy  were  first  attacked  by  the  Pat 
riots  from  the  Florida  shore,  near  Camp  Pmckney,  when 
ihe  barges  immediately  tacked  about  to  retreat,  but  our 
men  beina,'  in  ambush  on  this  shore  gave  them  a  second  re- 

O  t^ 

vcptio-i,  and  thus  the  fire  was  kept  up  from  both  shores  un 
til  they  got  into  a  greater  ex^>nt  of  river  than  our  nikmea 
could  reach.  Ti/j  enemy  lost  I  (JO  killed  and  wounded. — 
\Ve  had  one  man  severely  wounded  through  the  body, 
and  several  received  bulb  through  their  clothes,  but  no 
further  injury. 

WILLIAM  SCOTT. 


Settling  master  John  Hurllmrd  to  Com.  Campbell. 
Gun  Boat,  No.  168,  Cumberland  Sound,  March  18,  1815. 
[Extract.]  SIR  -  Proceeding  with  the  despatch  which 
you  did  me  the  honor  to  entrust  to  my  care,  I  sailed  from 
TV  bee  bar,  at  1,  P.  M.  on  ihe  IGth  lust,  wind  N.  E.  steer 
ing  south  ;  at  half  past  3  descried  a  sail  in  the  S.  E.  quar 
ter,  which  we  soon  found  to  be  a  ship  standing  N.  N.  W. 
About  40  minutes  after  she  fired  a  gun  and  hoisted  herco- 
:ors,  the  shot  passing  over  our  fore  gaff;  our  colors  were 
noisted,  continued  our  course  for  a  few  minutes,  when 
another  gun  was  fired  ;  the  shot  passed  abaft  the  main, 
rigging  over  the  lee  quarter.  Heaving  his  vessel  too  on 
the  starboard  tack,  hailed  me  by  saying,  '  you  damn'd  ras 
cal,  if  you  do  i't  lower  your  boat  down  and  come  on  board 
immediately,  I'll  fire  into  you,  I'll  sink  you,  God  damn  you.* 
Seeing  me  in  the  act  of  taking  in  the  squaie  sail,  *  why 
don't  you  heave  too,  God  damn  you,  I'ii sink  you;  I'll 
tire  a  broadside  into  you.'  As  soon  as  I  could  be  heard 
I  said,  this  is  a  U.  States'  vessel,  from  Savannah,  with  ties- 
patches  for  Admiral  Cuckburn.  In  the  act  of  pronounc* 
,n-.r  the  last  words,  a  musket  was  tired  at  me,  the  bail  pass- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

ing  near  my  shoulders,  over  the  hand  of  the  man  at  the 
helm,  striking  the  water  from  20  to  30  feet  from  the  vessel. 
Putting  the  helm  down,  I  again  informed  him  of  the  char 
acter  of  the  vessel,  saying  if  yon  wish  for  further  satisfaction 
you  are  at  liberty  to  send  y  our  boat  on  board  ;  he  said,  *  1  don't 
care  a  damn  for  the  despatches,  nor  Admiral  Cockburn 
either;  God  damn  them  and  the  United  States  too  ;  I'll  fire  a 
broadside  into  you  and  sink  you,  if  you  doa't  lower  your 
boat  down  and  come  on  board,  you  rascal.'  Put  about  and 
run  close  under  the  ship's  l«-e,  saying,  this  is  the  U.  States' 
gun  vessel  No.  168,  with  despatches  for  the  Admira  off 
St.  Mary's  ;  if  you  doubt  her  being'  what  she  appears  to  be, 
you  can  send  your  boat  OH  board.  Turning  to  me,  he 
says,,4  God  damn  you,  come  on  board  or  I'll  sink  you- — 
1  II  fire  thunder  into  you.'  I  replied,  Mt  you  do,  1  shall  re 
turn  your  compliments  with  lightning.'  At  this  time  1  re 
ceive*?,  it  ossible,  a  greater  flood  ot  vulgar  abuse  than 
before.  I  hove  about,  stood  to  windward  of  him,  heaving 
t"0<,j.  h;s  sturbonrd  quarter,  w  th  the  larboard  tacks  on 
board  ;  when  a  Lieutenant  came  alongside,  and  ordered 
me  n,to  the  boat,  saying,  *  if  sou  do  not  go  on  board,  every 
one  of  you  will  be  taken  out  and  earned  to  Charleston/ 
Go  on  board  and  teil  your  commander  that  I  shall  not  low 
er  my  boat,  nor  shall  an  officer  or  man  leave  the  vessel  but 
by  Iorce,  showing  him  the  paper  tor  Admiral  Cockburn.  '  If 
you  don't  go  on  board,  you'll  be  sunk  as  soon  as  I  go  on 
board  ;  !  advise  you  to  go' — I  want  no  advice,  (said  I)  I 
have  the  orders  of  my  government  by  which  I  am  gorern- 
ed  ;  tell  your  commander  that  such  trifling  shall  not  pass 
wiih  impumtv.  On  the  boat  leaving  us,  the  Captain  of  the 
ship  said,  *  won't  the  damned  rascal  come?  then  come 
alongside  and  let  me  sink  him;  I'll  fire  a  broadside  into 
him.'  On  the  boat's  reaching  the  ship's  side  a  gun  was 
fired  ',  the  shot  passing  to  leeward,  through  the  mainsail, 
Qear  the  mast,  cutting  away  one  of  the  stays,  going  between 
the  foremast  and  rigging  ;  while  he  gave  full  vent  to  his 
vulgar  abuse.  I  now  saw  every  one  of  our  little  crew  anx 
iously  waiting  the  order  to  fire  into  the  apparent  enemy  ; 
but  1" considered  that  several  lives  would  in  all  probability 
he  iost,  and  the  flag  struck  at  last.  Under  these  consider 
ations,  I  tired  a  gun  across  his  bows,  as  the  vessels  were  ly 
ing,  sunk  the  signals,  and  hauled  the  colors  down.  A 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR.  299 

Lieutenant  came  on  board,  to  whom  I  m;«de  a  formal  sur 
render  of  the  vessel;  he  observed  that  he  waso;»!y  a  Lent. 
'  Send  an  officer  on  board,  (I  replied;  the  oliicers  and  men 
are  your  prisoners.'  He  ordered  me  on  board  the  ship. 
On  my  arrival  on  board  the  ship,  I  was  met  by  the  Captain 
near  the  main  mast,  saying',  *  this  is  his  majesty's  ship  Ere 
bus,  Bartholomew,  commander.'  '  This  is  my  sword,  I 
replied)  that  is  the  U.  States  gun  vessel  No.  168,  which  1 
surrender  as  your  prize,  myself,  officers  and  crew  as  your 
prisoners.'  He  sad  again,*' how  dare  you  refuse  to  come 
on  board  his  majesty's  ship  when  ordered  ?'  4I  know  not 
nor  do  I  acknowledge  any  right  you  have  to  order  me  on 
board,  or  to  interrupt  me  sailing  along  I  he  American  const, 
I  shai:,  however,  make  a  fair  representation  of  this  most, 
flagrant  abuse  of  power  on  your  part  to  my  government.  I 
very  much  regret  that  I  have  not  the  command  of  a  vessel 
of  20  guns,  which  would  save  the  trouble  of  demanding 
satisfaction  at  a  future  day,  by  taking  it  on  the  spot.'  He 
said,  '  I  only  wish  to  warn  you  off  the  coast;  will  you  see 
my  orders  from  the  Admiral  to  warn  all  vessels  from  the 
coast  ?'  '  As  I  am  governed  by  the  orders  of  my  own  gov 
ernment,-!  can  have  nothing  to  do  with  those  of  Admiral 
Cockburn.'  He  said  *  I  thought  you  aiight  be  from  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope.'  *  You  could  not  believe  any  such 
thing,  when  you  see  she  has  no  quarter,  has  not  the  ap 
pearance  of  having  been  at  sea  any  length  of  time:  her 
boats  not  stowed  as  if  to  remain  long  at  sea  ;  nor  could  you 
suppose  that  were  I  from  a  long  cruise,  I  should  run  past 
the  port  of  Savannah,  thereby  exposing  my  vessel  to  any 
British  cruizerthat  might  happen  to  be  on  the  coast/  He 
then  said,  '  upon  my  honor,  I  believe  it  was  an  accident, 
but  I  am  sure  the  last  shot  would  not  have  been  fired  if  you 
had  not  been  trying  to  run  away  from  me,'  *  You  could 
believe  no  such  thing- ;  you  saw  both  jibs  to  windward, 
and  the  helm  a-leev5  He  said,*  upon  my  honor,  I  don't  know 
whether  it  went  off  by  accident  or  was  fired;  no  orders  were 
give.i  to  fire.'  After  walking  the  quarter-deck  for  a  lev/ 
minutes,  returning,  he  said, '  will  you  see  my  orders  to  warn 
all  vessels  off  the  coast.'  'As  I  have  nothing  to  do  with 
them  I  can  have  no  wish  to  see  them.'  '  If  you  think  this 
\vill  cause  any  dispute  between  the  two  governments,  (said 
he)  I  will  return  with  you  to  the  Admiral  and  have  it  set- 


300  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

tied.'  1  replied,  'I  do  not  feel  myself  authorised  in  my 
present  situation  to  receive  any  satisfaction  yon  may  havu 
in  your  power  to  offer  for  such  a  wilful  insult  offered  to  the 
U.  Slates.  I  was  then  ordered  on  board,  and  proceeded 
with  the  despatches. 

JOHN  HURLBURJ) 

STEWART'S  VICTORY. 

Cttpt.  b'twvarl  to  the  Seeretury  i»f  the  Kavy. 

U.  8.  frigate  Constitution,  May,  —  1815, 
SIR—  On  the  20th  of  February  last,  the  Island  of  Ma- 
Oeira  bearing-  about  W.  8.  VV.  distant  (>()    leagues,  we    fell 

1  i  with  his  B.  M's  two  ships  of  war,  the  Cyane  and  Levant, 
and  brought  them  to  action  about  0  o'clock  in  the  evening, 
both  of  which  after  a  spirited    engagement  of  40   minutes, 
surrendered  to  the  ship  under  mv  command. 

Considering*  the  advantages  derived  by  the  enemy,  from 
a  divided  and  more  active  force,  as  also  their  superiority 
in  the  weight  and  number  of  guns,  I  deem  the  speedy  ami 
decisive  result  of  this  action  the  strongest  assurance  which 
can  be  given  to  the  government,  that  all  did  their  duty,  and 
gallantly  supported  the  reputation  of  American  seamen. 

Inclosed  is  a  list  of  the  killed  and  wounded  ;  also  a  state 
ment  of  the  actual  force  al*  the  enemy,  and  the  number  kil 
led  and  wounded  onboard  their  slip  is  as  near  as  could  be 
ascertained. 

1  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

CHARLES  bTEWART. 

.FORCE  OF   THE    CONSTITUTION. 

32  twenty  four  pounders.—  20  Ih.rty-tvvo  pounders.  —  • 
52guns.     Oiiictrs,  men  and  boys  400. 
Fi/KCE    OP   THE    CYANE. 

22  thirty-two  pounders  —  iO  eighteen  do.  —  2  twelve  do.- 

2  brass  swivels,  36  gu  is.  —  officers  men  and  bos  180. 


FORCE    OF   THU  US  V  ANT. 


18  thirty-two  pounders  —  2  nine  do.  —  twelve  do.  2lgims.~* 
officers,  men  and  bovs  15(5. 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 
K  lied  3  —  wounded  12. 
BiUTIati    LOSS 

Killed  35  —  wounded  39—  prisoners  301, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  WAfc.  301 

BIDDLEVS  VICTORY. 

CapL  twiddle  to  Commodore  Dectttur. 
U.~  S.  S.  Hornet,  off  Tristan  d  ActiH/ta,  March  26,  1815. 

SIR — I  iiave  the  honor  to  inform,  that   on  the  morning 
of  the  23.1  inst.  at  halt  past  ten,  when  about  to   anchor,    off 
the  north  end  of  the  island  of  Tristan'd  Acunha,  a  sail  was 
?.e.Mi  to  the   southward  and  eastward,  steering  to  the    west 
ward,  the  wind  fresh  from  the  8.   S.  \V.    Li.a  few  minutes 
she  had  passed  on  to  the  westward  so  that  we  could   not  see 
her  for  t lie  land.     J  immediately  made  sail  to  the  westward, 
and  shortly  after  getting"  sight  of  her  again,    perceived  net- 
to  be.tr  up  before  the  wind.     I  hove  too   for  him   to  come 
down  to  us.— When  she  had    approached  near,  I  filled  the 
maintopsail,  ami  continued  to  yaw  the  ship,  while  she   con 
tinued  to   come   down  ;   wearing    occasionally  to   prevent 
her  passing  under  our  stern.     At  1  40  P.  M.  being    nearly 
within  musket  shot  distance,  she  hauled  her   wind  on   the 
starboard  tack,    hoisted  English  colors,  and   tired  a  gun. 
"We  immediately  luffed  too.  hoisted  our    ensign    and    gave 
the  enemy  a  broadside.     The  action  being  thus  commenc 
ed,  a  quick  and  well  directed  fire  was   kert    up  from   this 
ship,  the  enemy  gradually  drifting  nearer  to    us,    when    at 
1  5-3  he   bore  u;>,    apparently    to    run  us    on    board.     As 
soon  as  I  perceived  he   would   certainly    fall   on   board,   I 
called  the  boarders  so  as  to  be  ready  to  repel    any   attempt 
to  board  us.     At  the  instant  every  officer  and  man    repair 
ed  to  the  quarter  deck,  where  ;he  t\vo  vessels  were  coining 
in  contact  and  eagerly  pressed  me  to  permit  them  to  board 
the  enemy  :  but  this  I  would  not  permit,  as  it  was   evident 
from  the  commencement   of  the  action  ti.at  our   tire    was 
greatly  superior  both  in  quickness  and  in  effect.     The  ene 
my's  bowsprit  came  in  between  tfur   main  and   mizen   rig 
ging,  on  oas'  starboard  side,  affording   him  an    opportunity 
to   board  us,  if  such  was  his  design,    but  no  attempt    was 
made.     There  was  a  considerable  swell  on,  and  as  the  sea 
lifted  us  a  head,  the  enemy's    bowsprit    carried  away   our 
rnizen  shrouds,stem  davits,  and  spanker  boom,  and  he hung 
vinon  our    larboard    quarter.      At  th.s  moment    an   officer, 
who  was  afterwards  recognized  to  be   Mr.  M'Donold,  the 
firsr  Lieut,  and  the    then    commanding   officer,  called    out 
that  they    had    surrendered.     1  directed    the  marines   and 
musketry-men  to  cease  tiring,  and,    while    on    the    taffrail 
isking  if  they  had  surrendered,  I  received  a    wound  in  the 


302  HISTORY  OF  THE  WAR. 

neck.  The  enemy  just  then  got  clear  of  us,  and  his  fore 
mast  and  bowsprit  being*  both  gone,  ;\nd  perceiving  us 
wearing  to  give  him  a  fresh  broadside,  he  again  called  out 
that  he  had  surrendered.  It  was  with  difficulty  1  could  re 
strain  my  crew  from  firing  into  him  again  as  he  had  cer 
tainly  tired  into  us  after  having  surrendered.  From  the 
firing  of  the  first  gun,  to  the  lastmn<  the  enemy  cried  out  he 
had  surrendered,  was  exactly  22  minutes  by  the  watch. 
She  proved  to  be  H.  B.  M  brig  Penguin,  mounting  six 
teen  32  ib  carronades,  two  long  I2's,  a  twelve  tb  carron- 
ade  on  the  top  gallant  forecastle,  with  swivels  on  the  cap- 
stern  and  in  ihe  tops.  SSie  had  a  spare  port  forward,  so 
as  to  fight  both  her  long  gu  >s  of  a  side.  She  sailed  from 
E.iglaud  in  Sept.  last.  She  is  in  all  respects,  a  remarkably 
fine  vessel  of  her  class.  The  enemy  acknowledge  a  com 
plement  of  182  men  ;  12  of  them  supernumerary  marines 
from  theMedway  74.  Tuey  acknowledge,  a  so,  a  loss  of 
14  killed,  and  28  wounded  ;  but  Mr.  Mayo,  who  was  in 
charge  of  the  prize,  assures  me  that  the  number  of  k  lied 
Was  certainly  greater.  Among  the  killed  isC  i,»t.  D»eken- 
son,  who  fell  at  he  close  of  the  action,  and  the  boatswain  : 
among  the  wounded,  is  the  second  Lieut,  purser,  and  two 
midshipmen.  Each  of  the  midshipmen  lost  a  leg.  H  tv- 
ing  removed  the  prisoners,  and  taken  on  board  such  provi 
sions  and  stores  as  would  be  useful  to  us,  I  scuttled  the 
Penguin,  this  morning  before  day-light,  and  she  went  down. 
As  sire  was  completely  riddled  by  our  shot,  her  foremast 
and  bowsprit  both  go«je,  and  her  mainmast  so  crippled  as 
to  be  incapable  of  being  secured,  it  seemed  (inadvisable,  at 
this  distance  from  home,  to  attempt  sending  her  to  the  U. 
States. 

This  ship  did  not  receive  a  single  round  shot  in  her  hull, 
nor  any  material  wound  in  her  spars  !  the  rigging  and  sails 
were  very  much  cat;  but  having  bent  a  new  suit  of  sails 
and  knotted  and  secured  our  rigging,  we  are  now  com 
pletely  ready,  m  all  respects  for  any  service.  We  were 
eight  men  short  of  complement,  and  bad  nine  upon  the 
sick  list  the  morning  of  the  action.  Enclosed  is  a  list  of 
killed  and  wounded.  J.  BIDDLE, 

AMERICAN  LOSS. 
Killed,  1. — wounded,  1! 

BRITISH    LOSS. 

Killed  M— Wounded,  28. 


APPENDIX. 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE, 

RELATIVE  TO  THE  TREATY  OF  PEACE. 

WASHINGTON,  Oct.  10,  1814. 
To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of 

t/te  U.  States. 

I  lay  before  congress  com  mam  cations  just  received  from 
the  Plenipotentiaries  of  the  U.  States,  charged  with  nego- 
ciating  peace  with  G.Britain;  shewing  the  conditions  on 
which  alone  that  government  is  willing  to  put  an  end  to 
the  war. 

JAMES  MADISON. 

The  American  Plenipotentiaries  to  the  Secretary  of  state. 

GHENT,  Aug.  12th,  1814. 

SIR — We  have  the  honor  to  inform  you,  that  the  Bri 
tish  commissioners,  lord  Gambier,  Henry  Goulburn,  Esq. 
and  William  Adams,  Esq.  arrived  in  this  city  on  Saturday 
evening,  the  sixth  inst.  The  day  after  their  arrival,  Mr. 
Baker,  their  Secretary,  called  upon  us  to  give  us  notice  of 
the  fact,  and  to  propose  a  meeting,  at  a  certain  hour,  on 
the  ensuing  day.  The  place  having  been  agreed  upon, 
we  accordingly  met,  at  1  o'clock,  on  Monday,  the  eighth 
inst. 

We  enclose,  herewith,  a  copy  of  the  full  powers  exhibit 
ed  by  the  British  commissioners,  at  that  conference  ;  wh.ch 
was  opened  on  their  part  by  an  expression  of  the  sincere 
and  earnest  desire  of  their  government,  that  the  negocia- 
tioh  might  result  in  a  solid  peace,  honorable  to  both  par 
ties.  They,  at  the  same  time  declared,  that  no  events 
which  had  occurred  since  the  first  proposal  for  this  nego- 
cmtion,  had  altered  the  pacific  disposition  of  their  govern 
ment,  or  varied  its  views  as  to  the  terms  upon  which  it:  was 
willing  to  conclude  the  peace. 


"304 

We  answered,  that  we  heard  these  declarations  with 
great  satisfaction,  and  that  our  government  had  accnedrd 
lo  the  proposal  of  negotiation,  with  the  most  sincere  desire 
to  put  an  end  to  l.lie  differences  which  divided  the-  two  coun 
tries,  and  to  lay  upon  just  and  liberal  grounds  the  fouhdat  on 
of'a  peace  which  securing-  the  rights  and  interests  of  both 
nations,  should  unite  them  by  lasting  bonds  of  amity. 

The  British  commissioners  then  stated  the  following  sub 
jects,  as  those  upon  which  it  appeared  to  them  that  the 
discussions  would  be  likely  to  turn,  and  on  wind*  they  were 
instructed. 

1.  The  forcible  seizure  of  mariners  on  board  of  merchant 
vessels,  and  in  connection  with  it,   the  claim  of  his  Bnlan- 
nic  majesty  to  the  allegiance  of   all  the  native    subjects   ot 
G.  Britain. 

We  understood  them  to  intimate,  that  the  British  govern 
ment  did  not  propose  this  point  as  one  which  they  were  par 
ticularly  desirous  of  discussing  ;  but  that  as  it  had  occupied 
so  prominent  a  place  in  the  disputes  between  the  two  coun 
tries,  it  necessarily  attracted  notice  and  was  considered  as  a 
subject  which  would  come  under  discussion. 

2.  The  Indian  allies  of  G.  Britain  to  be  included  in    the 
pacification,  and  a  definite  boundary  to  be  settled  for  their 
territory. 

The  British  commissioners  stated,  that  an  arrangement 
upon  this  point  was  a  sine  qua  uon  ;  that  they  were  not 
authorised  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  peace  which  did  not  em 
brace  the  Indians,  as  allies  of  his  Britannic  majesty  ;  and 
that  the  establishment  of  a  definite  boundary  of  the  Indian 
territory  was  necessary  to  secure  a  permanent  peace,  not 
only  with  the  Indians,  but  also  between  the  U.  States  ami 
G,  Britain. 

3.  A  revision  of  the  boundary  line  between  the  U.  States 
and  the  adjacent  British  colonies. 

With  respect  to  this  point,  they  expressly  disclaim  any 
intention,  on  the  part  of  their  government,  to  acquire  ati 
increase  of  territory,  and  represented  the  proposed  revision 
as  intended  merely  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  uncer 
tainty  and  dispute. 

Alter  having  stated  these  three  points  as  subjects  oi  dis 
cussion,  the  British  commissioners  added,  that  before  they 
desired  any  answer  from  us,  they  felt  it  hicwhbent  upon 


APPENDIX;  305 

them  to  declare,  that  the  British  government  did  not  deny 
the  right  of  the  Americans  to  t!  e  fisheries  generally,  or  in 
the  open  seas  ;  hnl  that  tlie  privileges,  formerly  granted  by 
treaty  to  the  U.  States  of  fishing  within  the  limits  of  the 
British  jurisdiction,  and  of  landing  and  dryii'gnsh  on  the 
shores  of  the  British  territories,  would  not  be  renewed 
•without  an  equivalent. 

The  extent  of  what  was  considered  by  them  as  waters 
peculiarly  British,  v\as  not  state  .  From  the  mam-er  in 
which  they  brought  tin*  subject  into  view,  they  seemed  \o 
wish  us  to  understand  ih.«t  they  were  not  an\ious  that  tt 
should  be  discussed,  and  that  they  only  intended  to  give  us 
notice  that  these  privileges  had  ceased  to  exist,  and  would 
not  again  be  granted  without  an  equivalent,  nor  unless  we 
thought  proper  to  provide  expressly  in  the  treaty  oi  peace 
for  their  renewal. 

The  British  commissioners  having1  stated  that  these  were 

^ 

all  tke  subjects  which  they  intended  to  bring  forward  or  to 
suggest,  requested  to  be  informed,  whether  we  were  in 
structed  to  enter  into  negociation  on  these  several  points, 
and  whether  there  was  any  amongst  these  which  v\e  thought 
it  unnecessary  to  bring  into  the  negotiation  ?  and  ihey  de 
sired  us  to  state,  on  our  part,  such  other  subjects  as  we 
might  intend  to  propose  for  discussion  in  the  course  of  the 
negociation.  The  meeting  was  then  adjourned  to  the  next 
day,  in  order  to  afford  us  the  opportunity  of  consultation 
among  ourselves,  before  we  gave  an  answer. 

In  the  course  of  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  we  receiv 
ed  your  letters  of  the  25th  and  27th  of  June. 

There  could  be  no  hesitation,  on  our  part,  in  informing 
the  British  commissioners,  that  we  were  not  instructed  on 
the  subjects  of  Indian  pacification  or  boundary,  and  of 
fisheries.  Nor  did  it  seem  probable,  although  neither  of 
these  points  had  been  staled  with  sufficient  precision  in  that 
first  verbal  conference,  that  they  could  be  admitted  in  any 
shape. — We  did  not  wish,  however,  to  prejudge  the  result, 
or  by  any  hasty  proceeding  abruptly  to  break  off  the  e- 
gociation.  It  was  not  impossible  that,  on  the  sui.,-  el  of 
the  Indians,  the  British  government  had  received  erroneous 
impressions  from  the  Indian  traders  in  Canada,  which  our 
representations  might*  remove :  and  it  appeared,  at  all 
events,  important,  to  ascertain  distinctly  the  precise  inten- 

39 


306  APPENDIX. 

tions  ofG.  Britain  on  both  points.  We,  therefore,  thought 
it  advisable  to  invite  the  British  commissioners  to  a  gener 
al  conversation  on  all  the  points  ;  stating  to  them,  at  the 
same  time,  our  want  of  instructions  on  two  of  them,  and 
holding  out  no  expectation  of  the  probability  of  our  agree 
ing  to  any  article  respecting  them. 

At  our  meeting  on  the  ensuing  day  we  informed  the  Bri 
tish  commissioners,  that  upon  the  first  and  third  points 
proposed  by  them  we  were  provided  with  instructions,  ai.d 
we  presented  as  further  subjects  considered  by  our  govern 
ment  assuita'-le  tor  discussion  : 

1st.  A  definition  of  blockade  ;  and  as  far  as  might  be 
mutually  agreed,  of  other  neutral  and  belligerent  rights. 

'2(L  Claims  of  indemnity  in  certain  eases  of  capture  and 
seizure. 

We  then  slated  that  the  two  subjects,  1st  of  Indian  pa- 
cificaiioH,  and  boundary,  and  2d  of  fisheries,  were  not  em 
braced  by  our  instructions. 

We  observed,  that  as  these  points  had  not  been  heretofore 
the  grounds  of  any  controversy  between  the  government 
of  G.  Britain  and  that  of  the  U.  States,  and  had  not  been 
alluded  to  by  lord  Casllereagh,  in  his  letter  proposing  the 
negotiation,  it  could  not  be  expected  that  they  should  have 
been  anticipated  and  made  the  subject  of  instructions  by 
our  government ;  that  it  was  natural  to  be  supposed,  that 
our  instructions  were  confined  to  those  subjects  upon  which 
differences  between  the  two  countries  were  known  to  ex 
ist;  and  that  the  proposition  to  define,  in  a  treaty  between 
the  U.  States  and  G.  Britain,  the  boundary  of  the  Indian 
possessions  within  our  territories,  was  new  and  without  ex 
ample.  No  such  provision  had  been  inserted  in  the  treaty 
of  peace  in  i  783,  nor  in  any  other  treaty  between  the  two 
countries.  No  such  provision  had  to  our  knowledge,  ever 
been  inserted  in  anv  treaty  made  by  G.  Britain  or  any  Eu 
ropean  power  in  relation  to  the  same  description  of  people, 
existing1  under  like  circumstances.  We  would  say,  how 
ever,  that  it  would  not  be  doubted,  that  peace  with  the  In 
dians  would  certainly  follow  a  peace  with  G.Britain  :  that 
we  had  information  that  commissioners  had  already  been 
appointed  to  treat  with  them;  that  a  treaty  to  that  effect 
rn^giii,  perhaps,  have  been  already  concluded  :  and  that  the 
U.  Slates  having  no  interest,  nor  any  motive  to  continue  a 


APPENDIX.  307 

separate  war  against  the  Indians,  there  could  never  be  a 
moment  when  our  government  would  not  be  disposed  to 
make  peace  with  them. 

We  then  expressed  our  wish  to  receive  from  the  British 
commissioners  a  statement  of  the  views  and  objects  ofG. 
Britain  upon  ail  the  points,  and  our  willingness  to  discuss 
them  all,  in  order  that,  even  if  no  arrangement  should  be 
agreed  on,  upon  the  points  not  included  in  our  instructions, 
the  government  of  the  IT.  States  might  be  possessed  of  the 
entire  and  precise  intentions  of  that  of  G.  Britain,  respect 
ing  ihese  points,  and  that  the  British  government  might  be 
fully  informed  of  the  objections,  on  the  part  of  the  U.  States, 
to  any  such  arrangement. 

In  answer  to  our  remark  that  these  points  had  not  been 
alluded  to  by  lord  Castlereagh.  in  his  Utter  proposing*  the 
neguciation,  it  was  said,  that  it  could  not  be  expected,  that 
in  a  lettermerely  intended  to  invite  anegociation,  he  should 
enumerate  the  topics  of  discussion,  or  state  the  pretensions 
of  his  government ;  since  these  would  depend  upon  ulterior 
events,  and  might  arise  out  of  a  subsequent  state  of  things. 

In  reply  to  our  observation,  that  the  proposed  stipulation 
of  an  Indian  boundary  was  without  example  in  the  prac 
tice  of  European  nations,  it  was  asserted  that  the  Indians 
must  in  some  sort  be  considered  as  an  independent  people, 
since  treaties  were  made  w7ith  them,  both  by  G.  Britain  and 
the  U.  States  :  upon  which  we  pointed  out  the  obvious  and 
important  differences  between  the  treaties  we  might  make 
with  Indians,  living  in  our  territory,  and  such  a  treaty  as 
was  proposed  to  be  made,  respecting  them,  with  a  foreign 
power,  who  had  solemnly  acknowledged  the  territory  on 
which  they  resided  to  be  part  of  the  U.  States. 

We  were  then  asked  by  the  British  commissioners  wheth 
er,  incase  they  should  enter  further  upon  the  discussion  oi 
the  several  points  which  had  been  stated,  we  could  expect 
that  it  would  terminate  by  some  pro\isional  arrangement 
on  the  points  on  which  we  had  no  instructions,  particular 
ly  on  that  respecting  the  Indians,  which  arrangement  would 
be  subject  to  the  ratification  of  our  government  ? 

We  answered,  that  before  the  subjects  were  distinctly 
understood,  and  the  objects  in  view  more  precisely  disclos 
ed,  we  could  not  decide  whether  it  would  be  possible  to 
form  any  satisfactory  article  on  the  subject :  nor  pledge 


308 

ourselves  as  to  the  exercise  of  a  discretion  under  our  pow 
ers,  even  with  respect  to  a  provisional  agreement.  We 
ad  led,  that  as  we  should-deeply  deplore  a  rupture  of  the 
negotiation  on  any  point,  it  was  our  anxious  desire  to  em 
ploy  all  possible  means  to  avert  an  event  so  serious  in  its 
consequences  ;  and  that  we  had  not  been  without  hopes 
that  a  discussion  might  correct  the  effect  of  any  erroneous 
information  which  the  British  government  miiHit  have  re- 

/  O 

cesved  on  the  subject  which  they  had  proposed  as  a  pre- 
limmary  basis. 

We  took  this  opportunity  to  remark,  that  no  nation  ob 
served  a  policy  more  liberal  and  humane  towards  the  In 
dians  than  that  pursued  by  the  U.  States;  that  our  object 
had  been,  by  all  practicable  m<jans,  to  introduce  civiliza 
tion  amongst  them  ;  that  their  possessions  were  secured  to 
them  by  well  defined  boundaries,  that  their  persons,  lands, 
and  other  property  were  now  more  effectually  protected 
against  violence  or  frauds  from  any  quarter,  than  they  had 
been  under  any  former  government ;  that  even  our  citizens 
were  not  allowed  to  purchase  their  lands  ;  that  when  they 
gave  up  their  title  to  any  portion  of  their  country  to  the  U. 
States,  it  was  by  a  voluntary  treaty  with  our  government, 
who  gave  them  a  satisfactory  equivalent;  and  that  through 
these  means  the  U.  States  had  succeeded  in  preserving, 
since  the  treaty  of  Greenville  of  1795,  an  uninterrupted 
peace  ot  sixteen  years,  with  all  the  Indian  tribes;  a  period 
of  tranquil it\  much  longer  than  they  were  known  to  have 
enjoyed  heretofore. 

It  was  then  (expressly  staged  on  our  part,  that  the  propo 
sition  respecting  the  Indians,  was  not  distinctly  understood. 
We  asked  whether  the  pacification,  and  the  settlement  of 
a  boundary  for  them  were  both  made  a  sine  qua  non. — 
Which  was  answered  in  \\v*  affirmative.  The  question 
was  then  asked  the  British  commissioners,  whether  the 
proposed  Indian  boundary  was  intended  to  preclude  the  U. 
States  from  the  right  of  purchasing  by  treaty  from  the  In- 
d'ans,  without  the  consent  oi  G.  Britain,  lands  laying  be 
yond  that  boundary  ?  And  as  a  restriction  upon  the  In 
dians  from  selling  by  amicable  treaties  lands  to  the  U. 
States,  as  had  been  hitherto  practised? 

To  this  question,  it  was  first  answered  by  oiie  of  the 
commissioners,  that  the  Indians  would  not  be  restricted 


APPENDIX.  309 

from  selling  their  lands,  but  that  the  U.  States  would  be 
restricted  from  purchasing?  them;  and  on  reflection  anoth 
er  of  the  commissioners  stated,  that  it  was  intended  that 
the  Indian  territory  should  be  a  barrier  between  the  British 
dominions  and  those  of  the  U.  States,  that  both  G  Britain 
and  the  U.  States  should  be  restricted  from  purchasing 
their  lands  ;  but  the  Indians  might  sell  them  to  a  third  par 
ty- 

The  proposition  respecting  Indian  boundary  thus  ex 
plained,  and  connected  with  the  right  of  sovereignty  as 
cribed  to  the  Indians  over  the  country,  amounted  to  noth 
ing  less  than  a  demand  of  the  absolute  cession  of  the  rights 
both  of  sovereignty  and  of  soJ.  We  cannot  abstain  from 
remarking  to  you,  that  the  subject  (of  Indian  boundary) 
was  indistinctly  stated  when  first  proposed,  and  that  the 
explanations  were  at  first  obscure  and  always  given  with 
reluctance.  And  it  was  declared  from  the  first  moment,  to 
be  a  sine  qua  non,  rendering  any  discussion  unprofitable 
until  it  was  admitted  as  a  basis.  Knowing  that  we  had 
no  power  to  cede  to  the  Indians  any  part  of  our  territory, 
we  thought  it  unnecessary  to  ask,  what  probably  would  not 
have  been  answered  till  the  principle  was  admitted,  where 
the  line  of  demarkation  of  the  Indian  country  was  propos 
ed  to  be  established. 

The  British  commissioners,  after  having  repeated  that 
their  instructions  on  the  subject  of  the  Indians  were  pe 
remptory,  stated  thai  unless  we  could  give  some  assurance, 
th  it  our  powers  wouid  allow  us  to  make  at  least  a  provi 
sional  arrangement  on  the  subject,  any  further  discussion 
would  be  fruitless,  and  that  tin  y  must  consult  their  own 
government  on  this  state  of  things.  They  proposed  ac 
cordingly  a  suspension  of  the  conferences,  until  they  should 
have  received  an  answer,  it  being  understood  that  each 
party  might  call  a  meeting  whenever  they  had  anv  propo 
sition  to  submit.  They  dispatched  a  special  messenger 
the  same  evening,  and  we  are  now  waiting  for  the  result. 

Before  the  proposed  adjournment  took  place,  it  was 
agreed  that  there  should  be  a  protocol  of  the  conferences; 
that  a  statement  should  for  that  purpose  be  drawn  up  by 
each  party,  and  that  we  should  meet  the  next  day  to  com 
pare  the  statements  We  accordingly  met  again  on  W^ed- 
nesday  the  10th  mst,  aad  ultimately  agreed  upon  what 


310  APPENDIX, 

should  constitute  the  protocol  of  the  conferences.  A  copy 
of  this  instrument,  we  have  the  honor  to  transmit  with  this 
dispatch. 

They  objected  to  the  insertion  of  the  answer  which  they 
had  given  to  our  question  respecting  the  effect  of  the  pro 
posed  Indian  boundary  ;  but  they  agreed  to  an  alteration 
of  their  original  proposition  on  that  subject,  \vhich  ren 
ders  it  much  more  explicit  than  as  stated,  either  in  the  tirst 
conference  or  in  their  proposed  draught  of  the  protoco  .— 
They  also  objected  to  the  insertion  of  the  tact,  lhat  Ih -y 
had  proposed  to  adjourn  the  conferences,  until  they  conid 
obtain  further  instructions  from  their  government.  The 
return  of  their  messenger  may,  perhaps,  disclose  the  mo 
tive  of  their  reluctance  in  that  respect. 
We  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sec. 


JOHN  a  ADAMS, 
J.  A.  BAYARD, 


H.  CLAY, 
JONA.  RUSSELL. 


PROTOCOL  OF  CONFERENCE. 

Augusts,  1814. 

The  British  commissioners  requested  information  wheth 
er  the  American  commissioners  were  instructed  to  enter 
into  negotiation  on  the  preceding  points  P  But  before  they 
desired  any  answer,  they  felt  it  right  to  communicate  the 
intentions  of  their  government  as  to  the  North  American 
iisheries,  viz.  That  the  British  government  did  not  intend 
to  grant  to  the  U.  States,  gratuitously,  the  privileges  for 
merly  granted  by  treaty  to  them,  of  fishing  within  the  lim 
its  of  the  British  sovereignty,  and  of  using  theshores  of  the 
British  territories  for  purposes  connected  with  the  fishe 
ries. 

August  9. — The  meeting  being  adjourned  to  the  9th  of 
August,  the  commissioners  met  again  on  that  day. 

The  American  commissioners  at  this  meeting  stated, 
that  upon  the  first  and, third  poi.tls  proposed  by  the  British 
commissioners,  they  were  provided  with  instructions  from 
their  government,  and  that  the  second  and  fourth  of  these 
points  were  not  provitfed  for  in  their  instructions.  That 
in  relation  to  an  Lidian  paci&cation,  they  knew  that  the 
government  of  the  U.  States  had  appointed  commission 
ers  to  treat  of  peace  \vith  the  Indians,  and  that  it  was  not 
improbable  that  peace  had  been  made  with  them. 


APPENDIX.  311 

The  American  commissioners  presented  as  further  sub 
jects  considered  by  the  government  of  theU.  States  as  suit 
able  for  discussion. 

1.  A    definition  of  blockade,   and  as  far  as  may  be  a- 
g-reed,  of  other  neutral  and  belligerent  rights. 

2.  Certain  claims  of  indemnity  to  individuals  for  captures 
and  seizures  preceding  and  subsequent  to  the  war. 

3.  They  further   slated    that  there  were  various  othe  * 
points  to  which  their  instructions  extended,  which  might 
with  propriety  be  objects  of  discussion,  either  in  the  nego- 
ciation  of  the  peace,   or  in   that  of  a  treaty  of  commerce, 
which  in  the  case  of  a  propitious  termination  of  the  present 
conferences,  they  were    likewise  authorised  to  conclude. 
That  for  the  purpose  of  facilitating  the  first  and  most  es 
sential  object  of  peace,  they  had  discarded  every  subject 
which  was   not   considered  as  peculiarly  connected  with 
that,  and  presented  only  those  points   which  appeared  to 
be  immediately  relevant  to  this  negotiation. 

The  American  commissioners  expressed  their  wish  to  re 
ceive  from  the  British  commissioners  a  statement  of  the 
views  and  objects  of  G.  Britain,  upon  all  the  points,  and 
their  willingness  to  discuss  them  all. 

O 

They,  the  American  commissioners  were  asked,  wheth 
er,  it  those  of  G.  Britain  should  enter  further  upon  this  dis 
cussion,  particularly  respecting1  the  Indian  boundary,  the 
American  commissioners  could  expect  that  it  would  ter 
minate  by  some  provisional  arrangement,  which  they  could 
conclude,  subject  to  the  ratification  of  their  government? 

They  answered,  that  as  any  arrangement  to  which  they 
could  agree  upon  the  subject  must  be  without  specific  au 
thority  from  their  government,  it  was  not  possible  for  them, 
previous  to  discussion,  to  decide  whether  any  article  on  the 
subject  could  be  formed  which  would  be  mutually  satisfac 
tory,  and  to  which  they  should  think  themselves,  under 
their  discretionary  powers,  justified  in  acceding. 

The  American  Commissioners  to  the  Secretary  of  State. 

GHENT,  August  19,  1814. 

SIR — Mr.  Baker,  secretary  to  the  British  mission,  call- 
ed  upon  us  to-day,  at  1  o'clock,  and  invited  us  to  a  con 
ference  to  be  held  at  three.  This  was  agreed  to,  and  the 
British  commissioners  opened  it,  by  saying  that  they  had 


312  APPENDIX. 

received  their  farther  instructions  this  morning,  and  had 
not  lost  a  moment  in  requesting  a  meeting  for  the  purpose 
of  communicating  the  decision  of  their  government.  It  is 
proper  to  notice  that  lord  Castlereagh  had  arrived  last 
night  in  this  city,  whence,  it  is  said,  he  will  depart  to-mor 
row  on  his  way  to  Brussels  and  Vienna. 

The  British  commissioners  stated  that  their  government 
had  felt  some  surprise,  that  we  were  not  instructed  respect 
ing  the  Indians,  as  it  could  not  have  been  expected  that 
they  would  leave  their  allies,  in  their  comparatively  weak 
situation,  exposed  to  our  resentment.  Great-Britain  might 
justly  have  supposed  that  the  American  government  would 
have  furnished  us  with  instructions  authorising  us  to  agree 
to  a  positive  article  on  the  subject ;  but,  the  least  she  could 
demand  was  that  we  should  sign  a  provisional  article  ad 
mitting  the  principal  subject  to  the  ratification  of  our  gov 
ernment  ;  so  that,  if  it  should  be  ratified,  the  treaty  should 
take  effect ;  and,  if  not,  that  it  should  be  null  and  void  ;  on 
our  assent  or  refusal  to  admit  such  an  article  would  depend 
the  continuance  or  suspension  of  the  negociation. 

As  we  had  represented  that  the  proposition  made  by 
them,  on  that  subject,  was  not  sufficiently  explicit,  their 
government  had  d  reeled  them  to  give  us  every  necessary 
explanation,  and  to  state  distinctly  the  basis  which  must 
be  considered  as  an  indispensable  preliminary. 

It  was  disiiie  qua  non  that  the  Indians  should  be  includ 
ed  in  the  pacification,  and,  as  incident  thereto,  that  the 
boundaries  of  their  territory  should  be  permanently  estab 
lished.  Peace  with  the  Indians  was  a  subject  so  simple, 
as  to  require  no  comment.  With  respect  to  the  bounda 
ries  which  was  to  divide  their  territory  from  that  of  the  U. 
States,  the  object  of  the  British  government  was,  that  the 
Indians  should  remain  as  a  permanent  barrier  between  our 
western  settlements,  and  the  adjacent  British  provinces,  to 
prevent  them  from  being  conterminous  to  each  other:  and 
that,  neither  the  U.  States,  norG.  Britain,  should  ever  here 
after  have  the  right  to  purchase,  or  acquire  any  part  of  the 
territory  thus  recognized,  as  belonging  to  the  Indians. — 
With  regard  to  the  extent  of  the  Indian  territory,  and  the 
boundary  line,  the  British  government  would  propos;  the 
lines  of  the  Greenvilie  treaty,  as  a  proper  basis,  subject, 
however,  to  discussion  and  modifications. 


APPENDIX.  SIS 

We  stated  that  the  Indian  territory,  according  to  these 
lines,  would  comprehend  a  great  number  of  American  citi 
zens  ;  not  less,  perhaps,  than  a  hundred  thousand  :  and 
asked,  what  was  the  intention  of  the  British  government 
respecting  them,  and  under  whose  government  they  would 
fall  ?  It  was  answered  that  those  settlements  would  he  tak 
en  into  consideration,  when  the  line  became  a  subject  of 
discussion  ;  but  that  such  of  the  inhabitants,  as  would  ulti 
mately  be  included  within  the  Indian  territory,  must  make 
their  own  arrangements  and  provide  for  themselves. 

The  British  commissioners  here  said  that,  considering 
the  importance  of  the  question  we  had  to  decide,  (that  of 
agreeing1  to  a  provisional  article)  their  government  had 
thought  it  right,  that  we  should  also  be  fully  informed  of 
its  views,  with  respect  to  the  proposed  revis.on  of  the 
boundary  line,  between  the  dominions  of  G.  Britain  and 
the  U.  States. 

1st.  Experience  had  proved  that  the  joint  possession  of 
the  hikes,  and  a  right  common  to  both  nations,  to  keep  up 
a  naval  force  on  them,  necessarily  produced  collisons,  and 
rendered  peace  insecure.  As  G.  Britain  could  not  be  sup 
posed  to  expect  to  make  conquest  in  that  quarter,  and  as 
that  province  was  essentially  weaker  than  the  U.  States, 
and  exposed  to  invasion,  it  was  necessary,  for  its  security, 
that  G.  Britain  should  require  that  the  U.  States  should 
hereafter  keep  no  armed  naval  force  on  the  Western  Lakes, 
from  L'ike  Ontario  to  Lake  Superior,  both  inclusive  ;  that 
they  should  not  erect  aay  tVri.fiecl  or  military  post  or  estab 
lishment  on  the  shores  of  those  lakes  ;  and  that  they  should 
not  maintain  those  which  were  already  existng.  This 
must,  they  said,  be  considered  as  a  moderate  demand,  since 
G.  Britain,  if  she  had  not  disclaimed  the  intention  of  any  in 
crease  of  territory,  might  \vilh  propriety  have  asked  a  ces 
sion  of  the  adjacent  American  shores.  The  commercial 
navigation  and  intercourse  would  be  I  ft  on  the  same  footing 
as  heretofore.  It  was  expressly  stated,  (in  answer  to  a 
question  we  asked,)  that  G.  Britain  \*as  to  retain  the  right 
of  having  an  armed  naval  force  on  those  lakes,  and  of  hold 
ing  military  posts  and  establishments  on  their  shores. 

2.  The  boundary  line  west  ot  Lake  Superior,  and  thence 
to  the  Mississipi,  to  be  revised  a  d  the  treaty  right  of  G. 
•.Britain  to  the  navigation  of  the  Mississinj,  to  be  continued, 

40 


SI  4  APPENDIX. 

When  asked,  whether  they  did  not  mean  the  line  from  the 
L  ike  of  the  Wroods  to  the  Mississipi,  the  British  commis- 
s  ori'^rs  repeated  that  they  meant  the  line  from  lake  Supe 
rior,  to  that  river. 

•3.  A  direct  communication  from  Halifax  and  the  pro- 
vii ce  of  New-Brunswick  to  Quebec,  to  be  secured  to  i». 
Britain,  fn  answer  to  our  question,  in  what  manner  this 
was  to  be  effected,  we  were  told  that  it  must  be  done  by  a 
cession  to  G.  Britain  of  that  portion  of  the  distrct  of  Mame 
(in  the  state  of  Massachusetts)  which  intervenes  between 
New- Brunswick  a:id  Quebec,  and  prevents  that  direct 
communication. 

Reverting  to  the  proposed  provisonal  article,  respecting 
the  Indian  pacification  and  boundary,  the  British  com 
missioners  concluded  by  stating  to  us,  that  if  the  conferen 
ces  >houM  be  suspended  by  our  refusal  to  agree  to  such  an 
article,  without  having  obtained  further  instructions  from 
our  government,  G.  Britain  would  not  consider  herself 
bound  to  abide  by  the  terms  which  she  now  offered,  but 
would  be  at  liberty  to  vary  ami  regulate  her  demands  ac 
cording  to  subsequent  events,  and  in  such  manner  as  the 
state  of  the  war,  at  the  time  of  renewing  the  negotiation, 
mi  "lit.  warrant. 

We  asked  whether  the  statement  made,  respecting  pro 
posed  revision  of  the  boundary  line  between  the  U.  States 
a  ;ii  lfte  dominions  ot  G.  Britain,  embraced  ail  the  objects 
she  mea  ;t  to  bring  forward  for  discussion,  and  what  were, 
particularly,  her  views  with  respect  to  Moose  Island,  and 
such  other, islands  in  the  bay  of  Passamaquaddy,  as  had 
been  in  our  possession  till  the  present  war,  but  had  been 
lately  captured  ?  We  were  answered,  that  those  Islands  be 
longing  of  right  to  G.  Britain,  (as  much  so,  one  of  the  com 
missioners  said,  as  Northamptonshire,)  they  would  certain 
ly  be  kept  by  her,  and  were  not  even  supposed  to  be  an  ob 
ject  of  discussion. 

From  the  forcible  manner  in  which  the  demand,  that  the 
U.  States  sh  Mild  keep  no  naval  armed  force  on  the  lakes, 
nor  any  military  post  on  their  shores,  has  been  brought  for 
ward,  we  were  induced  to  inquire  whether  this  condition 
was  also  meant  as  a  sine  qua  non  ?  To  this  the  British  com 
missioners  declined  giving  a  positive  answer.  They  said 
that  they  had  been  sutliciently  explicit;  that  they  had  given 


APPENDIX.  315 

us  one  sine  qua  nou,  and  when    we  bad  disposed  of  that,  it 
would  be  time  enough  to  give  us  an  answer  as^to  another. 

We  then  st  ted  that,  considering  the  nature  and  impor 
tance  ot'  the  communication  made  this  day,  we  wished  the 
British  commissioners  to  reduce  their  proposals  to  writing, 
be  tore  we  gave  them  an  answer  ;  this  they  agreed  to,  and 
promised  to  send  us  an  official  nole  without  delay. 

We  need  hardly  say  that  the  demands  of  G.  Britain  will 
receive  from  us  an  unanimous  and  decided  negative.     We 
do  not  deem  it  necessary  to  detain  the  John  Adams  for  the 
purpose  of  transmitting  to  you  the  official  notes    which  may 
pas»  on  the  subject  and   close   the    ue^ociation.      And  we 
Lave  felt  it  our  duty    immediately  to    apprize   yon,    by  this 
hasl\,  but  correct  sketch  of  our   last  conference,   that  then? 
is  not  at  present,  ay  hope  of  peace. 
We  have  the  honor  to  be,  £c. 
JOHN  Q.  ADAMS,  |    B    CLAY, 
J.  A.  BAYARD,       |   JOIN  A.  KUSSELL. 
A.  GALLATIN, 

Note  of  the    British   commissioners.     (Received  after    the 
above  letter  was  written.^ 

The  undersigned,  Pienipoteatiares  of  his  Britannic  majes 
ty,  do  themselves  the  honor  of  acquainting  the  Pienipoten- 
tiaries  of  the  U.  States,  that  they  have  communicated  to 
their  court  the  result  of  the  conference  which  they  had  the. 
honor  of  holding  with  them  upon  the  9th  inst.  in  which 
they  stated,  that  they  were  unprovided  with  any  specific  in 
structions,  as  to  comprehending  the  Indian  nations  in  a  trea 
ty  of  peace  to  be  made  with  G.  Britain,  and  as  to  defining  u. 
boundary  to  the  Indian  territory. 

The  undersigned  are  instructed  to  acquaint  the  Plenipoten 
tiaries  of  the  U.  States,  that  his  majesty's  government  hav 
ing  at  the  outset  of  the  negotiation,  w7ith  a  view  to  the  spee 
dy  restoration  of  peace  reduced  as  far  as  possible  the  number 
of  points  to  be  discussed,  and  having  professed  themselves 
willing  lo  forego  on  some  important  topics  any  stipulation 
to  the  advantage  of  G.  Britain,  cannot  but  feel  some  surprise 
th.-t  the  government  ot  the  LT.  States  should  not  have  fur 
nished  their  Plenipotentiaries  with  instructions  upon  those 
points  which  could  hardly  fail  to  come  under  discussion, 


APPENDIX. 

Under  the  inability  of  the  American  Plenipotentiaries 
to  conclude  any  article  upon  tht  subject  of  Indian  pacih'a- 
tion  and  Indian  boundary,  which  shall  bind  the  govern 
ment  of  the  U.  States,  his  majesty's  government  conceive 
that  they  cannot  give  a  better  proof  of  their  sincere  desire 
for  the  restoration  of  peace,  tJ  an  by  professing  their  willing 
ness  to  accept  aprovisional  article  upon  these  heads,  in  the 
event  of  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  considering  them 
selves  authorized  to  accede  to  the  general  principles,  upon 
which  such  an  article  ought  to  btj  founded.  With  a  view 
to  enable  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  to  decide,  how 
far  the  conclusion  of  such  an  article  is  within  the  limit  of, 
tl.eir  general  discretion,  the  undersigned  are  directed  to 
state,  fully  and  distinctly,  the  basis  upon  which  alone  G. 
Britain  sees  any  prospect  of  advantage  in  the  continuance 
of  5  he  negociations  at  the  present  time. 

The  undersigned  have*  already  had  the  honor  of  stating 
to  the  American  Plenipotentiaries,  that  in  considering  the 
points  above  referred  to,  as  a  sine  c/uanon  of  any  treaty  of 
peace,  the  view  of  the  British  government  is  the  perma 
nent  tranquil ity  and  security  of  the  Indian  nations,  and 
the  prevention  of  those  jealousies  and  irritations,  to  which 
the  frequent  alteration  of  the  Indian  limits  has  heretofore 
given  rise. 

For  this  purpose  it  is  indispensably  necessary,  that  the 
Indian  nations  who  have  been  during  the  war  in  alliance 
with  G.  Britain,  should,  at  the  termination  of  the  war.  be 
included  in  the  pacification. 

It  is  equally  necessary,  that  a  definite  boundary  should 
be  assigned  to  the  Indians,  and  that  the  contracting  par 
ties  should  guarantee  the  integrity  of  their  territory,  by  a 
mutual  stipulation,  not  to  acquire  by  purchase,  or  other 
wise,  any  territory  within  the  specified  limits.  The  British 
government  are  willing  to  take,  as  the  basis  of  an  article- 
on  this  subject,  those  stipulations  of  the  treaty  of  Greenville, 
subject  to  modifications,  which  relate  to  a  boundary  line. 

As  the  undersigned  are  desirous  oi  stating  every  point 
in  connection  with  the  subject,  which  may  reasonably  in 
fluence  the  decision  of  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  in 
the  exercise  of  their  discretion,  they  avail  themselves  of 
this  opportunity  to  repeat  what  they  already  stated,  that  G. 
Bntam  desires  the  revision  of  the  frontier  between  her 


APPENDIX. 

North  American  dominions  and  those  of  the  U,  States, 
not  with  any  view  to  an  acquisition  of  territory,  as  such, 
hut  for  the  purpose  of  securing  her  possessions,  and  pre 
venting-  future  disputes. 

The  British  government,  consider  the  lakes  from  lake 
Ontario  to  lake  Superior,  both  inclusive,  to  he  the  natural 
military  frontier  of  the  British  possessions  in  North  Ame 
rica.  As  the  weaker  power  on  the  North  American  con 
tinent,  the  least  capable  of  acting  offensively,  and  the  most- 
exposed  to  sudden  invasions,  G.  Britain  considers  the  mili 
tary  occupation  of  these  lakes  as  neci-'ssary  to  the  security 
of  her  dominions.  A  boundary  line  equally  dividing  these 
waters,  with  a  right  to  each  nation  to  arm,  both  upon  the 
lakes  and  upon  their  shores,  is  calculated  to  create  a  con 
test  for  naval  ascendancy  in  peace  as  well  as  in  war.  The 
power  which  occupies  these  lakes  should,  as  a  necessary 
result,  have  the  military  occupation  of  both  shores. 

In  furtherance  of  this  object  the  British  government  is 
prepared  to  propose  a  boundary.  But  as  this  might  be 
misconstructed  as  an  intention  to  extend  their  possessions 
to  the  southward  of  the  lakes,  which  is  by  no  means  the 
object  they  have  in  view,  they  are  disposed  to  leave  the  ter 
ritorial  limits  undisturbed,  and  as  incident  to  them,  the 
free  commercial  navigation  of  the  lakes,  provided  that  the 
American  government  will  stipulate  not  to  maintain  or 
construct,  any  fortifications  upon,  or  within  a  limited  dis 
tance  of  the  shores,  or  maintain  or  construct  any  armed  ves 
sel  upon  the  lakes  in  question,  or  in  the  rivers  which  empty 
themselves  into  the  same. 

If  this  can  be  adjusted,  there  will  then  remain  for  dis 
cussion  the  arrangement  of  the  north  western  boundary 
between  lake  Superior  and  the  Mississippi,  the  free  naviga 
tion  of  that  river,  and  such  a  vacation  of  the  line  of  frontier 
as  may  secure  a  direct  communication  between  Quebec 
and  Halifax. 

The  undersigned  trust,  that  the  full  statement  which 
they  have  made  of  the  views  and  objects  of  the  British 
government  in  requiring  the  pacification  of  the  Indian  na 
tions,  and  a  permanent  limit  to  their  territories,  will  enable 
the  American  Plenipotentiaries  to  conclude  a  provisional 
article  upon  the  basis  above  stated.  Should  they  feel  it 
necessary  to  refer  to  the  government  of  the  U.  States  for 


APPENDIX. 

nstruclions,  the  undersigned  feel  it  incumbent  up- 
.1  to  acquaint  the  American  Plenipotentiaries,  that 
the  £o,rer,*ment  cannot  be  precluded  by  any  thing  that  has 
passed  from  varying' the  terms  at  present  proposed,  m  such  a 
manner,  as  the  state  of  war,  at  the  time  of  resuming  the 
co  ferenccs,  may  in  their  judgment  render  advisable. 

The  undersigned  avail  themselves  of  tins  occasion  to 
renew  to  the  Plenipotentiaries  of  the  U.  States,  the  assur 
ance  of  their  high  consideration. 

GAMBJER, 
II.  GOULBURN, 
W.  ADAMS. 
Ghent,  August  19,  1814. 

The  American  to' the  British  Commissioners. 

GHENT,  August  24,  1814. 

The  undersigned,  ministers  plenipotentiary  and  extraor 
dinary  from  the  United  States  of  America,  have  given  to 
the  official  note  which  they  have  had  the  honor  of  receiving 
from  his  Britannic  majesty's  Plenipotentiaries  the  deliber 
ate  attention  which  the  importance  of  its  contents  required, 
and  have  now  that  of  transmitting  to  them  their  answer 
on  the  several  points  to  which  it  refers. 

They  would  present  to  the  consideration  of  the  British 
Plenipotentiaries,  that  lord  Castlereag'h,  in  his  letter  of  the 
4th  of  November  1813,  to  the  American  Secretary  of  State, 
pledges  the  faith  of  the  British  government  tint  *  the}  were 
willing  to  enter  into  discussion  with  the  government  of 
America  for  the  conciliatory  adjustment  01  the  differences 
subsisting  between  the  two  states,  with  an  earnest  desire  on 
their  part  to  bring  them  to  a  favorable  issue,  upon  princi 
ples  of  perfect  reciprocity,  not  inconsistent  with  the  estab 
lished  maxims  of  public  law,  and  the  maritime  rights  of  the 
British  empire/  This  fact  alone  might  suffice  to  shew, 
that  it  ought  not  to  have  been  expected  that  the  American 
government,  in  acceding  to  this  proposition,  should  have 
exceeded  its  terms,  and  furnished  the  undersigned  with  in 
structions  authorising  them  to  treat  with  the  British  Pleni 
potentiaries  respecting  Indians  situated  within  the  bounda 
ries  of  the  U.  Slates.  That  such  expectation  was  not  en 
tertained  by  the  British  government  might  also  have  been 
inferred  from  the  explicit  assurances  which  the  British 


APPENDIX. 

Plenipotentiaries  gave,  on  the  part  of  their  government,  at 
the  first  conference  which  the  undersigned  had  the  honor 
of  holding'  with  them,  that  no  events,  subsequent,  to  the  first 
proposal  for  this  negociation,  h-ul,  in  any  manner,  varied 
either  the  disposition  of  die  British  government,  that  it 
might  terminate  in  a  peace  honorable  to  both  parties,  or 
the  terms  upoin  which  they  would  be  willing  to  conclude  it. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  differences  which  unhappily 
subsist  between  G.  Britain  and  the  U.  States,  and  which 
Ultimately  led  to  the  present  war,  were  wholly  of  a  maritime 
nature,  arising'  principally  from  the  British  Orders  in  Coun 
cil,  in  relation  to  blockades,  and  from  the  impressment  of 
manners  from  onboard  of  American  vessels. — The  boun 
dary  of  the  Indian  territory  had  never  been  a  subject  of 
difference  between  the  two  countries.  Neither  the  princi 
ples  of  reciprocity,  the  maxims  of  public  law,  nor  the  mari 
time  rights  of  the  British  empire,  could  require  the  perma 
nent  establishment  of  such  a  boundary.  The  novel  pre 
tensions  now  advanced  couid  no  more  have  been  anticipat 
ed  by  the  government  of  the  U.  States,  in  forming  instruc 
tions  for  this  negociation,  than  they  seem  to  have  been  con 
templated  by  that  of  G.  Britain  in  November  last,  in  pro 
posing  it.  Lord  Castlereagh's  note  makes  the  termination  of 
the  war  to  depend  021  a  conciliatory  adjustment  of  the  dif 
ferences  then  subsisting  between  the  two  states,  and  in  no 
other  condition  whatever. 

Nor  could  the  American  government  have  foreseen  that 
G.  Britain  in  order  to  obtain  peace  for  the  Indians,  Residing 
within  the  dominions  of  the  U.  States,  whom  she  had  in 
duced  to  take  pan  with  her  in  the  war,  would  demand  that 
they  should  be  made  parties  to  the  treaty  between  the  two 
nations,  or  that  the  boundaries  of  their  hinds  should  be  per 
manently  and  irrevocably  fixed  by  that  treaty.  Such  a 
proposition  is  contrary  to  the  acknowledged  principles  of 
public  law,  and  the  practice  of  ail  civilized  nations,  particu 
larly  of  G.  Britain  and  ot'the  U.  States.  It  is  not  founded 
on  reciprocity.  It  is  unnecessary  for  the  attainment  of  the 
object  which  it  professes-  to  have  in  view. 

No  maxim  of  public  law  has  hitherto  been  more  univer 
sally  established  among  ihe  powers  of  Europe   possessing 
territories  in  America,    and  there  is  none  to  which  G.  Brit 
fain  has  more  uniformly  and  inflexibly  adhered,  than  tha* 


3*20  APPENDIX. 

of  suffering  no  interposition  of  a  foreign  power  in  the  rela 
tions  between  the  acknowledged  sovereign  of  the  territory, 
and  the  Indians  situated  upon  it.  Without  the  admission 
of  this  principle,  there  would  be  no  intelligible  meaning 
attached  to  stipulations  establishing  boundaries  between 
the  dominions  in  America,  of  civilized  nations  possessing 
territories  inhabited  by  Indian  tribes. --Whatever  may  be 
the  relations  of  Indians  to  the  nation  in  whose  territory 
they  are  thus  acknowledged  to  res  de,  they  cannot  be  con 
sidered  as  an  independent  power  by  the  nation  which  has 
made  such  acknowledgment. 

The  territory  of  which  G.  Britain  wishes  now  to  dispose, 
is  within  the  dominions  of  the  U.  States,  was  solemnly  ac 
knowledged  by  herself  in  the  treaty  of  peace  of  1783, 
which  established  their  boundaries,  and  bv  which  she  re 
linquished  all  claim  to  the  government,  propriety,  and  ter 
ritorial  rights  within  these  boundaries.  No  condition  res 
pecting  the  Indians  residing  therein,  was  inserted  in  that 
treaty.  No  stipulation  similar  to  that  now  proposed  is  to 
be  found  in  any  treaty  made  by  G.  Britain,  or  within  the 
knowledge  of  the  undersigned,  by  any  other  nation. 

The  Indian  tribes  for  which  G.  Britain  proposes  now  to 
stipulate,  have,  themselves,  acknowledged  this  | •rincipie. 
By  the  Greenville  treaty  of  1795,  to  which  the  British 
plenipotentiaries  have  here  alluded,  it  is  expressly  stipulat 
ed,  and  the  condition  has  been  confirmed  by  every  subse 
quent  treaty,  so  late  as  the  year  1810,  "That  the  Indian 
tribes  shall  quietly  enjoy  their  lands,  hunting1,  planting,  and 
dwelling  thereon,  so  long  as  they  please,  without  any  mo 
lestation  from  the  U.  States:  but  that  when  those  tribes, 
or  any  of  them,  shall  be  disposed  to  sell  their  lands,  they 
shall  be  sold  only  to  the  LI.  Stales  :  that  until  such  sale, 
the  U.  States  will  protect  all  the  said  Indian  tribes  in  the 
quiet  er-joN  ment  of  their  lands  against  all  citizens  of  the 
U.  States,  aud  against  all  oilier  white  persons  who  intrude 
on  the  same,  and  that  the  said  Indian  tribes  again  acknowl 
edge  ihemselves  to  be  under  the  protection  of  the  said 
LT.  States,  ad  of  no  other  power  whatever.' 

That  there  is  no  reciprocity  in  the  proposed  stipulation 
is  evident.  In  prohibiting  G.  Britain  and  the  LT.  States 
from  purchasing1  lands  within  a  part  of  the  dominions  of 
the  latter  power.  While  it  professes  to  lake  from  G.  Britain 


APPENDIX.  -321 

a  privilege   which  she   had  not,  it  actually  deprives  the 
U.  States  of  u  right  exclusively  belonging1  to  them. 

The  proposition  is  utterly  unnecessary  for  the  purpose  of 
•obtaining1  a  pacification  for  the  Indians  residing  within  the 
territories  of  the  U.  States.  The  undersigned  have  already 
had  the  honor  of  informing*  the  Br-tish  Plenipotentiaries, 
that,  under  the  system  of  liberal  policy  adopted  by  the 
U.  Mates  in  their  relations  with  the  Indians  within  their 
ten*  tones,  an  uninteiTnpled  peace  had  subsisted  from  the 
year  179*5,  not  only  between  the  U.  States  and  alS  those 
tribes,  but  also  amongst  those  tribes  themselves  for  a  lon 
ger  period  of  time  than  ever  had  been  known  since  the  first 
settlement  of  North  America.  Against  those  Ind-ans  the 
U.  States  have  nether  interest  nor  inclination  to  continue 
the  war.  They  have  nothing  to  ask  of  them  but  peace. 
Commissioners  on  their  part  have  been  ap  omted  to  co  - 
elude  it,  and  an  armistice  was  actually  made  last  autumn 
with  most  of  those  tribes.  The  British  government  may 
again  have  induced  some  of  them  to  take  their  side  in  the 
war,  but  peace  wiih  them  will  necessarily  follow  immedi 
ately  a  peace  with  G.  Britain.  To  a  provisional  article 
similar  to  what  has  been  stipulated  in  some  former  treaties, 
engaging  that  each  party  will  treal  for  the  Indians  within 
its  territories,  include  them  in  the  peace,  and  use  its  best 
endeavors  to  prevent  them  from  co  <nmitting  hostilities  against 
the  citizens  or  subjects  of  ihe  other  party,  the  undersigned 
might  assent,  and  rely  on  the  approbation  and  ratification 
of  their  government.  They  would  also  for  the  purpose  of 
securing  the  duration  of  peace,  and  to  prevent  collisions 
which  might  interrupt  it,  propose  a  stipulation  which 
should  preclude  the  subjects  or  citizens  of  each  nation,  res 
pectively,  from  trading  with  the  Indians  residing  within  the 
territory  of  the  other.  But  to  surrender  both  the  rights  of 
sovereignty  and  of  soil  o\  er  nearly  one  third  of  the  territorial 
dominions  of  the  U.  States  to  a  number  of  Indians  not 
probably  exceeding  twenty  thousand,  the  undersigned  are 
so  far  from  being  instructed  or  authorized,  that  any  ar 
rangement  for  that  purpose  would  be  instantaneously  reject 
ed  by  their  government. 

Not  only  has  this  extraordinary  demand  been  made  a 
sine  qua  non,  to  be  admitted  without  a  discussion,  and  as 
a  preliminary  basis;  but  it  is  accompanied  by  others 

41 


322  .APPENDIX. 

equally  inadmissible,  which  the  British  Plenipotentiaries 
state  to  be  so  connected  with  it,  that  they  may  reasonably 
influence  the  decision  of  the  undersigned  upon  it,  yet  leav 
ing  them  uninformed  how  far  these  other  demands  may 
also  be  insisted  on  as  indispensable  conditions  of  a  peace. 

As  little  are  the  undersigned  instructed  or  empowered  to 
accede  to  the  propositions  of  the  British  government,  in  re 
lation  to  the  military  occupation  ot  the  western  lakes.  It' 
they  have  found  the  proposed  interference  of  G.  Britain  in 
the  concerns  of  Indians  residing-  within  the  U.  States  ut 
terly  incompatible  with  any  established  maxim  of  public 
law,  they  are  no  less  at  a  loss  to  discover  by  what  rule  of 
perfect  reciprocity  the  U.  States  can  be  required  to  renounce 
their  equal  right  of  maintaining  a  naval  force  upon  those 
lakes,  and  of  fortifying  their  own  shores,  while  G.  Britain 
reserves  exclusively  the  corresponding  rights  to  herself. 
That  in  point  of  military  preparation,  G.  Britain  in  her  pos 
sessions  in  North  America,  ever  has  been  in  a  condition  to 
be  termed,  with  propriety,  the  weaker  power  in  compari 
son  with  the  U.  States,  the  undersigned  believe  to  be  incor- 

O 

reel  in  point,  of  fact.  In  regard  to  the  fortification  of  the 
shores,  and  to  the  forces  actually  kept  on  foot  upon  those 
frontiers,  they  believe  the  superiority  to  have  always  been 
on  the  side  of  G.  Britain.  If  the  proposal  to  dismantle  the 
forts  upon  her  shores,  strike  for  ever  her  military  flag  upon 
her  lakes,  and  lay  her  whole  frontier  defenceless  in  the  pre 
sence  of  her  armed  and  fortified  neighbor,  had  proceeded 
not  from  G.  Britain  to  the  U.  States,  but  from  the  U.  States 
to  G.  Britain,  the  undersigned  may  safely  appeal  to  the 
bosoms  of  his  Britannic  majesty's  Plenipotentiaries  for  the 
feelings  with  which,  not  only  in  regard  to  the  interests,  but 
the  honor  of  their  nation,  they  would  have  received  such  a 
proposal.  What  would  G.  Britain  herself  say,  if  in  rela 
tion  to  another  frontier,  where  she  has  the  acknowledged 
superiority  of  strength,  it  were  proposed  that  she  should  be 
reduced  to  a  condition  even  of  equality  with  theU.  States, 
The  undersigned  further  perceive  that  under  the  alledg- 
ed  purpose  of  opening  a  direct  communication  between 
two  of  the  British  provinces  in  America,  the  British  gov 
ernment  require  a  cession  of  territory  forming  a  part  of  one 
of  the  states  of  the  American  union,  and  that  they  propose, 
without  purpose  specifically  alledged,  to  draw  the  boundary 


APPENDIX.  323 

line  westward,  not  from  the  lake  of  the  Woods,  as  it  now 
is,  but  from  lake  Superior.  It  must  be  peritctly  immaterial 
to  the  U.  States,  whether  the  object  of  the  British  govern 
ment,  in  demanding  the  dismemberment  ot  the  U.  States 
is  to  acquire  territory,  as  such,  or  for  purposes  less  liable, 
in  the  eves  of  the  world,  to  be  ascribed  to  the  desire  of  ag 
grandizement.  Whatever  the  motive  may  be,  and  with 
whatever  consistency  views  of  conquest  may  be  disclaimed, 
while  demanding'  for  herself,  or  for  the  Indians,  a  cession 
of  territory  more  extensive  than  the  whole  island  of  Great- 
Britain,  the  duty  marked  out  for  the  undersigned  is  the 
same.  They  have  no  authority  to  cede  any  part  of  the  ter 
ritory  of  the  U.  States,  and  to  no  stipulation  to  that  effect 
will  they  subscribe. 

The  conditions  proposed  by  G.  Britain  have  no  relation 
to  the  subsisting"  differences  between  the  two  countries  : 

O 

they  are  inconsistent  with  acknowledged  principles  of  pub 
lic  law ;  they  are  founded  neither  on  reciprocity  nor  on  any 
of  the  usual  bases  of  negotiation,  neither  on  that  ofultipos- 
sidetis,  or  of  status  ante  helium  :  they  would  inflict  the  most 
vital  injury  on  the  U.  States,  by  dismembering'  their 
territory,  by  arresting  their  natural  growth  and  in 
crease  of  population,  and  by  leaving  their  northern  and 
western  frontier  equally  exposed  to  British  invasion  and  to 
Indian  aggression  ;  they  are,  above  all,  dishonorable  to  the 
U.  States,  in  demanding  from  them  to  abandon  territory 
and  a  portion  of  their  citizens,  to  admit  a  foreign  interfer 
ence  in  their  domestic  concerns,  and  to  cease  to  exercise 
their  natural  rights  on  their  own  shores  and  in  their  own 
waters.  A  treaty  concluded  on  such  terms  would  be  but 
an  armistice.  It  cannot  be  supposed  that  America  wou'd 
long  submit  to  conditions  so  injurious  and  degrading.  It 
is  impossible,  in  the  natural  course  of  events,  that  she  should 
not,  at  the  first  favorable  opportunity,  recur  to  arms,  for  the 
recovery  of  her  territory,  of  her  rights,  of  her  honor.  In 
stead  of  settling  existing  differences,  such  a  peace  would 
only  create  new  causes  of  war,  sow  the  seeds  of  a  perma-, 
nent  hatred,  and  lay  the  foundation  of  hostilities  for  an  in 
definite  period. 

Essentially  pacific  from  her  political  institutions,  from 
the  habits  of  her  citizens,  from  her  physical  situation,  Ame 
rica  reluctantly  engaged  in  the  war,  She  wishes  for 


APl'ENBIX. 

peace;  but  she  wishes  for  it  upon  those  terms  of  recipro 
city,  honorable  to  both  countries,  which  can  alone  render  it 
permanent.  The  causes  of  the  war  between  the  U.  States 
a»id  G.  Britain  having  disappeared  by  the  maritime  pacifi 
cation  of  Europe,  the  government  of  the  U.  States  does 
not  desire  to  continue  it,  in  defence  of  abstract  principles, 
which  have  for  the  present,  ceased  to  have  any  practical 
effect.  The  undersigned  have  been  accordingly  instruct 
ed  to  agree  to  its  termination,  both  parties  restoring  what 
ever  terr.tory  they  may  have  taken,  and  both  reserving  all 
their  rights,  in  relation  to  their  respective  seamen.  To 
make  the  peace  between  the  two  nations  solid  and  perma- 
ne  t,  the  undersigned  were  also  instructed,  and  have  been 
prepared  to  enter  into  the  most  amicable  discussion  of  all 
those  points  on  which  differences  or  uncertainty  had  exist 
ed,  and  which  m  ght  hereafter  tend  in  any  degree  whatev 
er  io  interrupt  the  harmony  of  the  two  countries,  without, 
however,  making  the  conclusion  of  the  peace  at  all  depend 
ijpon  a  successful  result  of  the  discussion. 

It  is,  therefore,  with  deep  regret,  that  the  undersigned 
have  seen  that  other  views  are  entertained  by  the  British 
government,  and  that  new  and  unexpected  pretensions  are 
raised,  which,  if  persisted  in,  must  oppose  an  insuperable 
obstacle  to  a  p  unification,  f  \  is  not  necessary  to  refer  such 
demands  to  the  American  government  for  its  instruct  on. 
Th< -\  will  only  be  a  fit  subject  oi  deliberation,  when  it  be 
comes  necessary  to  decide  upon  the  expediency  01  an  abso 
lute  surrender  oi  nat-ona!  independence. 

Tne  undersigned  request  the  British  Plenipotentiaries 
to  accept  the  assurance  oi  their  high  esteem. 


JOHN  QL    ADAMS, 
J.  A    B    YARD, 
H.  CLAY, 


JON  A.  RUSSELL, 
A.  GALLAT1N. 


The  Brill  sit  to  the  American  Commissioners. 

GUI  NT,  Sept.  4,  1814. 

The  u  di  rsigned  have  the  ho;  or  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt,  of  the  yote  of  the  American  Plenipotentiaries,  dated 
ti.e  24th  ultimo. 

I  is  with  unfeigned  regret  that  the  undersigned  observe, 
boih  in  the  tone  and  subsiance  of  the  whole  note,  so  liltle 
proof  of  a»iy  dis,)os«tion  on  t  .e  part  of  the  government  of 
the  U.  States  to  enter  into  at)  amicable  discussion  of  the 


APPENDIX.  325 

several  points  sulmvtted  by  the  undersigned  in  their  former 
co'-iiuum  cation.     The    undersigned   are    perfect!}  aware, 


tliat  in  bringing1  forward  those  points  for  consideration,  and 
stating  with  so  much  frankness,  as  UK  y  did,  the  \tewswilh 
wh»ch  they  were  proposed,  they  departed  from  the  usual 
course  of  negotiating,  by  disclosing  all  the  olgectsof  tln-.r 
goxermttent,  while  those  \vhicli  the  American  government 
had  in  view  were  withheld:  but  in  so  doing  they  were 
prmcij  ally  actuated  by  a  desire  of  bringing  the  r.egocia- 
tion  as  soo  i  as  possible  to  a  favorable  termination,  a.;d  ia 
some  measure  by  their  willingness  to  comply  w  itli  the  \\  ish- 
es  expressed  by  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  themselves. 

it  is  perfectly  true  that  the  war  between  his  majesty  and 
the  U.  States,  was  declared  by  the  latter  power  upon  the 
pretence  of  maritime  rights  aliedged  to  be  asserted  b}  G. 
Br.  tain,  and  disputed  b>  the  IT.  States. 

Ii  the  war  thus  declared  by  the  U.  States  had  been  car 
ried  o.i  by  them  for  objects  purely  of  a  maritime  nature,  or 
if  the  attack  wh  eh  has  been  made  on  Canada  had  been  for 
the  purpose  or  diversion,  or  the  way  of  defence  against  the 
British  forces  in  that  quarter,  any  question  as  to  the  boun 
daries  ot  Canada,  might  have  been  considered  as  unneces 
sary  ;  but  it  is  notorious  to  the  whole  world  that  the  con- 
q  iest  of  Canada,  and  its  permanent  annexation  to  the  U. 
States,  was  the  declared  object  of  the  American  govern 
ment.  If  in  consequence  or  a  different  course  of  events  on 
the  continent  of  Europe,  his  majesty's  government  had 
been  unable  to  reinforce  the  British  armies  in  Ca  aua,  and 
the  U.  States  had  obtained  a  decided  superiority  in  that 
quarter,  is  there  any  person  who  doubts  that  they  would 
have  availed  themselves  of  their  situation  to  obtain  on  the 
side  ot  Canada  important  cessions  of  territory,  if  not  the  en 
tire  baiidonmtnt  of  that  country  by  Ci.  Britain?  Is  the 
American  government  to  be  allowed  to  pursue,  so  far  as 
its  mea.,s  will  enable  it,  a  system  of  acquisition  and  aggran 
disement  to  the  extent  of  annexing  entire  provinces  to  their 
dominions,  and  is  his  majesty  to  be  precluded  from  avail 
ing  himself  of  Ins  means,  so  f.ir  as  they  will  enable  him,  to 
retain  those  points  which  the  valor  of  British  arms  may 
have  piaced  in  his  power,  because  they  happen  to  be  situat 
ed  within  the  territories  a^O'ted  under  former  treaties  to 
the  government  of  the  U. 


APPENDIX. 

Such  a  principle  of  negotiation  was  never  avowed 
cedent  to  that  of  the  revolutionary  government  of  France. 

If  the  policy  of  the  U.  States  had  been  essentially  pa 
cific,  as  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  assert  it  ought  to 
be,  from  their  political  institutions,  from  the  habits  of  their 
citizens,  and  from  their  physical  situation,  it  might  not  have 
been  necessary  to  propose  the  precautionary  provisions  now 
under  discussion.  That,  of  Lite  years  at  least,  the  Ameri 
can  government  have  been  influenced  by  a  very  different 
policy  :  by  a  spirit  of  aggrandizement  not  necessary  to  their 
own  security,  but  increasing  with  the  extent  of  their  em 
pire,  has  been  too  clearly  manifested  by  their  progressive 
occupation  of  the  Indian  territories  ;  by  the  acquisition  of 
Louisiana  :  by  the  more  recent  attempt  to  wrest  by  force  of 
arms  from  a  nation  in  amity,  the  two  Floridas  :  and,  lastly, 
by  the  avowed  intention  of  permanently  annexing  the  Can- 
adas  to  the  U.  States. 

If,  then,  the  security  of  the  British  North  American  do 
minions  requires  any  sacrifices  on  the  part  of  the  U.  States, 
they  must  be  ascribed  to  the  declared  policy  of  that  govern 
ment  in  making  the  war  not  one  of  self  defence,  nor  for  the 
redress  of  gnevences,  real  or  pretended,  but  a  part  of  a  sys 
tem  of  conquest  and  aggrandizement. 

The  British  government  in  its  present  situation,  is  bound 
in  duty  to  endeavor  to  secure  its  North  American  domin 
ions  against  those  attempts  at  conquest,  which  the  Ameri 
can  government  have  avowed  to  be  a  principle  of  their 
policy,  and  which  as  such  will  undoubtedly  be  renewed, 
whenever  any  succeeding  war  between  the  two  countries 
shall  afford  a  prospect  of  renewing  them  with  success. 

The  British  Plenipotentiaries  proposed  that  the  military 
possesion  of  the  lakes,  from  lake  Ontario  to  lake  Superior, 
should  be  secured  to  G.  Britain,  because  the  command  of 
those  lakes  would  afford  to  the  American  government  the 
means  of  commencing;  a  war  in  the  heart  of  Canada,  and 
because  the  command  of  them,  on  the  part  of  G.  Britain, 
has  been  shewn  by  experience  to  be  attended  with  no  inse 
curity  to  the  U.  States. 

When  the  relative  strength  of  the  two  powers  in  North 
America  is  considered,  it  should  be  recollected  that  the 
British  dominions  in  that  quarter  do  not  contain  a  popula 
tion  of  five  hundred  thousand  souls,  whereas  the  territory  of 


APPENDIX.  327 

the  U.  States  contains  a  population  of  more  than  seven  mil 
lions  ;  that  the  naval  resources  of  the  U.  States  are  at  hand 
for  attack,  and  that  the  naval  resources  of  G.  Britain  are  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic. 

The  military  possession  of  those  lakes  is  not,  therefore, 
necessary  for  the  protection  of  the  U.  States. 

The  proposal  for  allowing"  the  territories  on  the  southern 
hanks  of  the  lakes  above  mentioned  to  remain  in  the  pos 
session  of  the  government  of  the  U.  States,  provided  no 
fortifications  should  be  erected  on  the  shores,  and  no  arma 
ment  permitted  on  the  waters,  has  been  made,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  manifesting1,  that  security  and  not  acquisition  of  the 
territory  is  the  object  of  the  British  government,  and  that  they 
have  no  desire  to  throw  obstacles  in  the  way  of  any  com 
merce  which  the  people  of  the  [I.  States  may  be  desirous 
of  carrying  on  upon  the  lakes  in  time  of  peace. 

The  undersigned,  with  the  anxious  wish  to  rectify  all 
misunderstanding,  have  thus  more  fully  explained  the 
grounds  upon  which  they  brought  forward  the  propositions 
contained  in  their  former  note  respecting  the  boundaries  of 
the  British  dominions  in  North  America. 

They  do  not  wish  to  insist  upon  them  beyond  what  the 
circumstances  may  fairly  require.  They  are  ready,  amica 
bly  to  discuss  the  details  of  them  with  a  view  to  the  adop 
tion  of  any  modifications  which  the  American  Plenipoten 
tiaries,  or  then-government,  may  have  to  suggest,  if  they  are 
not  incompatible  with  the  object  itself. 

With  respect  to  the  boundary  of  the  district  of  Maine, 
and  that  of  the  north  western  frontier  of  the  U.  States,  the 
undersigned  were  not  prepared  to  anticipate  the  objections 
contained  in  the  note  of  the  American  Plenipotentiaries, 
*  that  they  were  instructed  to  treat  for  the  revison  of  their 
boundary  lines/  with  the  statement  which  they  have  subse 
quently  made,  that  they  had  no  authority  to  cede  any  part, 
however  insignificant,  of  the  territories  of  the  U.  States,  al 
though  the  proposal  left  it  open  to  them  to  demand  an 
equivalent  for  such  cession  either  in  frontier  or  othetwise. 

The  American  Plenipotentiaries  must  be  aware  that  the 
boundary  of  the  District  of  Maine  has  never  been  correctly 
ascertained  ;  that  the  one  asserted  at  present  by  the  Ameri 
can  government,  by  which  the  direct  communication  be 
tween  Halifax  and  Quebec  becomes  interrupted,  was  not 


328  APPENDIX. 

in  contemplation  of  the  British  PlenipoTentiaries  who  con- 
eluded  the  treaty  of  1783,  and  Unit  the  greater  part  of  the 
territory  in  question  is  actually  unoccu;  led. 

The  undersigned  are  persuaded  that  an  arrangement  on 
this  point  might  be  easily  made,  if  entered  into  with  the 
spirit  of  conciliation,  without  any  prejudice  to  the  interests 
of  the  district  in  question. 

As  the  necessity  of  fixing  some  boundary  for  the  north 
western  frontier  has  been  mutually  acknowledged,  a  propo 
sal  tor  a  discussion  on  that  subject  cannot  be  considered  as 
a  demand  for  a  cession  of  territory,  unless  I  he  U.  States 
are  prepared  to  assert  that  there  is  no  limit  to  their  territo 
ries  in  that  direction,  and  that  availing  themselves  of  the 
geographical  emir  upon  which  that  part  of  the  treaty  of 
1783  was  founded,  they  will  acknowledge  no  boundary 
whatever,  then  unquestionably  any  proposition  to  fix  one,  be 
it  what  it  may,  must  be  considered  as  demanding  a  large 
cession  of  territory  from  the  U.  States. 

I>  the  American  government  prepared  to  assert  such  an 
unlimited  right,  so  contrary  to  ihe  evident  intention  of  the 
treaty  itself?  Or,  is  his  majesty's  government  to  understand 
that  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  are  willing  to  acknow 
ledge  the  boundary  from  the  lake  of  the  Woods  to  the  Mis 
sissippi  (the  arrangement  made  by  a  convention  in  1803, 
but  not  ratified)  as  that  by  which  their  government  is  ready 
to  abide  ? 

The  British  Plenipotentiaries  are  instructed  to  accept 
favorably  such  a  proposition,  or  to  discuss  any  other  line  of 
boundary  whu.h  may  be  subm  tttd  for  consideration. 

It  is  with  equal  astonishment  and  regret  the  undersign 
ed  find  that  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  have  not  only 
declined  Signing  any  provisional  art.c  e,  by  which  the  In 
dian  nations  who  have  taken  part  w  th  G.  Britain  in  the 
present  contest  may  be  included  in  the  peace,  and  may 
have  a  boundary  assigned  to  them,  but  have  also  thought 
proper  to  express  surprise  at  any  proposition  on  the  sub 
ject  having  been  advanced. 

The  American  Plenipotentiaries  state,  that  their  gov 
ernment  could  not  have  expected  such  a  discussion,  and 
appear  resolved,  at  once,  to  reject  any  proposition  on  this 
lu  i ;  representing  it  as  a  demand  contrary  to  the  acknowl 
edged  principles  ot  public  law,  tantamount  to  a  cession  of 


APPENDIX.  329 

one  third  of  the  territorial  dominions  of  the  U.  States,  and 
required  to  be  admitted  without  discussion. 

The  proposition  winch  is  thus  represented  is,  that  the 
Indian  nations,  which  have  been  during*  the  war  in  alliance 
with  G.  Britain,  should  at  its  termination  be  included  in  the 
pacification  ;  and  with  a  view  to  I  heir  permanent  tranquil- 
ity  and  security,  that  the  British  government  is  willing  to 
take  as  a  basis  of  an  article  on  the  subject  of  a  boundary 
for  those  nations,  the  stipulations  which  the  American  gov 
ernment  contracted  in  179-3,  subject,  however,  to  modifica 
tions. 

After  the  declaration,  publicly  made  to  those  Indian 
nations  by  the  Governor  Gen.  of  Canada,  that  G.  Britain 
would  not  desert  them,  could  the  American  government 
really  persuade  itself  that  no  proposition  relating  to  those 
nations  would  be  advanced,  and  did  lord  Castlereagh's 
note  of  the  4th  Nov.  1813,  imply  so  great  a  sacrifice  of 
honor,  or  exclude  from  discussion  every  subject,  except 
what  immediately  related  to  the  maritime  questions  refer 
red  to  in  it  ? 

When  the  undersigned  assured  the  American  Plenipo 
tentiaries  of  the  anxious  wish  of  the  British  government 
that  the  negociation  might  terminate  in  a  peace  honorable 
to  both  parties,  it  could  not  have  been  imagined  that  the 
American  Plenipotentiaries  would  thence  conclude,  that 
his  majesty's  government  was  prepared  to  abandon  the  In 
dian  nations  to  their  fate,  nor  could  it  have  been  foreseen 
that  the  American  government  would  have  considered  it  as 
derogatory  to  its  honor  to  admit  a  proposition  by  which  the 
tranquility  of  these  nations  might  be  secured. 

The  treaty  of  Greenville  established  the  boundaries  be 
tween  the  U.  States  and  the  Indian  nations.  The  Ameri 
can  Plenipotentiaries  must  be  aware,  that  the  war  which 
has  since  broken  out,  has  abrogated  that  treaty,  fs  it  con 
trary  to  the  established  principles  of  public  law  for  the  Bri 
tish  government  to  propose,  on  behalf  of  its  allies,  that  this 
treaty,  shall  on  the  pacification,  be  considered  subject  to 
such  modifications  as  the  case  may  render  necessary  ?  Ot 
is  it  unreasonable  to  propose,  that  this  stipulation  should 
be  amended, .  and  that  on  that  foundation  some  arrange 
ment  should  be  made  which  would  provide  for  the  exist- 
enr<>  of  a  neutral  power  between  G.  Britain  and  ihe  United 

42 


230  APPENDIX. 

States,  calculated  to  secure  to  both  a  longer  continuance  of 
the  blessings  of  peace  ? 

So  far  was  that  specific  proposition  respecting  the  Indian 
boundaries  from  being  insisted  upon  in  the  note,  or  in  the 
conference  which  preceded  it,  as  one  to  be  admitted  with 
out  discussion,  that  it  would  have  been  difficult  to  use  term* 
of  greater  latitude,  or  which  appeared  mure  adapted,  not 
only  not  to  preclude  but  to  invite  discussion. 

If  the  basis  proposed  could  convey  away  one  third  of  the 
territory  of  the  U.  States,  the  American  government  itself 
must  have  conveyed  it  away  by  the  Greenville  treaty  of 
1795. 

It  is  impossible  to  read  that  treaty  without  remarking 
how  inconsistent  the  present  pretensions  of  the  American 
government  are,  with  its  preamble  and  provisions.  The 
boundary  line  between  the  lands  of  the  U.  States  and  those 
of  the  Indian  nations,  is  therein  expressly  defined.  The 
general  character  ot  the  treaty,  is  that  of  a  treaty  with  inde 
pendent  nations  ;  and  the  very  stipulation  which  the  Amer 
ican  Plenipotentiaries  refer  to,  that  the  Indian  nations 
should  sell  their  lands  only  to  the  U.  States,  tends  to  prove 
that,  but  for  that  stipulation,  the  Indians  had  a  general  right* 
to  dispose  of  them. 

The  American   government  has  now  for  the  first  time 
in  effect,  declared  that  all  Indian  nations  within  its  line  of 
demarkation  are  its  subjects,  living  there   upon  sufferance, 
on  lands  which  it  also  claims  the  exclusive  right  of  acquir 
ing,  thereby  menacing  the  final  extinction  of  those  nations. 

Against  such  a  s\stem  the  undersigned  must  formally 
protest.  The  undersigned  repeat,  that  the  terms  on  which 
the  proposition  has  been  made  for  assigning  to  the  Indian 
nations  some  boundary,  manifest  no  unwillingness  to  dis 
cuss  any  other  proposition  directed  to  the  same  objt'ct,  or 
even  a  modification  of  that  which  is  offered.  G.  Britain  is 
ready  to  enter  into  the  same  engagements  with  respect  to 
the  Indians  living  within  her  line  of  demarkation,  as  that 
which  is  proposed  to  the  U.  States,  It  can  therefore,  only 
be  from  a  complete  misapprehension  of  the  proposition 7 
that  it  can  be  represented  as  being  not  reciprocal.  Neith 
er  can  it  with  any  truth,  be  represented  as  contrary  to  the 
acknowedged  principles  of  public  law,  as  derogatory  to 
the  honor,  or  inconsistent  with  the  rights  of  the  American 


APPENDIX.  331 

government,   nor  as  a  demand  required  to  be  admitted 
without  discussion. 

After  this  full  exposition  of  the  sentiments  of  his  majesty's 
government  on  the  points  above  stated,  it  will  be  for  the 
American  Plenipotentiaries  to  determine  whether  they  are 
ready  now  to  continue  the  negociation  ;  whether  they  are 
disposed  to  refer  to  their  government  for  further  instruc 
tions;  or,  lastly,  whether  they  will  take  upon  themselves 
the  responsibility  of  breaking  off  the  negociation  altogether. 
The  undersigned  request  the  American  Plenipotentia 
ries  to  accept  the  assurances  of  their  high  consideration. 

GAMBIER, 
H.  GOULBURN, 
W.  ADAMS. 

The  American  to  the  British  Commissioners. 

GHENT,  Sept.  9th.  18U. 

The  undersigned  have  had  the  houor  to  receive  the  note 
of  his  Britannic  majesty's  Plenipotentiaries,  dated  the  4th 
instant.  If  in  the  tone,  or  sub$'ance  of  the  former  note  of 
the  undersigned,  the  British  commissioners  have  perceived 
little  proof  ot  any  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  American 
government,  for  a  discussion  of  some  of  the  propositions 
advanced  in  the  first  note,  which  the  undersigned  had  the 
honor  of  receiving  from  them,  they  will  ascribe  it  to  the 
nature  of  the  propositions  themselves,  to  their  apparent  in 
compatibility  with  the  assurances  in  lord  Castlereagh's  let 
ter  to  the  American  secretary  of  state,  proposing  the  ne 
gociation,  and  with  the  solemn  assurances  of  the  British 
Plenipotentiaries  themselves,  to  the  undersigned,  at  their 
tirst  conference  with  them. 

The  undersigned,  in  reference  to  an  observation  of  the 
British  Plenipotentiaries,  must  be  allowed  to  say,  that  the 
objects  which  the  government  of  the  U.  States  had  in  view, 
have  not  been  withheld. 

The  subjects  considered  as  suitable  for  discussion  were 
fairly  brought  forward,  in  the  conference  of  the  9th  ult. 
and  the  terms  on  which  the  U.  States  were  willing  to  con 
clude  the  peace,  were  frankly  and  expressly  declared  in 
the  note  of  the  undersigned,  dated  the  24th  ultimo.  It  had 
been  confidently  hoped  that  the  nature  of  those  terms,  so 
evidently  framed  in  a  spirit  of  conciliation,  would  have 


332  APPENDIX. 

induced  G.  Britain  to  adopt  them  as  the  basis  of  a  treaty  ; 
and  it  is  with  deep  regret  that  the  undersigned,  if  they  have 
righfh  understood  the  meaning-  of  the  last  note  of  the  Bri 
tish  Plenipotentiaries,  percriv7e  that  they  still  insist  on  Hie 
exclusive  military  possession  of  the  lakes,  and  on  a  perma-* 
nent  boundary  and  independent  territory  for  the  Indians 
residing-  within  the  dominions  of  the  U.  States. 

The  first  demand  is  grounded  on   the*  supposition,   that, 
the  American  government  has  manifested,  by  its  proceed 
ing's  towards  Spain,   by  the    acquisition  of  Louisiana,   by 
the  purchases  of  Indian  lands,  and  by  an  avowed  intention 
of  permanently  annexing    the    Canadas  to  the   U.  States, 
a  spirit  of  aggrandizement  and  conquest,   which   justifies 
the  demand  ot  extraordinary  sacrifices  from  them,  to  pro 
vide  for  the  security  of  the  British  possessions  in  America. 
Li  observations  which  the  undersigned  felt   it  their  duty 
to  make  on  the  new  demands  of  the  British   government, 
they  confined  their  animadversions  to  the  nature  of  the  de 
mands  themselves  ;  they  did    not    seek  for  illustrations  of 
the  policy  of  G.  Britain  in  her  conduct,  in  various  quarters 
of  the  globe,   towards  other    nations,   for  she  was  not  ac 
countable  to  the  U.  States.     Yet  the  undersigned  will  say, 
that  their  government  has  ever  been  ready  to  arrange,  in 
the  most  amicable   manner,    with  Spain,  the  questions  re 
specting  the  boundaries   of   Louisiana,  and  Horida,  and 
that  of  the   indemnities    acknowledged   by    Spain   due  to 
American   citizens.     How   the    peaceable    acquisition  of 
Louisiana,  or  the  purchase  of  lands  within   the  acknow 
ledged  territories  of  the  U.  States,   both  made  by  fair  and 
voluntary  treaties  for  satisfactory  equivalents,   can  be  as 
cribed  to  a  spirit  of  conquest  dangerous  to  their  neighbors, 
the  undersigned  are  altogether  vit  a  loss  to  understand. 

Nor  has  the  conquest  of  Canada,  and  its  permanent  an 
nexation  to  the  U.  States,  been  the  declared  object  of  their 
government.  From  the  commencement  of  the  war  to  the 
present  time,  the  American  government  has  been  always 
willing  to  make  peace,  without  obtaining  any  cession  of 
territory,  and  on  the  sole  condition  that  the  maritime  ques 
tions  might  be  satisfactorily  arranged.  Such  was  their 
disposition  in  the  month  of  July,  1812,  when  they  instruct 
ed  IVJ r.  Russell  to  make  the  proposal  of  an  armistice  ;  in 
the- month  of  October  of  the  same  year,  when  Mr. 


APPENDIX.  333 

roc  answered  Admiral  Warren's  proposals  ta  the  same 
effect;  in  April,  1813,  when  instructions  were  given  to 
three  of  ihe  undersigned  then  appointed  to  treat  of  peace, 
under  the  mediation  of  Russia;  and  in  January,  1814, 
when  the  instructions  under  which  the  undersigned  are 
now  acting,  were  prepared. 

The  proposition  of  the  British  Plenipotentiaries  is,  that, 
in  order  to  secure  the  frontier  of  Canada  against  attack, 
the  U.  States  should  leave  their  own  without  defence; 
and  it  seems  to  be  forgotteli,  that  if  their  superior  popula 
tion,  and  the  proximity  of  their  resources  give  them  any 
advantage  in  that  quarter,  it  is  balanced  by  the  great  dif 
ference  between  the  military  establishments  of  the  two  na 
tions.  No  sudden  invasion  of  Canada  by  the  U.  States 
could  be  made,  without  leaving  on  their  Atlantic  shores, 
and  on  the  ocean,  exposed  to  the  greut  superiority  of  the 
British  force,  a  mass  of  American  property  far  more  val- 
nable  than  Canada.  In  her  relative  superior  force  to  that 
of  the  U.  States  in  every  other  quarter,  G.  Britain  may  find 
a  pledge  much  more  efficacious  for  the  safety  of  a  single 
vulnerable  point,  than  in  stipulations  ru. nous  to  the  inter 
ests,  and  degrading  to  the  honor  of  America.  The  best 
security  for  the  possessions  of  both  countries  will,  howev 
er,  be  found  in  an  equal  and  solid  peace;  in  a  mutual  re 
spect  for  the  rights  ot  each  other,  and  in  the  cultivation  of 
a  friendly  understanding  between  them.  If  there  be  any 
source  of  jealousy  in  relation  to  Canada  itself,  it  will  be 
found  to  exist  solely  in  the  undue  interference  of  traders 
and  agents,  which  may  be  easily  removed  by  proper  re 
straints. 

The  only  American  forts  on  the  lakes  known  to  have 
been,  at  the  commencement  of  the  negociation,  held  by 
Br  tish  force,  are  Michilimackinac  and  Niagara.  As  the 
U,  States  were,  at  the  same  time,  in  possession  of  Amherst- 
burg,  and  the  adjacent  country,  it  is  not  perceived  that  the 
mere  occupation  of  those  two  forts  could  give  any  claim  to 
his  Britannic  majesty  to  large  cessions  of  territory,  found 
ed  upon  the  right  of  conquest ;  and  the  undersigned  may 
be  permitted  to  add,  that  even  if  the  chances  of  war  should 
yield  to  the  British  arms  a  momentary  possession  of  other 
parts  of  the  territories  of  the  U.  States,  such  events  would 
not  alter  their  views  with  regard  to  the  terms  of  peace  to 


334  APPENDIX. 

which  they  would  give  their  consent.  Without  recurring- 
to  examples  drawn  from  the  revolutionary  governments  of 
France,  or  to  a  more  recent  and  illustrious  triumph  of  for 
titude  in  adversity,  they  have  been  taught  by  their  own 
history  that  the  occupation  of  their  principalities  would 
produce  no  despondency,  nor  induce  their  submission 
to  the  dismemberment  of  their  empire,  or  to  the  abandon 
ment  of  any  one  of  the  rights  which  constitute  a  part  of 
their  national  independence. 

The  general  position,  that  it  was  consistent  with  the 
principles  of  public  law,  and  with  the  practice  of  civilized 
nations,  to  include  allies  in  a  treaty  of  peace,  and  to  pro 
vide  for  their  security,  never  was  called  in  quesiion  bv  the 
undersigned.  But  they  have  denied  the  right  of  G- Bri 
tain,  according  to  those  principles  and  her  own  practice,  to 
interfere  in  any  manner  with  the  Indian  tribes  residing  with 
in  the  territories  of  the  U.  States,  as  acknowledged  by  her 
self,  to  consider  such  tribes  as  her  allies,  or  to  treat  for 
them  with  the  O.  Stales.  They  will  not  repeat  the  fade 
and  arguments  already  brought  forward  by  them  in  sup 
port  of  this  position,  and  which  remain  unanswered.  The 
observations  made  by  the  British  Plenipotentiaries  on  the 
treaty  of  Greenville,  and  their  assertion  that  the  U.  States 
now,  for  the  first  time,  deny  the  absolute  independence  of 
the  Indian  tribes,  and  claim  the  exclusive  right  of  purchas 
ing  their  lands,  require,  however,  some  notice. 

It'  the  U.  States  had  now  asserted,  that  the  Indians  with 
in  their  boundaries,  who  have  acknowledged  the  U.  States 
as  their  only  protectors  were  their  subjects,  living  only  at 
sufferance  on  their  lands,  far  from  being  the  first  in  making 
that  assertion,  they  would  only  have  followed  the  example 
on  the  principles,  uniformly  and  invariably  asserted  in  sub 
stance,  and  frequently  avowed  in  ex  press  terms  by  the  Bri 
tish  government  itself.  What  was  the  meaning  of  all  the 
colonial  charters  granted  by  the  British  monarchy,  from 
that  of  Virginia,  by  Elizabeth,  to  that  of  Georgia,  by  the 
immediate  predecessor  of  the  present  king,  if  the  Indians 
were  the  sovereigns  and  proprietors  of  the  lands  bestowed 
by  those  charters  ?  What  was  the  meaning  of  that  article  in. 
the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  by  which  the  five  nations  were  de 
scribed,  m  terms,  as  subject  to  the  dominions  of  G.  Britain  ? 
or  that  of  the  treaty  with  the  Cherokees,  by  which  it  was 


APPENDIX.  335 

declared  that  the  king  of  G.  Britain  granted  them  thepnvi- 
ledgeto  live  where  they  pleased,  if  those  subjects  were  in 
dependent  sovereigns,  and  if  these  tenants,  at  Ihe  licence  of 
the  British  king,  were  the  rightful  lords  of  the  lands  where 
he  granted  them  permission  to  live  ?  What  was  the  mean 
ing  of  that  proclamation  of  his  present  Britannic  majesty, 
issued  in  1763,  declaring  all  purchases  of  lands  from  the 
Indians  null  and  void,  unless  made  by  treaties  held  under 
the  sanction  of  his  majesty 's  government,  if  the  Indians  had 
the  right  to  sell  their  lands  to  whom  they  pleased  ?  What 
was  the  meaning  of  boundary  lines  of  American  territories, 
in  all  treaties  of  G.  Britain  with  other  European  powers 
having  American  possessions,  particularly  in  the  treaty  of 
1763,  by  which  she  acquired  from  France  the  sovereignty 
and  possession  of  Ihe  Canadas  ;  in  her  treaty  of  peace  with 
the  U.  States  in  1783  ;  nay,  what  is  the  meaning  of  the 
north  western  boundary  line  now  proposed  by  the  British 
commissioners  themselves,  if  it  is  the  'rightful  possession 
and  sovereignty  of  independent  Indians,  of  which  these 
boundaries  dispose  ?  Is  it  indeed,  necessary  to  ask,  whether 
G.  Britain  ever  has  permitted,  or  would  permit,  any  for 
eign  nation,  or  without  her  consent,  any  of  her  subjects,  to 
acquire  lauds  from  the  Indians,  in  the  territories  of  theHud-* 
son  bay  company,  or  in  Canada?  In  formally  protesting 
against  this  system,  it  is  not  against  a  novel  pretension  of 
the  American  government,  it  is  ag  tinst  the  most  solemn 
acts  of  their  own  sovereigns,  against  the  royal  proclama 
tions,  charters,  and  treaties  of  G.  Bitain,  for  more  than 
two  centuries,  from  the  first  settlemement  of  North  Ameri 
ca  to  the  present  day,  that  the  British  Plenipotentiaries 
protest. 

From  the  rigor  of  this  system,  however,  as  practised  by 
G.  Britain,  and  all  other  European  powers  in  America,  tlie 
humane  and  liberal  policy  of  the  [T.  States  has  voluntarily 
relaxed.  A  celebrated  writer  on  the  laws  of  nations,  to 
whose  authority  British  jurists  have  taken  particular  satisfac 
tion  in  appealing,  after  stating,  in  the  most  explicit  man 
ner,  the  legitimacy  of  colonial  settlements  in  America,  the 
exclusion  of  all  rights  of  uncivilized  Indian  tribes,  has  tak 
en  occasion  to  praise  thetirst  settlers  of  New-England,  and 
the  founder  of  Pennsylvania,  in  having  purchased  of  the  In 
dians  the  lauds  they  resolved  to  cultivate, 


336  APPENDIX. 

their  being- furnished  with  a  charter  from  their  sovereign, 
It  is  this  example,  which  the  U.  States,  since  they  became 
by  their  independence,  the  sovereigns  of  the  territory,  have 
adopted  and  organized  into  a  political  system.  Under 
that  system,  the  Indians  residing  within  the  U.  States  are 
80  far  independent  that  they  live  under  their  own  customs, 
and  not  under  the  laws  of  the  U.  States,  that  their  rights 
upon  the  lands  where  they  inhabit,  or  hunt,  are  secured  to 
them  by  boundaries  defined  in  amicab  e  treaties  between 
tiie  U.  States  and  themselves  ;  and  that  whenever  those 
boundaries  were  varied,  it  is  also  by  amicable  and  volunta 
ry  treaties,  by  which  they  receive  from  the  U.  States  ample 
compensation  for  every  right  they  have  to  tiie  lands  ceded 
to  them.  They  are  so  far  dependent  as  not  to  have  the  nght 
to  dispose  of  their  lands  to  private  pe  sons,  nor  to  any  pow 
er  other  lhan  the  U.  States,  and  to  be  under  their  protec 
tion  alone,  and  not  under  that  of  any  other  power.  Whe 
ther  called  subjects,  c  r  by  whatever  name  designated,  such 
is  the  relation  between  them  and  the  U.  States. — Thatrela- 
ton  is. neither  asserted  now  for  the  first  lime,  nor  did  it  ori 
ginate  with  the  treaty  of  Greenville.  These  principles  have 
been  uniformly  recognized  by  the  Indians  themselves,  not 
only  by  that  treaty,  but  in  all  the  other  previous  as  well  as 
subsequent  treaties  between  them  and  the  U.  States. 

The  treaty  of  Greenville  neither  took  from  the  Indians 
the  right,  which  they  had  not,  of  selling  lands  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  U.  States  to  foreign  governments  or  sub 
jects,  nor  ceded  to  them  the  right  of  exercising  exclusive 
jurisdiction  within  the  boundary  line  assigned.  It  was 
merely  declaratory  of  the  public  law  m  relation  to  the  par 
ties,  founded  on  principles  previously  and  universally  recog 
nized.  It  left  to  the  U.  States  the  rights  of  exercising  sov 
ereignty  and  of  acquiring  soii,  and  bears  no  analogy  to  the 
proposition  of  G.  Britain  which  requires  the  abandonment 
of  both. 

Tiie  British  Plenipotentiaries  slate  in  their  last  note,  that 
G.  Britain  is  ready  to  enter  into  the  same  engagement  with 
respect  to  the  Indians  living  within  her  line  of  demarkation., 
as  that  which  is  proposed  to  the  U.  States. — The  under 
signed  will  not  dwell  on  the  immense  inequality  of  value 
between  the  two  territories,  which  under  such  an  arrange- 
would  be  assigned,  by  earh  nation  respectively  to  the 


APPENDIX, 


837 


Indians,  and  which  alone  would  make  the  reciprocity  mere 
ly  nominal.  The  condition  winch  would  be  thus  imposed 
on  G.Britain  not  to  acquire  laruls  ii;  Canada  from  the  In 
dians,  would  be  productive  of  no  advantage  to  the 
U.  Stales,  and  is,  therefore,  no  equivalent  for  the  sacri 
fice  required  of  them.  They  do  not  consider  that  it  belongs 
to  the  U.  States  in  any  ivspect  to  interfere  with  the  con 
cerns  of  G.  Britain  in  her  American  possessions,  or  with 
her  policy  towards  the  Indians  residing  there  :  and  they 
cannot  consent  to  any  interference,  on  the  part  of  G.  Bri 
tain,  with  Iheir  uwn  concerns,  and  particularly  with  (lie. 
Indians  living;  within  their  territories.  It  may  be  the  inter- 

£>  «, 

est  of  G.  Britain  io  limit  her  setilements  in  Canaoa  to  their 
present  extent,  and  to  leave  the  country  to  the  West  a  per 
petual  wilderness,  to  be  for  ever  inhabited  by  scattered 
tribes  of  huntfrs  :  but  it  would  inflict  a  vital  injury  on  the 
U.  States  to  have  a  line  run  through  her  territory,  beyond 
uhich  her  settlements  should  for  ever  be  precluded  from 
expending,  thereby  arresting  the  natural  growth  of  her  po 
pulation  arid  strength:  placing  the  Indians  substantially  by 
VM  trie  of  the  proposed  guarantee,  u;ider  the  protection  of 
CT.  Britain;  dooming  theiia  to  perpetual  barbarism,  and 
leaving  an  extensive  frontier  for  ever  exposed  to  the»rsavr 
ag'e  incursions. 

W  rh  respect  to  the  mere  question  of  peace  with  the  In 
dians,  the  undersigned  have  already  explicitly  assured  the 
Bn:ish  Plenipotentiaries  that  so  far  as  it  depended  on  the 
U.  States,  it  would  immediately  and  necessarily  follow  a 
peace  withG.  Britain,  ir  this  be  her  sole  object,  no  pro 
vision-in  the  treaty  to  that  effect  is  necessary.  Provided 
the  Indians  wil-  now  consent  to  it,  peace  will  immediately 
be  made  with  them,  and  li.ey  will  be  reinstated  in  the  same 
situation  in  which  they  stood  before  the  commencement  of 
hostilities.  Should  a  continuance  of  the  war  compel  the 
U.  States  to  alter  their  policy  towards  the  Indians,  who 
may  still  take  the  part  of  G.  Br.tait;,  they  alone  must  be  re 
sponsible  for  the  consequences  of  her  own  act  in  having  in 
duced  them  to  withdraw  Themselves  from  the  protection  of 
the  U.  States.  The  employment  of  savages,  whose  known 
rule  of  warfare  is  the  indiscriminate  torture  and  butchery 
of  women,  children,  and  prisoners,  is  itself  a  departure  from 

43 


338  Al'JPK'NJDIX. 

the  principles  of  humanity  observed    between  all    civilized 
and  Christ  inn  nations,  even  in  war. 

The  U.  States  have  constantly  protested,  and  still  pro 
test  against  it  as  an  unjustifiable  aggravation  ot  the  calami 
ties  and  horrors  oi'  v\ar. — Ot  the  peculiar  atrocities  ot  In 
dian  warfare,  (he  allies  of  G.  Britain  in  whose  behalf  she 
now  demands  sacrifices  of  the  U.  States,  have  during'  the 
present  war,  shewn  many  deplorable  examples.  Among 
them,  the  massacre  in  cold  blood,  of  wounded  prisoners, 
and  the  refusal  of  ther.ghls  of  burial  to  the  dead,  under  the 
eyes  ol 'British  officers  who  could  only  plead  their  inability 
to  control  these  savage  auxiliaries,  have  been  repeated  and 
art  notorious  to  the  world.  The  U.  Slates  might  at  all 
tunes  have  employed  the  same  kind  ol  i'orce  against  G 
Britain,  to  a  greater  extent  than  it  was  in  her  power  to  em 
ploy  it  against  them  ;  but  from  their  reluctance  to  resort  to 
means  so  abhorrent  to  the  natural  feelings  of  humanity, 
they  abstained  from  the  use  of  them  until  compelled  to  the, 
alternative  of  employing  themselves  Indians,  who  other 
wise  would  have  been  drawn  into  the  ranks  of  their  ene 
mies.  The  undersigned  suggesting  to  (he  British  Pleni 
potentiaries  the  propriety  of  an  article  by  which  G.  Britain 
and  the  U.  States  should  reciprocally  stipulate  never  herc- 
after,  if  they  should  be  again  at  war,  to  employ  savages  in 
it,.. believe  that  it  would  be  infinitely  more  honorable  to  the 
humanity  and  Christian  temper  oi' both  parties,  more  ad 
vantageous  lo  thelndians  themselves,  and  better  adapted 
to  secure  their  permanent  peace,  tranquilily,  and  progres 
sive  civilization  than  the  boundary  proposed  by  the  British- 
Plenipotentiaries. 

With  regard  to  the  cession  of  a  part  of  the  District  of 
Mume,  as  to  which  the  British  Plenipotentiaries  are  unable 
iu  reconcile  the  objections  made  by  the  undersigned  with 
their  previous  declaration,  they  have  the  honor  to  observe, 
that  at.  the  conference  of  the  8ih  nit.  the  British  Plenipoten 
tiaries  stated  as  one  of  the  subjects  suitable  for  discussion, 
a  revision  ol'  the  boundary  line  between  the  British  and 
American  territories,  with  a  view  to  prevent  uncertainty 
and  dispute  ;.  and  that  it  was  on  the  point  thus  stated,  that 
the  undersigned  declared  lliat  they  were  provided  with  in 
structions  from  their  government;  a  declaration  which 
did  not  imply  that  they  were  instructed  to  make  any  ccs-. 


APPENDIX. 

of  territory  in  any  quarter,  or  agree  to  n  revision  of  the 
line,  or  to  any  exchange  of  territory,  \\herc  no  uncertainty 
or  dispute  existed. 

The  undersigned  perceive  no  uncertainty  or  matter  of 
doubt  in  the  treaty  of  1783,  with  respect  to  that  part  of  the. 
boundary  of  the  District  of  M;rMe  \\hich  would  be  affect 
ed  by  the  proposal  of  G.  Britain  on  that  subject,  Ti:ey 
never  have  understood  thai  the  British  Plenipotentiaries 
who  signed  that  treaty,  had  fontempSated  a  boundary  dif 
ferent  from  that  fixed  by  the  treaty;  and  which  requires 
nothing'  more,  in  order  to  be  definitely  ascertained,  thr.u  ».<> 
be  surveyed  in  conformity  with  its  provisions.  This  sub 
ject  not  having  been  a  matter  of  uncertainly  or  il.sruUe, 
the  undersigned  are  not  instructed  upon  it ;  and  they  can 
ba\e  no  authority  to  cede  any  part  of  the  state  of  Massos 
chusetts,  even  for  what  the  British  government  might  con 
sider  a  fair  equivalent. 

In  regard  to  the  boundary  of  the  north  western  frontier, 
so  soon  as  ihe  propos«tion  <>i  [  --dian  boundary  is  disposed 
of,  the  undersigned  ha\e  i»o  objection,  with  the  explana 
tion  given  bv  the  British  Plenipotentiaries  in  their  last 
note,  to  discuss  the  subject. 

The  undersigned  in  their  former  no'e,  stated  with  frank 
ness,  and  will  now  rvpe-at,  that  the  two  propositions,  1st,  of 
assigning  in  the  proposed  treaty  of  peace  u  deih.ae  boun 
dary  to  the  Indians  living  within  the  limits  ol  the  U.  States, 
beyond  which  boundary  the\  should  stipulate  nx>t to  acquire, 
by  purchase  or  otherwise, any  territory  ;  and  '2dly,ofseciirh  g 
the  exclusive  military  possession  of  ihe  lakes  to  Great  Bri 
tain,  are  both  inadmissible ;  and  thai  they  cannot  subscribe 
to,  and  would  derm,  it  useless  to  refer  to  their  government, 
any  arrangement,  even  provisional,  containing  either  of 
these  propositions.  With  this  understanding,  the  under 
signed  are  now  ready  to  continue  the  negociatiun  ;  and  as 
they  have  already  expressed,  to  discuss  all  the  points  of 
difference,  or  which  might  hereafter  tend  in  any  degree  to 
interrupt  the  harmony  of  the  two  countries. 

The  undersigned  request  the  British.  Plenipotentiaries 
t'fo  accept  the  assurance  of  their  hi^h  consideration. 


JOHN  U.  ADAMS, 

j.  A.  BAYARD, 

H.  CLAY. 


JO&A.  RUSSELL, 
A.  GALL  AT  IN. 


APPENDIX, 

The  British  to  the  American  Commissioner*. 

GHKNT,  hept.  19,  1814. 

The  undersigned   have    the  |ionor  to   acknowledge   the 
receipt  of  the   note   addressed  to  them   by  the  American 
-Plenipotentiaries,  on  ihe  9th  inst. 

On  the  greater  part  of  t[;at  note,  the  undersigned  have 
no  intention  to  innke  comments,  having  proposed  to  them 
selves  throng-how  the  negotiation  to  avoid  all  unnecessary 
discussions,  more  especially  when  tending  to  create  irrita 
tion. 

On  the  question  of  the  north  western  frontiers,  they  are 
happy  to  find  that  no  material  difficulty  is  likely  toartse. 

With  respect  to  the  boundary  oft!,e  District  of  Maine, 
the  undersigned  observe  with  regret,  that  although  the  A- 
mcrican  Plenipotentiaries  have  acknowledged  themselves 
to  be  instructed  to  discuss  a  revision  of  the  boundary  line, 
with  a  view  to  prevent  uncertainty  and  dispute,  yet,  by  as 
suming  an  exclusive  right  at  once  to  decide  what  is  or  is 
not  a  subject  of  uncertainty  and  dispute,  they  have  ren* 
dered  their  powers  nugatory  or  inadmissibiy  partial  in  their 
operation. 

After  the  declaration  made  by  the  American  PiempQ* 
tenharies,  thai  the  U.  States  will  admit  oi 'no  line  of  bout)-* 
dary  between  their  territory  and  thai,  of  l|»e  Indian  nations, 
because  the  natural  growth  ami  population  oi  iht  U.  Slates 
would  be  thereby  arrested,  it  b-  comes  .unnecessary  further  r.o 
insist  on  the  proof  of  a  spirit  of  aggrandizement  afforded 
by  the  purchase  of  Louisiana  from  France,  against  the 
k'lown  comji'ions  on  which  it  had  been  ceded  by  Spain  to 
that  coimtn,  or  the  host  le  seiz  ire  of  a  great  part  oi  the 
Fioridas,  under  a  pretence  of  a  dispute  respecting  the 
boundary. 

The  reason  given  by  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  for 
this  declaration,  equally  applies  to  the  assignment  of  a 
boundary  to  the  U.  States  on  any  side,  with  whatever  view 
proposed  ;  and  the  unlimited  nature  ot'tht  pretension  would 
alune  havejustitied  ti.  Britain  in  seeking  more  effectual  se 
curities  against  its  application  to  Canada.,  than  any  which 
the  undersigned  have  l^ad  I  he  honor  to  propose. 

Had  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  been  instructed  on 
the  subject  of  Canada,  they  would  not  have  asserted  that 
its  permanent  annexation  had  not  been  the  declared  object 


APPENDIX.  3*1 

of  their  government.  It  has  been  distinctly  avowed  to  be 
such  at  different  times,  particularly  by  two  American  Gen 
erals  on  their  respective  invasions  of  Canada.  If  the  dec 
laration  first  made  had  been  disapproved,  it  would  not 
have  been  repeated.  The  declarations  here  referred  to 
are  to  be  found  in  the  proclamation  01  Gen.  Hull,  in  July, 
1812,  and  of  Gen.  Smyth,  in  November,  1812,  copies  of 
\vhich  are  hereunto  annexed. 

It  must  be  also  from  the  want  of  instructions  that  the 
American  Plenipotentiaries,  have  been  led  to  assert  that 
G.  Britain  has  induced  the  Indians  to  withdraw  from  the 
protection  ot  the  U.  States.  The  government  of  the  U. 
Stales  cannot  have  forgotten  that  G.  Britain,  so  far  from 
inducing*  the  Indians  to  withdraw  themselves  from  the  pro 
tection  of  the  U.  States,  gave  the  earliest  information  of 
the  intention  of  those  nations  to  invade  the  U .  States,  and 
exerted  herseif,  though  without  success, to  prevent  and  ap 
pease  their  hostility.  The  Indian  nations,  however,  hav 
ing  experienced,  as  they  thought,  oppression*  instead  of 
protection  from  the  [J.  States,  declared  war  against  them 
previously  to  the  declaration  of  war  by  that  country  agtxii.st 
G.  Britain.  The  treaty  by  which  the  Indians  placed 
themselves  under  the  protection  of  the  U .  States,  is  now 
abrogated,  and  the  American  government  cannot  be  enti 
tled  to  claim  as  a  right,  the  renewal  of  an  article  ii.  a  trea 
ty,  w  inch  has  no  longer  any  existence.  The  Indian  na 
tions  are  therefore  no  longer  to  be  considered  as  under  the 
protection  of  the  U.  States,  (whatever  may7  be  the  m 
of  that  term)  and  it  can  only  be  on  the  ground  that 
are  regarded  as  subjects,  that  the  American  Plenipoc^u- 
tiaries  can  be  authorized  to  deny  the  right  of  G  Britain  :o 
interfere  on  their  behalf  in  the  negociations  for  peace.  To 
any  such  claim,  it  is  repeated,  that  the  treaties  concluded 
with  them,  and  particularly  that  of  Greenville,  are  in  direct 
opposition. 

Ilis  not  necessary  to  recur  to  the  manner  in  which  the 
territory  of  the  U.  States  was  at  first  settled,  in  order  to  de 
cide,  whether  the  Indian  nations,  the  original  inhabitants 
of  America,  shall  have  some  spot  assigsied  to  them,  where 
they  may  be  permitted  to  live  in  tranquility  ;  nor  whether 
Iheir'tranquility  can  be  secured  without  preventing  an  mi- 


342  APPENDIX. 

interrupted  system  of  encroachment  upon  them  under  the 
pretence  of  purchase. 

If  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  are  authorized  pe- 
remptorily  to  deny  the  rH>-ht  of  the  British  government  to 
interfere  with  the  pacification  of  the  Indian  nations,  and 
for  that  reason  refuse  all  neg*ociations  on  the-  subject,  the 
undersigned  are  at  a  toss  to  understand,  upon  what  prin 
ciple  it  was,  that  at  the  conference  of  the  9th  ultimo,  the 
American  Plenipotentiaries  invited  discussion  on  the  sub 
ject,  and  added  that  it  was  not  possible  tor  them  to  decide 
without  discussio  i,  whether  an  article  could  be  framed 
which  should  be  mutuaJy  satisfactory,  "and  to  which  they 
should  think  themselves,  under  their  discretionary  powers, 
warranted  in  acceding". 

The  undersigned  must  further  observe,  that  if  the  A- 
merican  government  has  not  furnished  their  Plenipoten 
tiaries  with  any  instructions  since  January  last,  when  the 
general  pacification  of  Europe  could  not  have  been  im 
mediately  in  contemplation,  this  subsequent  silence,  after 
an  event  so  calculated  (even  in  the  view  winch  the  Ameri 
can  Plenipotentiaries  have  taken  of  it,  in  their  note  of  the 
24th  ult.)  to  influence  the  iiegociation,  is,  to  say  the  least, 
no  proof  of  a  sincere  desire  to  bring  it  to  a  favorable  con 
clusion.  The  British  government  has  entered  into  the  ne- 
gociation  with  an  anxious  wish  to  eiiect  an  amicable  ar 
rangement.  A-ter  convulsions  unexampled  in  their  na 
ture,  exient,  and  duration,  the  civilized  world  has  need  of 
repose.  To  obtain  this  in  Europe,  G.  Britain  has  made 
considerable  sacrifices.  To  complete  the  work  of  general 
pacification,  it  is  her  earnest  wish  to  establish  a  peace  with 
the  U.  States,  and  in  her  endeavors  to  accomplish  this  ob 
ject,  to  manifest  the  same  principles  of  moderation  and  for 
bearance;  but  it  is  utterly  inconsistent  with  her  practice 
and  her  principles  ever  to  abandon  in  her  negotiations  for 
peace,  those  who  have  co-operated  with  her  in  war. 

The  undersigned,  therefore,  repeat  that  the  British  gov 
ernment  is  willing  to  sign  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  U. 
States  on  terms  honorable  to  hoi h  parties.  It  has  not  of 
fered  any  terms  which  the  U.  Stales  can  justly  represent  as 
derogatory  to  their  honor,  nor  can  it  be  induced  to  accede 
to  any  which  are  injurious  to  its  own.  It  is  on  this  ground 
Lhat  the  undersigned  yre  authorized  distinctly  to  declare. 


APPEMUX. 

I  hat  they  are  instructed  not  to  sign  a  treaty  of  peace  with 
the  P,eni|votentianes  of  the  0.  Stales,  Uui^s  the  Indian  na 
tions  are  included  in  it,  and  restored  to  ail  the  rights,  privi- 
•leges,  and  territories,  wilich  they  enjoyed  in  the  year  1811, 
previous  to  the  commencement  of  tiie  war,  by  virtue  of  the 
treaty  of  Greenville,  and  the  treaties  subsequently  conclud 
ed  between  them  and  the  U.  States.  From  this  point  the 
iiritish  Plenipotentiaries  cannot  depart. 

They  are  further  instructed  to  oiler  for  discussion  an  ar 
ticle  bv  \\hichthe  contracting"  parties  shall  reciprocally 
bind  themselves,  according  to  boundaries  to  be  agreed  up 
on,  not  to  purchase  the  lands  occupied  by  the  Indians  with 
in  their  respective  lines  of  demarkalion.  By  making  this 
en<>  iso-ement,  subject  to  revision  at  the  expiration  of  a  <nven 

S>      O  «/ 

period,  it  is  hoped  that  the  objection  to  the  establishment 
of  a  boundary  beyxxnd  which  the  settlement  of  the  United 

States  should  be  forever  excluded,  may  be  effectually  ob- 

i  * 

viated. 

The  undersigned  have  never  stated  that  the  exclusive 

O 

military  posse»ion  of  the  Jakes,  howe\er  conducive  they 
aresati^iied  it  would  be  to  a  goud  understanding  between 
the  two  countries,  without  endangering-  the  security  of  the 
U.  States,  was  to  i;e  coasidtTcd  as  a  nine  qua  -non  in  the. 
negociation.  U  'henever  the  quest  sou  relative  to  the  paci 
fication  of  the  Indian  nations  (which,  subject  to  the  explan 
ations  already  given,  is  a  suit  qua  nuu,)  shall  be  adjusted, 
the  undersigned  will  be  authorized  to  make  a  final  propo 
sition  on  ti;e  subject  o»  Canadian  boundaries,  so  entirely 
founded  on  principles  of  moderation  and  justice,  that  they 
fee'  confident  it  cannot  be  rejected.  This  proposition  will 
be  distinctly  stated  by  the  undersigned,  upon  receiving  an 
assurance  from  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  that  they 
consider  themselves  authorized  to  conclude  a  provisional 
article  on  the  subject,  and  upon  their  previously  consenting 
to  include  the  Indian  nations  in  the  treaty,  in  the  manner 
above  described. 

The  undersigned  avail  themselves  of  this  opportunity  of 
renewing  to  the  American  Plenipotentiaries,  the  assurance 
of  their  high  consideration. 

GAMBIEU, 

HENRY  GOULBURN, 

WILLIAM  ADAMS. 


344  APPENDIX. 

The  American  to  the  British  Commissioners. 

GMEKT,  Sept.  26,  1814. 

In  replying  to  the  note  which  the  undersigned  have  had 
the  honor  of  receiving  from  h»s  Britannic  majesty's  Pleni 
potentiaries,  dated  on  the  19th  inst.  they  are  happy  to  con 
cur  with  them  in  the  sentiment  of  avoiding-  unnecessary 
discussions,  especially  such  as  may  have  a  tendency  to 
create  irritation.  They  had  hoped  that,  in  the  same  spir 
it,  the  British  Plenipotentiaries  would  not  have  thought  al 
lusions  again  necessary  to  transactions  foreign  to  this  nego- 
ciation,  relating-  to  the  U.  States,  t*  nd  other  independent 
nations,  and  not  suitable  for  discussion  between  the  Umled 
States  and  Great- Britain.  The  observation  m.  de  with 
respect  to  Louisiana  is  the  more  extraordinary,  as  the  ces 
sion  of  that  province  to  theU.  Slates  was,  at  the  time,  com 
municated  to  the  British  government,  who  expressed  their 
entire  satisfaction  with  it,  and  has  subsequently  received 
the  solemn  sanction  of  Spain  herself.  The  undersigned 
will  further  say,  that  whenever  the  transactions  of  the  U. 
States,  in  relation  to  the  boundaries  of  Louisiana  and  Flor 
ida,  shall  be  a  proper  subject  of  discussion,  they  will  be 
found  not  only  susceptible  of  complete  justification,  but 
will  demonstrate  the  moderation  and  forbearance  of  the 
American  government,  and  their  undeviating  respect  for 
the  rights  of  their  neighbors. 

The  undersigned  are  far  from  assuming  the  exclusive 
right  to  decide,  what  is,  or  is  not,  a  subject  of  uncertainty 
and  dispute,  with  regard  to  the  boundary  of  the  District  of 
Maine.  But  until  the  British  Plenipotentiaries  shall  have 
shown  in  what  respect  the  part  of  that  boundary  which 
would  be  affected  by  their  proposal,  is  such  a  subject,  the 
undersigned  may  be  permitted  to  assert  that  it  is  not. 

The  treaty  of  1783,  described  the  boundary  as  'a  line  to 
be  drawn  along  the  middle  of  the  river  St.  Croix,  from  its 
month  in  the  bay  of  Fundy,  to  its  source,  and  from  its  source 
directly  north  to  the  highlands  which  divide  the  rivers  thufc 
fall  into  the  Atlantic  ucean  from  those  which  fall  into  the 
river  St.  Lawrence,  and  thence  along  the  said  highlands 
to  the  northwesternmost  head  of  Connecticut  river.' 

Doubts  having  arisen  as  to  the  St.  Croix,  designated  in 
the  treaty  of  1783,  a  provision  was  made  by  that  of  1794, 
for  ascertaining  it  rand  it  ma%v  be  fairly  inferred,  from  the 


APPENDIX.  345 

limitation  of  the  article  to  that  sole  object,  that  even  in 
the  judgment  ot'G.  Britain,  no  other  subject  of  controversy 
existed  in  relation  to  the  extension  of  the  boundary  line 
from  the  source  of  that  river.  That  river  and  its  source 
having1  been  according;!)'  ascertained,  the  undersigned, 
are  prepared  to  propose  the  appointment  of  commission 
ers  by  the  two  governments,  to  extend  the  line  to  the 
highlands,  conformably  to  the  treaty  of  1783.  The  pro 
posal,  however,  of  the  British. Plenipotentiaries  was  not  to 
ascertain,  but  to  vary  those  tines  in  sucli  manner  as  to  se- 
iuire  a  direct  communication  between  (Juei.-ec  and  Hali 
fax  ;  an  alteration  which  could  not  be  effected  without  a 
cession  by  the  U.  States  to  G.  Britain  of  all  that  portion 
ot  the  state  of  Massachusetts  intervening-  between  the  pro 
vince  of  New  Brunswick  and  Quebec,  although  unques 
tionably  included  within  the  boundary  lines  fixed  by  that 
freely.  Whether  it  was  contemplated  on  the  part  of  G. 
Bntain  to  obtain  the  cession,  with  or  without  an  equiva 
lent  iti  frontier  or  otherwise,  the  undersigned,  in  stating1 
that  they  were  not  instructed  or  authorised  to  treat  on  the 
subject  of  cession,  have  not  declined  to  discuss  any  matter 
of  uncertainty  or  dispute  which  the  British  Plenipotentia 
ries  may  point  out  to  exist,  respecting  the  boundaries  in 
that  or  in  any  other  quarter,  and  are,  therefore,  not  liable 
to  tl^e  imputation  of  having  rendered  their  powers  on  the 
subject  nugatory  or  inadnussibly  partial  in  their  operation. 
The  British  Plenipotentiaries  consider  the  undersigned 
us  having  declared, '  that  the  U.  States  will  admit  of  no 
line  of  boundary  between  their  territory  and  that  of  the 
Indian  nations  because  the  natural  growth  and  population 
of  the  U.  States  would  be  thereby  arrested.'  The  under 
signed,  on  the  contrary,  expressly  stated  in  their  last  note 
*  that  U*e  lands  inhabited  by  the  Indians  were  secured  to 
them  by  boundaries,  defined  in  amicable  treaties  between 
them  and  the  United  States:'  but  they  did  refuse  to  as 
sign,  in  a  treaty  of  peace  with  G.  Britain,  a  definitive  and 
.permanent  boundary  to  the  Indians,  living  within  the  lim 
its  of  the  0.  States.  On  this  subject,  the  undersigned  have 
no  hesitation  in  avowing,  that  the  U.  States,  while  intend 
ing  never  10  IN  .quire  lands  from  the  Indians  otherwise  than 
peaceably,  and  with  their  free  consent,  are  fully  determin 
ed  in  tlr.it  iuanner,  progressively,  and  in  proportion  as  their 

44 


3,46  APPENDIX. 

growing  population  may  require,  to  reclaim  from  the  state 
of  nature,  and  to  bring1  into  cultivation,  every  portion  of  the 
territory  contained  within  their  acknowledged  boundaries, 
In  thus  providing  for  the  support  of  millions  of  civilized 
beings,  they  will  not  violate  any  dictate  of  justice  or  hu 
manity,  for  they  will  not  only  give  to  the  few  thousand  sav 
ages,  scattered  over  that  territory,  an  ample  equivalent  for 
any  right  they  may  surrender,  but  will  always  leave  them 
the  possession  of  lands  more  than  they  can  cultivate,  and 
more  than  adequate  to  their  subsistence,  comfort,  and  en 
joyment,  by  cultivation. 

If  this  be  a  spirit  of  aggrandizement,  the  undersigned 
are  prepared  to  admit,  in  that  sense,  its  existence  j  but  they 
must  deny  that  it  affords  the  slightest  proof  of  an  in- 
trntion  not  to  respect  the  boundaries  between  them  and 
European  nations,  or  of  a  desire  to  encroach  upon  the  ter 
ritories  of  G.  Britain.  If,  in  the  progress  of  their  increas 
ing  population,  the  American  people  must  grow  in  strength 
proportioned  to  their  numbers,  the  undersigned  will  hope 
that  G.  Britain,  far  from  repining  at  the  prospect,  will  con 
template  it  with  satisfaction.  They  will  not  suppose  that 
that  government  will  avow,  as  the  basis  of  their  policy  to* 
wards  the  U.  States,  the  system  of  arresting  their  natural 
growth  within  their  own  territories,  for  the  sake  of  pre 
serving  a  perpetual  desert  for  savages.  If  G.  Britain  has 
made  .sacrifices  to  give  repose  to  the  civili/ed  world  in 
Europe,  no  sacrifice  is  required  from  her  by  the  U.  States 
to  complete  the  work  of  general  pacification.  Thisnego- 
ciation  at  least  evinces,  on  their  part,  no  disposition  to 
claim  any  other  right,  than  that  of  preserving  their  inde 
pendence  entire,  ad  of  governing  their  own  territories 
\vithout  foreign  interference. 

Of  the  two  proclamations,  purported  copies  of  which  the 
British  Plenipotentiaries  have  thought  proper  to  enclose 
with  their  last  note,  the  undersigned  iright  content  them 
selves  with  remarking',  that  neither  of  them  is  the  act  of 
the  American  government.  They  are  enabled  however  to 
add,  with  perfect  confidence,  that  neither  of  them  was 
authorised  or  approved  by  that  government.  The  under 
signed  are  not  disposed  to  consider  as  the  act  of  the  British 
government,  the  proclamation  of  Admiral  Cochrane,  here 
with  enclosed,  exciting  a  portion  of  the  population  of  the 


APPENDIX.  347 

U.  States,  under  the  promise  of  military  employment,  or 
of  free  settlement  in  the  West- Indies,  to  treachery  and  re- 
bellicri.  The  undersigned  very  sincerely  regret  to  be 
obliged  to  say,  that  an  irresistible  mass  of  evidence,  consist- 
ing  principally  ot  the  correspondence  of  British  officers  and 
agents,  part  only  of  which  has  already  been  published  in 
America,  establishes  beyond  all  rational  doubt,  the  fact, 
that  a  constant  system  of  excitement  to  those  hostilities 
was  pursued  by  the  British  tradt  rs  and  agents,  who  had  ac 
cess  to  the  Indians,  not  only  without  being  discountenanc 
ed,  but  with  frequent  encouragement  by  the  British  au 
thorities;  and  that  it'  they  ever  dissuaded  the  Ind.ans  from 
commencing  hostilities,  it  was  only  by  urging  them,  a>  m 
prudence,  lo  suspend  their  attacks,  until  G,  Britain  should 
recognize  them  as  her  allies  in  the  \var. 

When,  in  the  conference  of  the  9th  nit.  the  undersigned 
invited  discussion  upon  the  proposal  of  Indian  pacification 
and  boundary,  as  well  as  upon  all  the  subjects  presented  by 
the  British  Pienipotentiares  for  discussion,  they  expressly 
stated  their  motives  to  be,  1st,  to  ascertain  by  discussion 
whether  an  article  on  the  subject  could  be  formed  to  which 
they  could  subscribe,  and  which  would  be  satisfactory  to 
the  British  Plenipotentiaries  ;  and  2dly,  that  if  no  such  ar 
ticle  could  be  formed,  the  American  government  might  be 
informed  of  the  views  of  G.  Britain  upon  that  point,  and 
the  British  government  of  the  objections  on  the  part  of  the 
U.  States,  to  any  such  arrangement.  The  undersigned 
have,  in  fact,  already  proposed  no  less  than  three  articles 
on  the  subject,  all  of  which  they  view  as  better  calculated 
to  secure  peace  and  tranquil  ity  10  the  Indians,  than  any 
one  of  the  proposals  for  that  purpose,  made  by  the  British 
Plenipotentiaries. 

The  undersigned  had  repeated  their  assurances  to  the 
British  Plenipotentiaries,  that  peace,  so  far  as  it  depended 
on  the  U.  States,  would  immediately  follow  a  peace  with 
G.  Britain,  and  added,  that  the  Indians  would  thereby  be 
reinstated  in  the  same  situation  in  which  they  stood  before 
the  commencement  of  hostilities.  The  British  Plenipo 
tentiaries  insist,  in  their  last  note,  that  the  Indian  nations 
shall  be  included  in  the  treaty  of  peace  between  G.  Britain 
and  the  U.  States,  and  be  restored  to  all  the  rights,  privi 
leges,  and  territories  which  they  enjoyed  in  the  year  1811, 


APPENDIX. 

previous  to  the  commencement  of  the  war,  by  rirtue  ot 
the  treaty  of  Greenville,  and  the  treaties  subsequently  con 
cluded  between  them  and  the  U.  States.  Setting-"  aside 
the  subject  of  boundary,  which  is  presented  as  for  discus 
sion  only,  there  is  no  apparent  difference  with  respect  to 
the  object  in  view;  the  pacification  and  tranquility  of  the 
Indians,  and  placing-  them  in  the  same  situation  in  which 
they  stood  before  the  war,  all  which  will  be  equally  obtain 
ed  in  the  manner  proposed  by  the  undersigned,  and  the 
only  point  of  real  difference  is",  the  British  Plenipotentia 
ries  insist  that  it.  should  be  done  by  including  the  Indians, 
as  sillirs  of  G.  Britain,  in  the  treaty  of  peace  between  her 
and  the  U.  States. 

The  U.  States  cannot  consent  that  Indians  residing  with 
in  their  boundaries,  as  acknowledged  by  G,  Britain,  shall 
be  included  in  the  treaty  of  peace,  in  any  manner  which 
will  recognize  them  as  independent  nations,  whom  G.  Bri 
tain,  having  obtained  this  recognition,  would  hereafter, 
have  the  right  to  consider  in  ever\  respect,  as  such.  Thus 
to  recognize  these  Indians  as  independent  and  sovereign 
nations,  would  take  from  the  U.  States,  and  transfer  to 
those  Indians,  all  the  rights  of  soil  and  sovereignlv  over  the 
territory  which  they  inhabit;  and  this  being  accomplished 
through  the  agency  of  G  Britain,  would  place  them  effectu 
ally  and  exclusively  under  her  protection,  instead  of  being, 
as  heretofore,  under  that  of  the  U.  States.  It  is  not.  per 
ceived  in  what  respect  such  a  provision  would  differ  from 
an  absolute  cession  by  the  U.  States  of  the  extensive  terri 
tory  in  question. 

The  British  Plenipotentiaries  have  repeated  the  assertion, 
that  the  treaty  by  which  the  Indians  placed  themselves  un 
der  the  protection  of  the  U.  States,  was  abrogated  by  the 
war  ;  and  thence  inter,  that  they  are  no  longer  to  be  con 
sidered  as  under  the  protection  of  the  U.  States,  whatever 
may  be  the  import  of  the  term  ;  and  that  the  right  of  G.  Bri 
tain  to  interfere  in  their  behalf  in  the  negociation  of  peace, 
can  only  be  denied  on  the  ground  that  they  are  regarded  as 
subjects.  In  point  of  fact,  several  of  the  tribes,  parties  to 
the  treaty  of  Greenville,  have  constantly  been,  and  still  are, 
at  peace  with  the  U.  States.  Whether  that  treaty  be,  or 
be  not  abrogated,  is  a  question  not  necessary  to  be  now 
discussed.  The  right  of  the  U.  States  to  the  protection  of 


APPEND  IK.  319 

the  Indians  within  their  boundaries,  was  not  acquired  by 
ih.it  treaty  ;  it  was  a  necessary  consequence  of  the  sover 
eignty  and  independence  of  the  IT.  States.  Previous  to 
that  time  the  Indians  living  within  the  samje  territory,  were 
under  the  protection  of  his  Britannic  majesty,  as  its  sover 
eign.  The  undersigned  may  refer  the  British  Plenipo 
tentiaries  to  all  the  acts  of  their  own  government,  relative 
to  the  subject,  for  proof,  that  it  has  always  considered  this 
right  of  protection  as  one  of  the  rights  of  sovereignty,  which 
it  needtd  no  Indian  treaty  to  confer,  and  which  the  abroga 
tion  of  no  Indian  treaty  could  divest.  They  will  particular 
ly  bring  to  their  recollection,  that  when  a  similar  proposi 
tion  of  considering  Indian  tnoc-s  as  independent  nations,  to 
serve  as  a  barrier  between  the  French  and  English  territo 
ries,  was  made  by  France  to  England,  it  was  immediately 
rejected,  by  a  minister  to  whom  tlie  British  nation  is  accus 
tomed  to  look  back  with  veneration,  and  rejected  on  the  ex 
press  ground,  that  the  king  would  not  renounce  ins  right  to. 
protection  over  the  Indians  within  his  dominions.  But 
whatever  the  relation  of  the  Indians  to  the  U.  States  may 
be,  and  whether  under  their  protection  or  not,  G.  Britain 
having  by  the  treaty  of  1783,  recognized  the  sovereignty  of 
the  U.  States,  and  agreed  to  certain  limits  as  their  bounda 
ries,  has  no  right  to  consider  any  persons  or  communities, 
whether  Indians,  or  others,  residing  within  those  bounda 
ries,  as  nations  independent  of  the  U.  States. 

The  U.  States  claim  of  right,  with  respect  to  all  Euro 
pean  nations,  and  particularly  with  respect  to  G.  Britain, 
the  entire  sovereignty  over  the  whole  territory,  and  all  the 
persons  embraced  within  the  boundaries  of  t 
G.  Britain  has  no  right  to  take  cognizance  or  i. 
subsisting  between  the  several  communities  or  persons  liv 
ing  therein.  They  form  as  to  her,  only  parts  of  the  domin 
ions  of  the  U.  States,  and  it  is  altogether  immaterial, 
whether,  or  how  far,  under  their  political  institutions  and 
policy,  these  communities  or  persons  are  independent  states, 
allies,  or  subjects.  With  respect  to  her  and  all  other  for 
eign  nations,  they  are  parts  of  a  whole,  of  which  the  U. 
States  are  the  sole  and  absolute  sovereigns. 

The  allegation  of  the  British  Plenipotentiaries,  that  it  is 
inconsistent  with  the  practice  or  principles  of  G.  Britain  to 
abandon  in  her  negociations  for  peace,  those  who  have  co- 


350  APPENDIX. 

operated  with  her  in  war,  is  not  applicable  to  the  Indians, 
but  on  the  erroneous  assumption  of  their  independence, 
\vhich,  so  far  as  she  is  concerned  has  been  fully  disproved. 
And  although  no  power  from  these  tribes  to  the  British 
government  to  treat  in  their  behalf,  would  for  the  same  rea 
son  be  admitted  by  the  undersigned,  they  may  nevertheless 
observe,  that  the  British  Plenipotentiaries  having  produced 
no  such  powers,  having  no  authority  to  bind  the  Indians,  to 
engage  for  tht-ir  assent  to  the  pacification,  or  to  secure  the 
continuance  of  peace  on  their  part  whilst  speaking  of  them 
as  aUies,  do  really  propose  to  treat  for  them  not  as  if  they 
•we'e  independent  nations,  but  as  if  they  were  the  subjects  of 
C.  Britain. 

The  undersigned  so  far  from  asking  that,  in  relation  to 
the  Indians,  G.  Britain  should  pursue  a  course  inconsistent 
•with  her  t'ormer  practice  and  principles,  only  desire  that  she 
\vou!d  follow  her  own  example  respecting  them,  in  her  for- 
m  r  treaties  with  other  European  nations,  and  with  the  U. 
States.  N<>  provision  tor  the  Indians  is  found  in  the  treaty 
of  1703,  by  which  France  ceded  Canada  to  G.  Britain,  al- 
thoiig-'h  almost  all  she  Indians  living  svithin  the  territory 
ceded. or  acknowledged  to  belong  to  G.  Britain,  had  taken 
part  with  France  n  the  vrar.  N'>  such  provision  was  insert 
ed  in  tiie  treaty  of  pence  of  1783,  between  G.  Britain  and 
the  U.  States,  although  almost  ah  the  Indian  tribes  living 
within  the  territory  recognized  by  the  treaty  to  belong  to 
the  U.  States,  had  during  the  war,  co-operated  with  G.  Bri 
tain,  *«'-;id  might  have  been  considered  as  her  allies  more  just 
ly  thrm  on  the  present  occasion.  So  far  as  concerns  the  re 
lations  betweer  G.  Britain  and  the  U%  States,  these  Indians 
can  be  treated  for  only  on  the  principles  by  which  -amnesties 
are  stipulated  .n  lavor  of  disaffected  persons,  who,  in  times 
of  war  and  invasion,  co-operate  with  the  enemy  of  the  na 
tion  to  which  they  belong.  To  go  as  far  as  possible  in  se 
curing  the  benefit  of  the  peace  to  the  Indians,  now  the  only 
object  profess*  d  by  the  British  government  in  their  present 
sine  qua  new,  the  undersigned  offer  a  stipulation  in  general 
terms,  that  no  person  or  persons,  whether  subjects,  citizens, 
or  Indians,  residing  within  the  dominionsof  either  party, shall 
be  molested  or  annoyed,  either  in  persons  or  their  property, 
for  any  part  they  may  have  taken  in  the  war  between  the  U. 
States  and  G.  Britain  ;  but  shall  retain  all  the  rights,  privi- 


APPENDIX.  351 

leges  and  possessions,  which  they  respectively  had  at  the 
commencement  of  the  war  ;  they,  on  their  part  demeaning 
themselves  peaceably,  and  conformably  to  their  dat.es  to 
the  respective  governments. — This  the  undersigned  have 
no  doubt  will  effectually  secure  to  the  Indians  peace,ifihey 
themselves  will  observe  it,  and  they  will  not  suppose  th;»t 
G.  Britain  would  wish  them  included  in  the  peace  but  up 
on  that  condition. 

The  undersigned  have  never  intimated  that  their  govern 
ment  had  not  furnished  them  with  any  instructions  since  Jan 
uary  last.  On  the  contrary,  they  distinctly  told  the  Butish 
Plenipotentiaries  in  conference,  though  it  appears  to  have 
escaped  their  recollection,  that  instructions  had  been  re 
ceived  by  the  undersigned,  dated  at  the  close  of  the  month 
of  June.  The  undersigned  will  now  add,  that  those  in 
structions  were  drawn  with  a  full  knowledge  of  the  gener 
al  pacification  in  Europe,  and  with  so  liberal  a  considera 
tion  of  its  necessary  bearing  upon  all  the  differences  that 
had  been  until  then  subsisting  between  G.  Br  tain  and  the 
U.  States,  that  the  undersigned  cannot  doubt  that  peace 
would  long  since  have  been  concluded,  had  not  an  insu 
perable  bar  against  it  been  raised  by  the  new  and  unprece 
dented  demands  of  the  British  government. 

With  respect  to  the  proposition  winch  the  British  Pleni 
potentiaries  inform  them  they  will  be  prepared  to  make,  in 
relation  to  the  Canadian  boundaries,  which  appears  to  them 
so  entirely  founded  on  principles  of  moderation  and  just-.ce, 
but  the  nature  of  w  Inch  they  think  proper  at  present  to  \\  ith- 
hold,  the  undersigned  can  only  pledge  themselves  to  meet 
any  proposition  from  the  British  Plenipotentiaries,  character 
ized  by  moderation  and  justi  ce,  not  only  with  a  perfect  re 
ciprocity  of  those  sentiments,  but  with  a  sincere  and  earnest 
desire  te  contribute  to  the  restoration  of  peace,  by  every 
compliance  with  the  wishes  of  G.  Britain,  compatible  with 
their  duty  to  their  country. 

The  undersigned  have  the  honor  of  tendering  to  the 
British  Plenipotentiaries,  the  renewed  assurance  of  their 
consideration. 


J.  Q.  ADAMS, 
J.  A.  BAYAPtD, 
H.  CLAY. 


JON  A.  RUSSELL, 
A.  G  ALL  ATI  N, 


APPENDIX. 

The  British  to  the  American  Commissioner^ 

GHENT,  Oct.  8,  1814. 

The  undersigned  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  the  note  of  the  Plenipotentiaries  of  the  IT.  Slates, 
dated  on  the  29  ult. 

As  the  continuance  of  the  negociation  exclusively  de 
pends  upon  the  question  relating  to  the  pacification  mid 
rights  of  the  Indian  nations  the  undersigned  are  Unwilling 
to  extend  their  observations  to  the  other  subjects  brought 
forward  in  the  note  of  the  American  Plenipotentiaries, 
further  than  may  be  required  for  necessary  explanation. 

In  adverting  for  this  purpose  to  the  acquisition  of  Louis 
iana,  the\mdersigned  must  observe,  that  the  instrument  by 
which  the  consent  of  his  Catholic  majesty  is  alledged  to 
have  been  given  to  the  cession  of  it,  has  never  been  made 
public.  His  Catholic  majesty  was  no  party  to  the  treaty 
by  which  the  cession  was  made,  and  if  any  sanction  has 
been  subsequently  obtained  from  him,  it  must  have  been, 
like  other  cotemporaneous  acts  of  that  monarch,  involun 
tary,  and  as  such  cannot  alter  the  character  of  the  trans 
action.  The  Marquis  of  Yrojo,  the  minister  of  his  Catho 
lic  majesty  at  Washington,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the 
President  of  the  U.  States,  formally  protested  against  the 
cession,  and  the  right  of  France  to  make  it.  Yet,  in  th« 
face  of  this  protestation,  so  strongly  evmcingthe  decided 
opinion  of  Spain  as  to  the  illegality  of  the  proceeding*  the 
President  of  the  U.  States  ratified  the  treaty.  Can  it  be 
contended  that  the  annexation  of  Louisiana,  under  such  cir 
cumstances,  did  not  mark  a  spirit  of  territorial  aggrandize 
ment  ? 

His  Britannic  majesty  did  certianly  express  satisfaction 
when  the  American  government  communicated  the  event, 
that Louisiana,  a  valuablecolony  in  the  possession  of  France, 
with  whom  the  war  had  just  been  renewed,  instead  of  re 
maining  in  the  hands  of  his  enemy,  had  been  ceded  to  the 
U.  States,  at  that  time  professing  the  most  friendly  dispo 
sition  towards  G.  Britain,  and  an  intention  of  providing 
for  her  interest  in  the  acquisition.  But  the  conditions  un 
der  which  France  had  acquired  Louisiana  from  Spain, 
•were  not  communicated  ;  the  refusal  of  Spain  to  consent 
to  its  alienation  was  not  known  ;  the  protest  oi  her  einbas- 
sador  had  not  been  made,  and  many  other  circumstances 


APPENDIX. 

attending  the  transaction,  on  which  it  is  now  unnecessary 
to  dilate,  were,  as  there  is  good  reason  to  believe,  industri 
ously  concealed. 

The  proof  of  a  spirit  of  aggrandizement,  which  the  un 
dersigned  hul  deduced  from  the  hostile  seizure  of  a  great 
part  of  the  Floridas,  under  the  most  frivolous  pretences, 
remains  unrefnted  5  and  the  undersigned  are  convinced 
that  the  occasion  and  circumstances  under  which  that  un 
warrantable  act  of  aggression  took  place,  have  given  rise 
throughout  Europe  to  but  one  sentiment  as  to  the  character 
of  the  transaction. 

After  the  previous  communication  which  the  under 
signed  have  had  the  honor  of  receiving  from  the  Ameri 
can  Plenipotentiaries,  they  could  not  but  feel  much  surpriz 
ed  at  the  information  contained  in  their  last  note  of  their 
having  received  instructions  dated  subsequently  to  Janu 
ary,  1814.  The  undersigned  have  no  recollection  what 
ever  of  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  having  communicat 
ed  to  them,  either  collectively,  or  individually  at  a  confer 
ence  or  otherwise,  the  receipt  of  instructions  from  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  U  States  dated  at  the  close  of  the  month  of 
June,  and  they  must  remind  the  American  Plenipotentia 
ries  that  their  note  of  the  9th  ult.  distinctly  stated  that  the 
instructions  of  January,  1814,  were  those  under  which  they 
were  acting.  If  therefore,  the  American  Plenipotentiaries 
received  instructions  drawn  up  at  the  close  of  the  month  of 
June,  with  a  liberal  consideration  of  the  late  events  in  Eu 
rope,  the  undersigned  have  a  right  to  complain,  that  while 
the  American  governmentjustly  considered  those  events  as 
having  a  necessary  bearing  on  the  existing  differences  be 
tween  the  two  countries,  the  American  Plenipotentiaries 
should  nevertheless  have  preferred  acting  under  instruc 
tions,  which,  from  their  date,  must  have  been  without  the 
contemplation  of  such  events. 

The  British  government  never  required  that  all  that  por 
tion  of  the  state  of  Massachusetts  intervening  between  the 
province  of  New  Brunswick  and  Quebec,  should  be  ceded 
to  G.  Britain,  but  only  that  small  portion  of  unsettled  coun 
try  which  interrupts  the  communication  between  Halifax 
and  Quebec,  there  being  much  doubt  whether  il  does  not 
•dread v  belong  to  G.  Britain. 

45 


354  A2PEKIHX. 

The  undersigned  are  at  a  loss  lo  understand  how  vice 
Admiral  Cochrane's  proclamation  illustrates  any  topic  con^ 
nected  with  the  present  negotiation,  or  bears  npoit  the  con 
clusion  which  they  COP, tended  was  to  be  drawn  from  the 
two  proclamations  of  the  American  Generals.  These  pro 
clamations  distinctly  avowing  the  inteutio  >  of  the  Ameri 
can  government  permanently  to  annex  the  Canadas  to  the 
U,  States,  were  adduced  not  as  a  matter  of  complaint,  but 
simply  tor  the  purpose  of  proving-  what  had  been  denied  as 
li  fact,  viz.  that  such  had  been  the  declared  intention  of  the 
American  government. 

The  undersigned  observe,  that  although  the  American 
P.t-nipotentiaries  have  taken  upon  themselves  generally  to 
deny  that  the  proclamations  were  authorized  or  approved 
by  their  government,  without  stating  in  what  mode  that 
disapprobation  was  expressed,  yet  they  avoid  stating  that 
the  part  of  those  proclamations  containing  the  declaration  in 
question,  had  nut  been  so  authorized  or  approved.  It  is  in 
deed  impossible  to  imagine,  thatif  the  American  government 
hnd  intimated  an\  disapprobation  of  that  part  of  General 
Hull's  proclamation,  the  same  declaration  would  have  been 
as  confidently  repeated  four  months  after  by  General  Smyth. 

His  majesty's  government  have  other  and  ample  means 
of  knowing  that  the  conquest  of  the  Canadas  and  their  an 
nexation  to  the  U.  States  was  the  object  and  policy  of  the 
American  government.  For  the  present  the  undersigned 
will  content  themselves  with  referring  to  the  remonstrance 
of  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts,  in  June,  1813,  in 
which  ibis  intention  is  announced  as  matter  of  notoriety. 

The  undersigned  deny  that  the  American  government 
had  proved,  or  can  prove,  that  previous  to  the  dee. aratior.  of 
war  by  the  U.  States,  persons  authorized  by  the  British 
government .endeavored  to  excite  the  Indian  nations  against 
the  U.  Slates,  or  that  endeavors  of  that  kind,  if  made  by 
private  persons,  (which  the  undersigned  have  uo  reason 
to  believe)  ever  received  the  sanction  ot  his  majesty's  gov 
ernment. 

The  American  Plenipotentiaries  have  not  denied  that 
the  Indian  nations  had  been  engaged  in  war  with  the 
U.  States,  before  the  war  with  G.  Britain  had  commenced, 
and  they  have  reluctantly  confessed,  that  so  far  from  his< 
majesty  having  induced  the  Indian  nations  to  begin  the 
war,  as  charged  agamst  G.  Britain  in  the  notes  of  the  24th 


APPENDIX.  355 

Au£.  and  91  h  nit.  ibe  British  government  actually  exerted 
their  endeavors  lo  dissuade  the  Indian  nations  from  com 
mencing"  it. 

As  to  the  unworthy  motive  assigned  by  the  American 
Plenipotentiaries  to  this  interference,  so  amicably  made  on 
the  pat  t  of  G  Br.tain,  its  utter  improbability  is  sufficiently 
apparent  from  considering'  b\  which  party  the  war  was  de 
clared.  The  undersign*  d,  thv -re fore,  can  only  consider  it 
as  an  additional  indication  ot  that  hostile  disposition,  which 
has  led  to  the  present  unhappy  war  between  the  two  coun 
tries.  So  long"  as  that  disposition  continues,  it  cannot  but 
render  any  tftbrt  0,1  the  partot  G.  Britain  to  terminate  this 
contest  utterly  unavailing'. 

The   American   Plenipotentiaries  appear  unprepared  to 
state  the  precise  ground  upon  which  they  resist  the  right  of 
his  Majesty  to  negociate    with  the  U    States   on  behalf  of 
the  Indian  nations,  whose  co-operation  in  the  war  his  ma-' 
jesty  has  found  it  expedient  to  accept. 

The  treaty  ot  Green viile,  to  the  words,  stipulations,  and 
spirit  of  which  the  unders  gaed  have  so  frequently  appeal 
ed,  and  all  the  treaties  previously  and  subsequently  made, 
between  the  U.  States  and  the  Indian  nations,  shew,  be 
yond  the  possibility  of  doubt,  that  the  U.  States  have  been 
in  the  habit  of  treating  with  these  tribes  as  independent  na 
tions,  capable  of  maintaining  the  relations  of  peace  and 
war,  and  exercising  territorial  rights. 

If  ihis  be  so, it  will  be  difficult  to  point  out  the  peculiar 
circumstances  in  the  condition  of  those  nations,  which 
should  either  exclude  them  from  a  treaty  of  general  pacifi 
cation,  or  prevent  G.  Britain,  with  whom  they  have  co-ope 
rated  as  allies  in  the  war,  from  proposing  stipulations  in 
their  behalf  at  the  peace.  Unless  the  American  Plenipo 
tentiaries  are  prepared  to  maintain  what  they  have  in  effect 
advanced,  that  although  the  I  dian  nations  may  be  inde 
pendent  in  their  relations  with  the  U.  States,  yet  the  cir 
cumstance  of  living  within  the  boundary  of  the  [T.  States 
disables  them  from  forming  such  conditions  of  alliance 
with  a  foreign  power,  as  shall  entitle  that  power  to  nego 
ciate  for  them  in  a  treaty  of  peace. 

The  principle  upon  which  this  proposition  is  founded* 
was  advanced,  but  successfully  resisted  so  far  back  as  the 
treaty  of  M mister.  An  attempt  was  then  made  to  preclude 


AiU'ENDIX. 


France  from  negotiating  in  behalf  of  certain  states  and  ciU 
ies  in  Germany,  who  had  co-operated  with  her  in  the  war, 
because  although  those  states  and  cities  might  be  consider 
ed  as  independent  for  certain  purposes,  yet  being  within 
the  boundary  of  the  German  empire,  they  ought  not  to  be 
allowed  to  become  parties  in  the  general  pacification  with 
the  emperor  of  Germany,  nor  ought  France  to  be  permit 
ted  in  that  negociation  to  mix  their  rights  and  interests  with 
her  own. 

The  American  Plenipotentiaries  probably  aware  that  the 
notion  of  such  a  qualified  independence,  for  certain  pur 
poses,  and  not  for  others,  could  not  be  maintained,  either 
by  argument  or  precedent,  have  been  compelled  to  advance 
the  novel  and  alarming  pretension,  that  all  the  Indian  na 
tions  living  within  the  boundary  of  the  U.  States,  must  in 
effect,  be  considered  as  their  subjects,  and,  consequently, 
if  engaged  in  war  against  the  U.  States,  become  liable  to  be 
treated  as  rebels,  or  disaffected  persons.  They  hav  e  fur-i 
ther  stated,  that  all  the  territory  which  these  Indian  nations 
occupy,  is  at  the  disposal  of  the  U.  States,  that  the  United 
States  have  a  right  to  dispossess  them  of  it  :  to  exercise  that 
right,  whenever  their  policy  or  interest  may  seem  to  them 
to  require  it  :  and  to  confine  them  to  such  spots  as  may  be 
selected,  not  by  Indian  nations,  but/  by  the  American  gov 
ernment.  Pretensions  such  as  these  G.  Britain  can  never 
recognize  :  however  reluctant  his  royal  highness,  the  Prince 
Hegent  may  be  to  continue  the  war,  that  evil  must  be  pre 
ferred,  if  peace  can  only  be  obtained  on  such  conditions. 

To  support  those  pretensions,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
show,  that  the  present  conduct  of  G.  Britain  is  inconsistent 
Atith  her  former  practice  a.td  principles,  the  American 
Plenipotentiaries  have  referred  to  the  treaty  of  peace  of 
1783,  to  that  of  1763,  and  to  the  negociations  of  1761,  dur 
ing  the  administration  of  a  minister,  whom  the  American 
Plenipotentiaries  have  stated,  and  truly  stated,  to  be  high 
in  the  estimation  of  his  country. 

The  omissions  to  provide  in  the  treaty  of  1783,  for  the 
pacification  of  the  Indian  nations,  which  were  to  be  includ 
ed  within  the  proposed  boundary  of  the  U.  States,  cannot 
preclude  G.  Britain  from  now  negotiating  in  behalf  of  such 
tribes  or  nations,  unless  it  be  assumed,  that  the  occasional 
non-exercise  of  a  right  is  an  abandonment  of  it.  JNor  can 


APPENDIX.  357 

the  right  of  protection,  which  the  American  Plenipoten 
tiaries  have  tailed  in  showing1  to  have  ever  been  claimed  by 
G.  Britain  as  incident  to  sovereignty,  have  been  transfer 
red  by  G.  Britain  to  the  U.  States,  by  a  treaty,  to  which  the 
Indian  nations  were  not  parties. 

In  the  peace  of  1763,  it  was  not  necessary  for  (;.  Britain 
to  treat  for  the  pacification  of  the  Indian  nations,  and  the 
maintenance  of  their  rights  and  privileges,  because  there 
had  been  no  Indian  nations  living  without  the  British  boun- 

<D 

daries,  who  had  co-operated  with  G.  Britain,  in  the  war 
against  France. 

With  respect  to  the  negotiations  of  1761,  between  Great 
Britain  and  France,  on  which  the  American  Plenipoten 
tiaries  more  particularly  rely,  they  appear,  in  the  judgment 
of  the  undersigned,  to  have  much  misunderstood  the  whole 
course  of  that  negociation. 

It  is  very  true  that  the  French  go\ernment  brought  for 
ward,  at  one  period  of  the  negociation,   a  proposition  by 
which  a  certain   territory,    lying  between  the  dominions  of 
the  two  contracting"  parties,  was  to  have  been  allotted  to  the 
Indian  nations.     But  it  does  not  appear  that  this  formed  a 
part  of  their  ultimatum,  and  it  is  clear,  that  Mr.  Pitt  in  his 
answer,  did  not  object  to  the  proposition.     He  objected  in 
deed  to  the  proposed  line  of  demarkation  between  the  coun 
tries  belonging  to  the  two  contracting  parties,  upon  the  two 
grounds:    1st,  that  the  proposed  northern  line  would  have 
given  to  France,  what  the  French  had  themselves  acknowl 
edged  to  be  part  of  Canada,  the  whole  of  which,  as  enjoyed 
by  his  most  Christian  majesty,   it  had  been  stipulated,  was 
to  be  ceded  entirely  to  G.  Britain  :    2dly,  that  the  southern 
part  of  the  proposed  line  of  demarkation  would  have  includ 
ed  within  the  i  onndary  of  Louisiana,  the  Ciieerokees,   the 
Creeks,  the  Clnckasaws,  the  Choctaws,  and  another  nation, 
who   occupied  territories    which  had  never  been  included 
within  the  boundaries  of  that  settlement,      So  far  was  Mr. 
Pitt  from  rejecting,  as  alledged  by  the  American  Plenipo 
tentiaries,  the  proposition  of  considering   Indian  nations  a 
barrier,  that  at  one  period  of  the  negociation  he  complain 
ed  that  there  was  no  provision  tor  such   a  barrier;    and  he 
thus  energetically  urges  his  objections,  in  his  letter  to  Mr. 
Stanley,  the  British  Plenipotentiary  at  Paris,  dated   on  the 
26th  of  June,  17<5l ;   'As  to  the  fixation  of  new  limits  to 


358  APPENDIX. 

Canada  towards  the  Ohio,  it  is  captious  and  insidious, 
thrown  out  in  hope,  if  agreed  to,  to  shorten  thereby  the  ex 
tent  of  Canada,  and  to  lengthen  the  boundaries  of  Louis 
iana,  and  in  the  view  to  establish,  what  must  not  be  admit 
ted,  namely,  that  all  which  is  not  Canada  is  Louisiana; 
whereby  all  the  intermediate  nations  and  countries,  the  true 
barrier  to  each  province,  would  be  given  up  to  France.' 

The  undersigned  confidently  expect,  that  the  American 
Plenipotentiaries  will  not  again  reproach  the  British  gov 
ernment  with  acting  inconsistently  with  its  former  practice 
and  principles,  or  repeat  the  assertion  made  in  a  former 
note,  that  a  deti  'ition  of  Indian  boundary,  with  a  view  to  a 
neutral  barrier,  was  a  new  and  unprecedented  demand  by 
any  European  power,  and  most  oi'  all  by  G.  Britain  ;  the 
very  instance  selected  by  the  American  Plenipotentiaries, 
undeniably  proves  that  such  a  proposition  had  been  enter 
tained  both  by  G.  Britain  and  France,  and  that  Mr.  Pitt 
on  the  part  of  G.  Britain  had  more  particularly  enforced 
it. 

It  remains  only  to  notice  two  objections  which  the  Amer 
ican  Plenipotentiaries  have  urged  against  the  proposal  of 
Indian  pacification,  advanced  by  the  undersigned  ;  first, 
that  it  is  not  reciprocal:  secondly,  that  as  the  U.  States 
could  have  no  security  that  the  Indian  nations  would  con 
clude  a  peace  on  the  terms  proposed,  the  proposition  would 
be  in  effect  unilateral. 

The  article  now  proposed  by  the  undersigned,  and  here 
with  enclosed,  is  free  from  both  objections,  and  appears  to 
them  so  characterized  by  a  spirit  of  moderation  and  peace, 
that  they  earnestly  anticipate  the  concurrence  of  the  Amer 
ican  Plenipotentiaries. 

In  making  a  last  effort  in  this  stage  of  the  war,  the  under 
signed  are  not  apprehensive  that  the  motives  which  have 
influenced  his  royal  highness  the  Prince  Regent,  to  direct 
a  renewal  of  the  proposition,  with  its  present  modifications, 
can  be  misunderstood  or  misrepresented. 

Whatever  may  be  the  result  of  the  proposition  thus  offer 
ed,  the  undersigned  deliver  it  as  their  ultimatum,  and  now 
wait  with  anxiety  the  answer  of  the  American  Plenipoten 
tiaries,  on  which  their  continuance  in  this  place  will  de 
pend. 


APPENDIX.  359 

The  undersigned  avail  themselves  of  this  opportunity  of 
renewing  to  the  American  Plenipotentiaries,  the  assurance 
of  their  high  consideration. 

GAMBTER, 

HE  sRY  GOULBURN, 

WILLIAM  ADAMS. 

"  The  U.  States  of  America  engage  to  put  an  end,  im 
mediately  after  the  ratification  of  the  present  treaty,  to  hos 
tilities,  with  all  the  tribes  or  nations  of  Indians  with  \\hom 
they  may  be  at  war,  at  the  tune  of  such  ratification,  and 
forthwith  to  restore  to  such  tribes  or  nations,  respectively, 
all  the  possessions,  rights  and  privileges,  which  they  may 
bave  enjoyed  or  been  entitled  to  in  1811,  previous  to  such 
hostilities:  provided  always,  that  such  tribes  or  nations  shall 
agree  to  desist  from  all  hostilities  against  the  U.  States  of 
America,  their  citizens  and  subjects,  upon  the  ratification 
oi  the  present  treaU  beii.g  notified  to  such  tribes  or  nations, 
and  shall  so  desist  accordingly. 

"And  his  Britannic  majesty  engages,  on  his  part,  to  put 
an  end,  immediately  afier  the  ratification  of  the  present 
treaty,  to  hostilities,  with  all  the  tribes  or  nations  of  Indians 
with  whom  lie  may  be  at  war,  at  the  time  of  such  ratifica 
tion,  and  forthwith  to  restore  to  such  tribes  or  nations  res 
pectively,  all  the  possessions,  rights  and  privileges,  which 
they  may  have  enjoyed  or  been  entitled  to  in  1811,  previous 
to  such  hostilities  :  provided  always,  that  such  tribes  or  na 
tions  shall  agree  to  desist  from  all  hostilities  against  his  Bri 
tannic  majesty  and  his  subjects,  upon  the  ratification  of  the 
present  treaty  being  notified  to  such  tribes  or  nations,  and 
shall  so  desist  accordingly.'* 

The  American  to  the  British  Commissioners. 

GHENT,  October  13,  1814. 

The  undersigned  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  re 
ceipt  of  the  note  of  the  Plenipotentiaries  of  his  Britannic 
majesty,  dated  on  the  8th  instant. 

Satisfied  of  the  impossibility  of  persuading  the  world  that 
the  government  of  the  U.  States  was  liable  to  any  well 
founded  imputation  of  a  spirit  of  conquest  or  of  injustice  to 
wards  other  nations,  the  undersigned,  in  afford  ing  ex  pi  a  na 
tions  on  several  of  the  topics  adverted  to  by  the  British 


360 

Plenipotentiaries  during-  this  negociation,  were  actuated  by 
the  sole  motive  of  removing  erroneous  impressions. 

Still  influenced  by  the  same  motive,  thev  will  now  add, 
that  at  the  time  when  the  Spanish  minister  was  remonstrating" 
at  Washington  against  the  transfer  of  Louisiana,  orders  were 
given  by  his  government  for  its  delivery  to  France  :  that  it 
was,  in  fact,  delivered  a  short  time  after  that  remonstrance  5 
and  that  if  the  treaty  by  which  the  U.  States  acquired  it 
had  not  been  ratified,  wouid  have  become,  of  course,  a 
French  colony.  The  undersigned  believe  that  the  evidence 
of  the  assent  of  Spam  to  that  transfer  has  been  promulgat 
ed.  They  neither  admit  the  alledged  disability  of  the 
Spanish  monarch,  nor  the  inference  which  the  British 
Plenipotentiaries  would  seem  to  deduce  from  it;  on  the 
contrary,  the  assent  was  voluntarily  given  in  the  year  1804, 
by  the  same  king  who,  about  the  same  time,  ceded  Trini 
dad  to  G.  Britain,  and  prior  to  the  time  when  he  was  again 
engaged  in  war  with  her.  The  cession  by  France  was  im 
mediately  communicated  to  G.  Britain,  no  circumstance 
affecting  it,  and  then  within  the  knowledge  of  the  IT.  States, 
being  intentionally  concealed  from  her.  She  expressed 
her  satisfaction  with  it;  and  if  in  any  possible  state  of  the 
case  she  would  have  had  a  right  to  question  the  transaction* 
it  does  not  appear  to  the  undersigned  that  she  is  now  au 
thorised  to  do  so. 

After  stating,  generally,  that  the  proclamations  of  Gen 
erals  Hull  and  Smyth  were  neither  authorized  nor  approv 
ed  by  their  government,  the  undersigned  could  not  have 
expected  that  the  British  Plenipotentiaries  would  suppose 
that  their  statement  did  riot  embrace  tke  only  part  of  the 
proclamations  which  was  a  subject  of  consideration. 

The  undersigned  had,  indeed,  hoped,  that  by  stating  in. 
their  note  of  the  9th  ultimo,  that  the  government  of  the  U 
States,  from  the  commencement  of  the  war,  had  been  dis 
posed  to  make  peace  without  obtaining  any  cession  of  terri 
tory,  and  by  referring  to  their  knowledge  of  that  disposi 
tion,  and  to  instructions  accordingly  given  from  July,  1812, 
to  January,  1814,  they  would  effectually  remove  the  im 
pression  that  the  annexation  of  Canada  to  the  U.  States  was 
the  declared  object  of  their  government.  Not  only  have 
the  undersigned  been  disappointed  in  this  expectation,  but 
the  only  inference  which  the  British  Plenipotentiaries  havr 


APPENDIX.  361 

thought  proper  to  draw  from  this  explicit  statement,  has 
been,  that  either  the  American  government,  by  not  giving 
instructions  subsequent  to  the  pacification  of  Europe,  or 
the  undersigned,  by  not  acting  under  such  instructions, 
gave  no  proof  of  a  sincere  desire  to  bring  the  present  r^go- 
ciationstoa  favorable  conclusion.  The  undersigned  did 
not  allude,  in  reference  to  the  alledged  intention  to  annex 
Canada  to  the  U.  States,  to  any  instructions  given  by  their 
government  subsequent y  to  January  last,  because,  asking 
at  this  time  for  an  accession  of  territory,  it  was  only  of  its 
previous  disposition  that  it  appeared  necessary  to  produce 
any  proof.  So  erroneous  was  the  inference  drawn  by  the 
British  Plenipotentiaries,  in  both  res  peels,  that  it  was  in  vir 
tue  of  the  instructions  of  June  last,  that  the  undersigned 
were  enabled,  in  their  note  of  the  24th  of  Aug.  to  state,  that 
the  causes  ot  the  war  between  the  U.  States  and  G.  Britain, 
having  disappeared,  by  the  mant.me  pacification  of  Europe, 
they  had  been  authorised  to  agree  to  its  termination  upon, 
a  mutual  restoration  of  territory,  and  without  making  the 
conclusion  of  peace  to  depend  on  a  successful  arrangement 
of  those  points  on  which  differences  had  existed. 

Considering  the  present  state  of  this  negociation,  the  un 
dersigned  will  abstain,  at  this  time  from  adducing  any  evi 
dence  or  remarks  upon  the  influence  which  has  been  exerted 
over  the  Indian  tribes  inhabiting  the  territories  of  the  U. 
States,  and  the  nature  of  those  excitements  which  had  been 
employed  by  British  traders  and  agents. 

The  arguments  and  facts  already  brought  forward  by  the 
undersigned,  respectingthepoht  cal  condition  of  those  tribes, 
render  it  unnecessary  for  them  to  make  many  observations 
on  those  of  the  British  Plenipotentiaries  on  that  subject. 
The  treaties  of  1763,  and  1783,  were  those  principally  al 
luded  to  by  the  undersigned,  to  illustrate  the  practice  of 
G.  Britain.  She  did  not  admit  in  the  first,  nor  require  in 
the  last,  any  stipulations  respecting  the  Indians  who,  in  one 
case,  had  been  her  enemies,  and  in  the  other,  her  allies,  and 
who,  in  both  instances,  fell  by  the  peace  within  the  domin 
ions  of  that  power  against  whom  they  had  been  engaged 
in  the  preceeding  war. 

The  negociation  of  1761  was  quoted  for  the  purpose  of 
proving,  what  appears  to  be  fully  established  by  the  an 
swer  of  England  to  the  ultimatum  of  France  delivered  cm 


362  APPENDIX. 

the  first  of  September  of  that  year,  that  his  Britannic  ma 
jesty  would  not  renounce  his  right  of  protection  over  the  In- 
dian  nations  reputed  to  be  within  his  dominions,  that  is  to 
say-  between  the  British  settlements  and  the  Mississippi. 
Mr.  Pill's  letter,  cited  by  the  British  Plenipotentiaries,  far 
from  contradicting  that  position,  goes  stiii  further.  It  states 
that  *  the  fixation  of  the  new  limits  to  Canada,  as  proposed 
by  France,  is  intended  to  shorten  the  extent  of  Canada, 
which  was  to  be  ceded  to  England,  and  to  lengthen  the 
boundaries  of  Louisiana,  which  France  was  to  keep,  and 
in  the  view  to  establish  what  must  not  be  admitted,  namely, 
that  all  which  is  not  Carada  is  Louisiana,  whereby  all  the 
intermediate  nations  and  countries,  the  true  barrier  to  each 
province,  would  be  given  up  to  France.'  This  is  precise 
ly  the  principle  uniformly  supported  by  the  undersigned,  to 
wit,  that  the  recognition  of  a  boundary  gives  up  to  the  na 
tion,  in  whose  behalf  it  is  made,  all  the  Indian  tribes  and 
countries  within  that  boundary.  It  was  on  this  principle 
that  the  undersigned  have  confidently  relied  on  the  treaty 
of  1783,  what  fixes  and  recognizes  the  boundary  of  the  U. 
S.  without  making  any  reservation  respecting  Indian  tribes. 
But  the  British  Plenipotentiaries,  unable  to  produce  a 
solitary  precedent  of  one  European  power  treating  for  the 
savages  inhabiting  within  the  dominions  of  another,  have 
been  compelled,  in  support  of  their  principle,  to  refer  to  the 
German  empire,  a  body  consisting  of  several  independent 
states,  recognized  as  such  by  the  whole  world,  and  seper- 
ately  maintaining  with  foreign  powers  the  relations  belong 
ing  to  such  a  condition.  Can  it  be  necessary  to  prove  that 
there  is  no  sort  of  analogy  between  the  political  situation  oi 
these  civilized  communities,  and  that  of  the  wandering 
tribes  of  North  American  savages  ? 

Jn  referrng  to  what  the  British  Plenipotentiaries  repre 
sent  as  alarming  and  novel  pretensions,  what  G.  Britain 
can  never  recognize,  the  undersigned  might  complain  that 
these  alledged  pretensions  have  not  been  stated,  either  in 
terms  or  in  substance,  as  expressed  by  themselves.  This, 
however,  is  the  less  material,  as  any  further  recognition  of 
them  by  G.  Britain  is  not  necessary  nor  required.  On  the 
other  hand,  they  can  never  admit  nor  recognize  the  principles 
or  pretensions  asserted  in  the  course  of  this  correspondence 
by  the  British  Plenipotentiaries,  and  which,  to  them,  ap 
pear  novel  and  alarming. 


APPENDIX.  363 

The  article  proposed  by  the  British  Plenipotentiaries,  ia 
their  last  note,  not  including"  the  Indian  tribes  as  parties  in 
the  peace,  and  leaving  the  U.  States  free  to  effect  its  object 
in  the  mode  consonant  with  the  relations  which  they  have 
•constant')  maintained  with  those  tribes,  partaking  also  of 
the  nature  of  an  amnesty,  and  being'  at  the  same  time  recip 
rocal,  is  not  liable  to  that  objection  ;  and  accords  with  the 
views  uniformly  professed  by  the  undersigned,  of  placing 
these  tribes  precisely,  and  in  every  respect, in  the  same  sit 
uation  as  that  in  which  they  stood  before  the  commence 
ment  oS  hostilities.  This  article,  thus  proposing  only  what 
the  undersigned  have  so  often  assured  the  British  Plenipo 
tentiaries  would  necessarily  follow,  if  indeed  it  has  not  al 
ready,  as  is  highly  probable,  preceded  a  peace  between  G. 
Britain  and  the  U.  States.  The  undersigned  agree  to  ad 
mit  it,  In  su  -stance,  as  a  provisional  article,  sunject,  in  the 
manner  originally  proposed  by  the  British  government,  to 
the  approbation  or  rejection  of  the  government  of  the  U. 
States,  which,  having  given  no  instructions  to  the  under 
signed  on  this  point,  cannot  be  bound  by  any  article  they 
may  admit  on  the  subject. 

It  will,  of  course,  be  understood,  that  if,  unhappily  peace 
should  not  be  the  result  of  the  present  negociation,  the  arti 
cle  thus  conditionally  agreed  to  shall  be  of  no  effect,  and 
shall  not,  in  any  future  negociation,  be  brought  forward  by 
either  party,  by  way  of  argument  or  precedent. 

This  article  having  been  presented  as  an  indispensible 
preliminary,  and  being  now  accepted,  the  undersigned  re 
quest  the  British  Plenipotentiaries  to  communicate  to  them 
the  project  of  a  treaty  embracing  all  the  points  deemed  ma 
terial  by  G.  Britain  ;  the  undersigned  engaging  on  their 
part  to  deliver  immediately  after,  a  counter  project  with  res 
pect  to  all  the  articles  to  which  they  may  not  agree,  and  on 
the  subject  deemed  material  by  the  U.  States,  and,  which 
may  be  omitted  in  the  British  project. 


JOHN  Q.  ADAMS, 
J.  A.  BAYARD, 
H.  CLAY, 


JONA.  RUSSELL, 
A.  GALLATIN. 


The  British  to  the  American  Commissioners. 

GHENT,  October  21,  1814. 

The  undersigned    have  had   the  honor  of  receiving  UK 
note  of  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  of  the  13th   inst 


£64  APPENDIX. 

communicating-  their  acceptance  of  the  article  which -the 
undersigned  had  proposed  on  the  subject  of  the  pacification 
and  rights  of  the  Indian  nations. 

The  undersigned  are  happy  in  being  thus  relieved  from 
the  necessity  of  recurring*  to  several  topics,  which  though 
they  arose  in  the  course  of  their  discussions,  have  only  an 
incidental  connection  with  the  difference  remaining  to  be 
adjusted  between  the  two  countries. 

With  a  view  to  this  adjustment  the  undersigned  prefer- 
in  g  in  the  present  state  of  the  ncgoctation  a  general  state 
ment  or  the  formal  arrangement  of  articles,  are  willing  so 
far  to  comply  with  the  request  of  the  American  Plenipoten 
tiaries  contained  m  their  last  note,  as  to  wave  the  advan 
tages  to  which  they  think  ihey  were  fairly  entitled,  of  requir 
ing  from  them  the  first  project  of  a  treaty. 

The  undersigned  having  stated  at  the  first  conference  the 
points  upon  which  his  majesty's  government  considered 
the  discussions  between  the  two  countries  as  likely  to  turn, 
cannot  belter  satisfy  the  request  of  the  American  Plenipo 
tentiaries  than  by  referring  them  to  that  conference  tor  a 
statement  of  the  points  which,  in  the  opinion  of  his  majesty's 
government  \et  remains  to  be  adjusted. 

W'.th  respect  to  the  forcible  seizure  of  mariners  from  on 
"board  merchant  vessels  on  the  high  seas,  and  the  right  of 
the  king  of  G.  Britain  to  the  allegiance  of  all  his  subjects, 
and  with  respect  to  the  maritime  rights  of  the  British  em 
pire  the  undersigned  conceive,  that  after  the  pretensions  as 
serted  by  the  government  of  the  U.  States,  a  more  satisfac 
tory  proof  of  the  conciliatory  spirit  of  his  Majesty's  govern 
ment  cannot  be  given  than  i;ot  requiring  any  stipulation  on 
those  subjects,  which  though  most  important  in  themselves, 
no  longer  in  consequence  of  the  maritime  pacification  of 
Europe,  produce  the  same  practical  results. 

On  the  subject  of  the  fisheries  the  undersigned  expressed 
•with  so  much  frankness  at  the  conference  already  referred  to, 
the  viewsof  their  government,  that  they  consider  any  further 
observations  on  that  topic  as  unnecessary  at  the  presenttime. 

On  the  question  of  the  boundary  between  the  dominions 
of  his  majesty  and  those  of  the  U.  States,  the  undersigned 
are  led  to  expect  from  the  discussion  which  this  subject  has 
already  undergone,  that  the  northwest  boundary  from  the 
lake  of  the  Woods  to  the  Mississippi,  the  intended  arrange 
ment  of  1803,  will  be  admitted  without  objection, 


APPENDIX 

In  regard  to  other  boundaries  the  American  Plenipoten 
tiaries  in  their  note  of  August  24th,  appeared  in  some  mea 
sure  to  object  to  the  propositions  then  made  by  the  under 
signed  as  the  basis  of  uti  possidetis.  The  undersigned  are 
willing  to  treat  on  that  basis,  subject  to  such  modifications 
as  mutual  convenience  m  \ y  be  found  to  require,  and  they 
trust  that  the  American  Plenipotentiaries  will  shew  by  their 
ready  acceptance  of  this  basis,  that  they  duly  appreciate 
the  moderation  of  his  majesty's  government  in  so  far  con 
sulting  the  honor  and  fair  pretensions  of  the  U.  States  as  in 
the  relative  situation  of  the  two  countries,  to  authorise  such 
a  proposition. 

The  undersigned  avail  themselves  of  this  opportunity  to 
renew  to  the  American  Plenipotentiaries,  the  assurance  of 
their  high  consideration, 

GAMBIER, 

H.  GOULBURN, 

W.  ADAMS. 

The  American  to  the  British  Commissioners. 

GHENT,  Oct.  24,  ]814. 

The  undersigned  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  the  note  of  the  British  Plenipotentiaries  of  the 
21st  inst. 

Amongst  the  general  observations  which  the  undersign 
ed,  in  their  note  of  the  24th  Aug.  made  on  the  propositions 
then  brought  forward  on  the  part  of  the  British  government, 
they  remarked  that  these  propositions  were  founded  neith 
er  on  the  basis  of  uti  possidetis,  nor  on  that  of  status  ante 
bellum.  But  so  far  were  they  from  suggesting  the  uti  pos 
sidetis  as  the  basis  on  which  they  were  disposed  to  treat, 
that  in  the  same  note  they  expressly  stated  that  they  had 
been  instructed  to  conclude  a  peace  on  the  principles  of 
both  parties  restoring  whatever  territory  they  might  have 
taken.  The  undersigned  also  declared  in  that  note,  that 
they  had  no  authority  to  cede  any  part  of  the  territory  of 
the  U.  States,  and  that  to  no  stipulation  to  that  effect  would 
they  subscribe  ;  and  in  the  note  of  the  9th  Sept.  after  hav 
ing  shewn  that  the  basis  ot  uti  possidetis,  such  as  was  known 
to  exist  at  the  commencement  of  the  negociation,  give  no 
claim  to  his  Britannic  majesty  to  cession  of  territory  found 
ed  upon  the  right  of  conquest,  they  added  that  even  if  the 
chances  of  war  should  give  to  the  British  arms  a  momeuta- 


366  APPENDIX. 

ry  possession  of  oilier  parts  of  the  territory  of  the  U.  States, 
such  events  would  not  alter  their  views  with  regard  to  the 
terms  of  peace  to  which  they  would  g.ve  their  consent. 

The  undersigned  can  now  only  repeat  those  declarations 
and  decline  treating  upon  the  basis  of  uti  possidetis,  or  up 
on*  any  other  principle  involving  a  cession  of  any  part  of 
the  territory  Of  the  U.  States.  As  they  have  uniformly 
stated,  they  can  treat  only  upon  the  principle  of  mutual  re 
storation  of  whatever  territory  may  have  been  taken  by 
either  party.  From  this  principle  they  cannot  recede,  and 
the  undersigned  after  the  repeated  declarations  of  the  Bri 
tish  Plenipotentiaries,  that  G.  Britain  had  no  view  to  ac 
quisition  of  territory,  in  this  negociation,  deem  it  necessary 
to  add,  that  the  utility  of  its  continuance  depends  on  their 
adherence  to  this  principle. 

The  undersigned  having  declared  in  their  note  of  the  21st 
of  Aug.  that  although  instructed  and  prepared  to  enter  into 
an  amicable  discussion  of  all  the  points,  on  which  differ 
ences  or  uncertainty  had  existed,  and  which  might  hereaf 
ter  tend  to  interrupt  the  harmony  .of  the  two  countries,  they 
would  not  make  the  conclusion  of  the  peace  at  all  depend 
upon  a  successful  result  ot  the  discussion,  and  having  since 
agreed  to  the  preliminary  article  proposed  b\  the  British 
government,  had  believed  that  the  negnciation  already  so 
long  protracted,  could  not  be  brought  to  an  early  conclu 
sion,  otherwise  than  by  the  communication  of  a  project  em 
bracing  all  the  other  specific  propositions  which  G.  Bntasn 
intended  to  offer.  They  repeat  their  request  in  thai  res 
pect  and  will  have  no  objection  to  a  simultaneous  exchange 
of  the  projects  of  both  parties.  This  course  will  bring 
fairly  into  discussion  the  other  topics  embraced  in  the  last 
note  of  the  British  Plenipotentiaries,  to  which  the  under 
signed  have  thought  it  necessary  to  advert  at  the  present  time. 

The  undersigned  renew  to  the  British  Plenipotentiaries 
the  assurance  of  their  his>h  consideration. 


.1.  a.  ADAMS, 
J.  A.   BAYARD, 


JON  A.  RUSSELL, 
A.  GALLATiN. 


H.  CLAY, 

'I'lie  tintishto  tJie  American  Commissioners. 

GHENT,  October  8 1st,  1814. 

The  undersigned  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  re 
ceipt  of  the  note  addressed  to  them  by  the  American  Pleni 
potentiaries  on  the  24th  ir.st.  in  which  they  object  to  the 


APPENDIX.  367 

•basis  of  all  possidetis  proposed  by  the  undersigned  as  that 
on  which  they  are  willing  to  treat  in  regard  to  part  of  the 
boundaries  between  the  dominions  of  his  Majesty  and  those 
of  the  U.  States. 

The  American  Plenipotentiaries  in  their  note  of  the  13th 
inst.  requested  the  undersigned  to  communicate  to  them 
the  project  of  a  treaty  embracing  all  the  points  insisted  on 
by  G.  Britain,  engaging  on  their  part  to  deliver  immediate 
ly  alter  a  coontre  project  as  to  all  the  articles  to  which  they 
might  not  agree,  and  as  to  all  the  subjects  deemed  material 
bv  the  U.  States,  and  omitted  in  the  project  of  the  under 
signed. 

The  undersigned  were  accordingly  instructed  to  wave 
the  question  of  etiquette  and  the  advantage  which  might 
result  from  receiving  the  first  communication,  and,  confid 
ing  in  the  engagement  of  the  American  Plenipotentiaries, 
communicated  in  their  note  of  the  *21st  inst.  all  the  points 
upon  which  they  are  instructed  to  insist. 

The  American  Plenipotentiaries  have  objected  to  one  es 
sential  part  of  the  project  thus  communicated  :  but  before 
the  undersigned  can  enter  into  the  discussion  on  this  ob 
jection,  they  must  require  from  the  American  Plenipoten 
tiaries  that,  pursuant  to  their  engagement,  thev  will  deliver 
a  countre  project  containing  all  then1  objections  to  the  points 
submitted  by  the  undersigned  together  wilh  a  statement  of 
such  further  points  as  the  government  of  the  U.  States  con 
sider  to  be  material. 

The  undersigned  are  authorised  to  state  distinctly,  that 
the  article  as  to  the  pacification  and  rights  of  the  Indian 
nations  having  been  accepted,  they  have  brought  forward 
in  their  note  of  the  21st  inst.  all  the  propositions  thev  have 
to  offer.  They  have  no  farther  demands  to  make,  no  other 
stipulations  on  which  they  are  instructed  to  insist,  and  they 
are  empowered  to  sign  a  treaty  of  peace  forthwith  in  con 
formity  with  those  stated  in  their  former  note. 

The  undersigned  trust,  therefore,  that  the  American 
Plenipotentiaries  will  no  longer  hesitate  to  bring  forward 
in  the  form  of  articles  or  otherwise,  as  they  may  prefer, 
those  specific  propositions  upon  which  they  are  empowered 
to  sign  a  treaty  of  peace  between  the  two  countries. 

0AM  BIER, 
HENRY  GOULBURN. 
W.  ADAMS, 


368  APJPEMrfX. 

TREATY  OF  PEACE. 

JAMES  MADISON, 

PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA. 

To  alt  wid  singular  to  whom  these  presents  shall  come,  Greeting : 
WHEREAS  a  treaty  of  peace  and  amity  between  the 
U.  States  of  America,  and  his  Britannic  majesty  was 
signed  at  Ghent,  on  the  twenty  fourth  day  of  December, 
one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  fourteen,  by  the  Plenipo 
tentiaries  respectively  appointed  for  that  purpose  ;  and  the 
said  treaty  having  been,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  con 
sent  of  the  Senate  of  the  U.  States,  duly  accepted,  ratified, 
and  confirmed,  on  the  seventeenth  day $of  February,  one 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  fifteen  j  and  ratified  copies 
thereof  having  been  exchanged  agreeably  to  the  tenor  of 
the  said  treaty,  which  is  in  the  words  following,  to  \vit: 

Treaty  of  peace  and  amity  between  his  tfritattnic  Ma 
jesty  and  the  United  States  of  A  werica. 

His  Britannic  majesty  and  the  U.  States  of  America, 
desirous  of  terminating  the  war  which  has  unhappily  sub 
sisted  between  the  two  countries,  and  of  restoring,  upon 
principles  of  perfect  reciprocity,  peace,  friendship,  and 
good  understanding  between  them,  have,  for  that  purpose, 
appointed  their  respective  Plenipotentiaries,  that  is  to  say  : 
his  Britannic  majesty,  on  his  part,  has  appointed  the  right 
honorable  James  lord  Gambier,  late  Admiral  of  the  white, 
now  Admiral  of  the  red  squadron  of  his  majesty 's  fleet,  Henri/ 
Gonlburn,  Esquire,  a  member  of  the  imperial  parliament 
and  under  secretary  ol  state,  and  William  Adams,  Esquire,, 
doctor  of  civil  laws  : — and  the  President  of  the  U.  States, 
by  and  with  Ihe  advice  and  consent  of  the  senate  thereof, 
has  appointed  John  Quincy  Adams,  James  A.  Bayard* 
Henry  Clay,  Jonathan  liussell,  and  Albert  Gallalin,  citi 
zens  of  the  U.  States,  who  after  a  reciprocal  communica 
tion  of  their  respective  full  powers  have  agreed  upon  the 
following  articles : 

ARTICLE  THE  FIRST. 

There  shall  be  a  firm  and  universal  peace  between  his 
Britannic  majesty  and  the  United  Stales,  and  between  their 
respective  countries,  territories,  cities,  towns,  and  people* 
of  every  degree,  without  exception  of  places  or  persons. 
AU  hostilities,  both  by  sea  and  land,  shall  cease  as  soon  as 
this  treaty  shall  have  been  ratified  by  both  parties,  a,s  here- 


APPENDIX. 

matter  mentioned.  All  territory,  places  and  possessions 
whatsoever,  taken  from  either  party  by  the  other,  during 
the  war,  or  which  ma)  he  taken  after  the  signing'  of  this 
treaty,  excepting  only  the  islands  hereinafter  mentioned, 
shall" be  restored  without  delay,  and  without  causing  any 
destruction,  or  carrying  away  any  of  the  artillery  or  other 
public  property  ordinal ly  captured  in  the  said  torts  or 
places,  and  which  shall  remain  therein  upon  the  exchange 
of  the  ratifications  of  this  treaty,  or  any  slaves  or  other  pri 
vate  property.  And  all  archives,  records,  deeds,  and  pa 
pers,  either  of  a  public  nature,  or  belonging  to  private  per 
sons,  which,  in  the  course  of  the  war,  may  have  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  the  officers  of  either  party,  shall  be,  as  far  as 
may  be  practicable,  forthwith  restored  and  delivered  to  the 
proper  authorities  and  persons  to  whom  they  respectively 
belong.  Such  of  the  islands  in  the  bay  of  Passarnaquo<  dy 
as  are  claimed  by  both  parties,  shall  remain  in  the  posses 
sion  of  the  party  in  whose  occupation  they  may  be  at  the 
time  of  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  this  treaty,  un 
til  the  decision  respecting  the  title  to  the  said  islands  shall 
have  been  made  in  conformity  with  the  fourth  article  ot  this 
treaty.  No  disposition  made  by  this  treaty,  as  to  such  pos 
session  of  the  islands  and  territories  claimed  by  both  par 
ties,  shall  in  any  manner  whatever,  be  construed  to  aftect 
the  right  of  either. 

ARTICLE  THE  SECOND. 

Immediately  after  the  ratification  of  this  treaty  by  both 
parlies,  as  hereinafter  mentioned,  orders  shall  be  sent  to 
the  armies,  squadrons,  officers,  subjects  and  citizens,  of  the 
two  powers  to  cease  from  all  hostilities  :  and  to  prevent  all 
causes  of  complaint  which  might  arise  on  account  of  the 
prizes  which  may  be  taken  at  sea  after  the  said  ratifica 
tions  of  this  treaty,  it  is  reciprocally  agreed,  that  .all  vessels 
rind  effects  winch  may  be  taken  after  the  space  of  twelve 
days  from  the  said  ratifications,  upon  all  parts  of  the  coast 
of  North  America,  from  the  latitude  of  twenty -three  degrees 
north,  to  the  latitude  of  fifty  degrees  north,  arid  as  far  east 
ward  in  the  Atlantic  ocenn,  as  the  thirty-sixth  degree  of 
west  longitude  from  the  meridian  of  Greenwich,  shall  be 
restored  to  each  side.  That  the  time  shall  be  thirty  days 
in  all  other  parts  of  the  Atlantic  ocean,  north  of  the  equi 
noctial  line  or  equator,  and  the  same  time  tor  the  British 

47 


APPENDIX. 

and  Irish  channels,  for  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  all  parts-  of 
the  West  Indies  ;  forty  days  for  the  North  Seas,  for  the 
Baltic,  and  lor  all  parts  of  the  Mediterranean  ;  sixty  days 
for  the  Atlantic  ocean  south  of  the  equator  as  far  as  the  lat 
itude  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  ;  ninety  days  tor  every 
part  of  the  world  south  of  the  equator  ;  and  one  hundred 
and  twenty  days  for  all  other  parts  of  the  world,  without  ex 
ception. 

ARTICLE  THE  THIRD. 

All  prisoners  of  war  taken  on  either  side,  as  well  hy  land 
as  hy  sea,  shall  be  restored  as  soon  as  practicable  after  ihe 
ratification  of  this  treaty,  as  hereinafter  mentioned,  on  their 
paying  the  debts  which  they  may  have  contracted  during 
their  captivity.  The  two  contracting  parties  respectively 
engage  to  discharge  in  specie,  the  advances  which  may 
have  been  made  by  the  other  for  the  sustenance  arid  main 
tenance  oi  such  prisoners. 

ARTICLE    THE  FOlfllTH. 

Whereas  it  was  stipulated  by  the  second  article  in  the 
treaty  of  peace,  of  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty- 
three,  between  his  Britannic  majesty  and  the  U.  States  of 
America,  that  the  boundary  of  the  U.  States  should  com 
prehend  all  islands  within  twenty  leagues  of  any  part  ot 
the  shores  of  the  U.  States,  and  lying  between  lines  to  be 
drawn  due  east  from  the  points  where  the  aforesaid  boun 
daries,  between  Nova  Scotia,  on  the  one  part,  and  Eiast 
Florida  on  the  other,  shall  respectively  touch  the  bay  of 
Fundy,  and  the  Atlantic  ocean,  excepting  such  islands  as 
now  are,  or  heretofore  have  been,  within  the  limits  of  Nova 
Scotia  ;  and  whereas  the  several  islands  in  the  Bay  oi  Pas- 
sammaquoddy,  which  is  part  or' the  Bay  of  Fundy,  and  the 
island  of  Grand  Menan  in  the  said  Bay  of  Fundy,  are 
claimed  by  the  IT.  Slates  as  being  comprehended  within 
their  aforesaid  boundaries,  which  said  islands  are  claimed 
as  belonging  to  his  Britannic  majesty,  as  having  been  at  the 
time  of,  and  previous  to,  the  aforesaid  treaty  of  one  thou 
sand  seven  hundred  and  eighty  three  within  the  limits  ot 
tht province  of  Nova  Scotia:  in  order,  therefore,  finally  to 
decide  upon  these  claims,  it  is  agreed  that  they  shall  be  re 
ferred  to  two  commissioners,  to  be  appointed  in  the  fol 
lowing  manner,  viz.  one  commissioner  shall  be  appointed 
hy  his  Britannic  majesty,  and  one  by  the  President  ot  the 
IT,  States,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  senate 


APPENDIX.  371 

thereof,  and  the  said  two  commissioners  so  appointed  shall 
be  sworn  impartially  to  examine  and  decide  upon  the  said 
claims  according-  to  such  e\idence  as  shall  he  laid  helbre 
them  on  the  part  of  his  Britannic  majesty  and  of  the  United 
States  respectively.  The  said  commiss  oners  shall  meet  at 
St.  Andrews,  in  the  province  oi  New  Brunswick,  and  shall 
have  power  to  adjourn  to  such  other  place  or  places  as  they 
shall  think  fit.  The  said  commissioners  shall,  by  a  decla 
ration  or  report  under  their  hands  and  seals,  decide  to 
which  of  the  two  contracting  parties  I  he  several  islands 
aforesaid  do  respectively  belong,  in  conformity  with  the 
true  intent  of  the  said  treaty  or  peace  of  one  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  eighty -three.  And  it  the  said  commissioners 
shall  aoree  in  their  decision,  both  parties  shall  consider 
such  decision  as  final  and  conclusive.  Jt  is  further  agreed, 
that  in  the  event  of  the  two  commissioners  differing  u  pod 
all  or  any  of  the  matters  so  referred  to  them,  or  in  the  event 
of  both  or  either  of  the  said  commissioners  refusing  or  de 
clining,  or  wilfully  omitting  to  act  as  such,  they  shall  make, 
jointly  or  separately,  a  report  or  reports,  as  well  to  the  gov 
ernment  of  his  Britannic  majesty  as  to  that  of  the  U.  States, 
stating  in  detail  the  points  on  which  they  differ,  and  the 
grounds  upon  which  their  respective  opinions  have  been 
formed,  or  the  grounds  upon  wh.ch  thev,  or  either  of  them, 
have  so  refused,  declined,  or  omitted  to  act.  A;id  his  Bri 
tannic  majesty,  and  the  government  ot  the  U.  States  here 
by  agree  to  refer  the  report  or  reports  of  the  said  commis 
sioners,  to  some  friendly  sovereign  or  state,  to  be  then  nam 
ed  for  that  purpose,  and  who  shall  be  requested  to  decide  on 
the  differences  which  ma>  be  stated  m  the  said  report  or 
reports,  or  upon  the  report  of  one  commissioner,  together 
with  the  grounds  upon  which  the  other  commissioner  shall 
have  refused,  declined  or  omitted  to  acl  as  the  case  may  be* 
And  if  the  commissioners,  so  refusing,  declining,  or  omit- 
ting  to  act,  shall  also  wilfully  omit  to  slate  the  grounds  up 
on  which  he  has  so  done,  m  such  manner  that  the  said 
statement  may  be  referred  to  such  friendly  sovereign,  ov 
state,  together  with  the  report  of  such  other  commissioner* 
then  such  sovereign  or  slate  shall  decide  ex  parte  upon  tlu-. 
said  report  alone.  And  his  Britannic  majesty  and  the 
government  of  the  U.  States  engage  to  consider  the  deci 
sion  of  some  friend  1)  sovereign  or  state  tg  be  siicliand 
elusive  on  all  the  makers  so  referred 


37g  APPENDIX, 

ARTICLE  T£1E  FIFTH. 

Whereas  neither  that  point  of  the  highlands  lying  due 
north  from  the  source  of  the  river  St.  Croix,  and  designat 
ed  in  the  former  treaty  of  peace  between  the  two  powers  as 
the  northwest  angle  of  Nova  Scotia,  now  the  norlh-wes- 
ternmost  head  ot  Connecticut  river  has  not  been  ascertain 
ed  ;  and  whereas  that  p  >rt  of  I  he  boundary  line  between  the 
dominion  ot  the  two  powers  which  extends  from  the  source 
of  ihe  river  St.  Croix  directly  north  to  the  abovementioned 
north-west  nngle  of  Nova  Scotia,  thence  along  the  said 
highlands  which  divide  those  rivers  that  empty  themselves 
into  the  river  St.  Lawrence  from  those  which  fall  into  the 
Atlantic  ocean  to  the  north-westernmost  head  of  Connecticut 
river,  thence  down  along  the  middle  of  the  river  to  Use  for 
ty-fifth  degree  of  north  latitude;  thence  by  a  line  due  west 
on  said  latitude  until  it  str  kes  the  river  Iroquois  or  Cata- 
ragny,hasnot  yet  been  surveyed: — It  is  agreed  that  for  those 
several  purposes  two  commissioners  shall  be  appointed, 
sworn  and  authorised,  to  act  exactly  in  the  manner  direct 
ed  with' respect  to  those  mentioned  in  the  next  preceding 
article,  unless  otherwise  specified  in  the  present  article. 
The  said  commissioners  shall  meet  at  St.  Andrews  in 
the  province  of  New-Brunswick,  and  shall  have  power  to 
adjourn  to  such  other  place  or  places  as  they  shall  think 
fit.  The  said  commissioners  shull  have  power  to  as 
certain  and  determine  the  points  abo  e  mentioned,  in  con 
formity  with  the  provisions  of  the  said  treaty  of  peace 
of  one  thousand  seven  hundred  a^d  eighty-three,  and  shall 
cause  the  boundary  aforesaid,  from  the  souice  of  the  river 
St.  Croix  to  the  river  Iroqnois  or  Cataragny,  to  be  survey 
ed  and  marked  according  to  the  said  provisions.  The  said 
commissioners  shall  make  a  map  of  the  said  boundary,  and 
an-  ex  to  it  ^  declaration  under  their  ha  tds  and  seals,  certi 
fying  it  to  be  the  true  map  of  ihe  said  boundary,  and  par 
ticularizing  the  latitude  and  longitude  of  the  north-west  an 
gle  of  Nova  Scotia,  of  the  north- westernmost  head  of  Con 
necticut  river,  and  of  such  other  points  of  the  same  bounda 
ry  &*  they  may  deem  proper.  And  both  parlies  agree  to 
consider  such  map  and  declaration  as  finally  and  conclu 
sively  fixing  the  said  boundary.  And  in  the  event  of  the 
said  two  commiss-  oners  differing,  <»r  both,  or  either  ot  them, 
refusing  or  dec/miug,  or  wdfu  -.ly  omitting  to  act,  such  re 
ports,  declarations,  or  statements,  shall  be  .made  by  them, 
or  either  of  thtm,  and  such  reference  to  a  friend ly  sever- 


APPENDIX.  373 

eign  or  state,  shall  be  made,  in  all  respects  as  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  futirth  article  is  contained,  and  in  as  full  a  man 
ner  as  if  the  same  was  herein  repeated. 

ARTICLt  THE  SIXTH. 

Whereas  by  the  former  treaty  of  peace  that  portion  of 
the  boundary  of  Hie  U.  Stales  irom  the  point  where  the 
fort  \-fifth  (iegreeot  norlli  latitude  strikes  the  river  Iroquois 
or  Cataragny  to  the  lake  Superior,  wasdeclared  to  be  'along1 
the  middle  of  said  river  into  lake  Ontario,  through  the 
middle  of  said  lake  until  it  strikes  the  communication  by 
water  between  that  lake  and  lake  Erie,  thence  along  the 
middle  of  said  communication  into  sake  Erie,  through  the 
middle  at  said  fake  until  it  arrives  at  the  water  communica 
tion  into  the  lake  Huron,  thence  through  the  middle  of  said 
lake  to  the  water  communication  between  that  lake  and 
lake  Superior.7  And  whereas  doubts  have  arisen  what 
vas  the  middle  cf  said  river,  takes,  and  water  communica 
tions,  and  whether  certain  islands  lying  in  the  same  were 
\vithin  the  dominions  of  his  Brt.mnic  majesty  or  of  the  U. 
States  :  in  order,  therefore,  finally  to  decide  these  doubts, 
they  shall  be  refened  to  two  commissioners,  to  be  appoint 
ed,  sworn,  and  authorised  to  act  exactly  in  the  manner  di 
rected  with  respect  to  those  mentioned  in  the  next  preced 
ing  article,  unless  otherwise  specified  in  this  present  arti 
cle.  The  said  commissioners  shall  meet,  in  the  first  in 
stance,  at  Albany,  in  the  state  of  New-York,  and  shall 
have  power  to  adjourn  to  such  other  place  or  places  as  they 
shall  think  tit.  The  said  commissioners  shall  by  a  report  or 
declaration,  under  their  hands  and  seals,  designate  the 
boundary  through  the  said  river,  lakes,  and  water  commu 
nications,  and  decide  to  \\lnch  of  ihe  two  contracting  par 
ties  the  several  islands  lying  within  the  said  river,  lakes, 
and  water  communications,  do  respectively  belong,  in  con 
formity  with  the  true  indent  of  the  said  treaty  of  one  thou 
sand  seven  hundred  and  eighty-three.  And  both  parties 
agree  to  consider  such  designation  and  decision  as  final 
and  conclusive.  And  in  the  event  of  the  said  two  commis 
sioners  differing,  or  both,  or  either  of  them,  refusing,  declin 
ing,  or  wilfully  omitting  to  act,  such  reports,  declarations, 
or  statements,  shall  be  made  by  them,  or  either  of  them, 
and  such  reference  to  a  friendly  sovereign  or  state  shall  be 
made  in  ail  respects  as  in  the  la  tier  part  of  the  fourth  arti 
cle  is  contained,  and  in  as  full  a  manner  as  if  the  same  was 
herein  repeated.  « 


374 


APPENDIX* 


ARTICLE  THE   SEVENTH. 

It  is  further  agreed  that  the  said  two  last  mentioned  com 
missioners,  after  they  shah  have  executed  the  duties  assign 
ed  to  them  in  the  preceding  article,  shall  be,  and  they  are 
hereby  authorised,  upon  their  oaths  impartially  to  fix  and 
determine,  according  to  the  true  intent  of  the  said  treaty  of 
peace,  of  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty-three, 
that  part  of  the  boundary  between  the  dominions  of  the  two 
powers,  which  extends  from  the  water  communication  be 
tween  lake  Huron  and  lake  Superior,  to  the  most  north 
western  point  of  the  lake  of  the  Woods,  to  decide  to  which 
of  the  two  parties  the  several  islands  lying  in  the  lakes,  wa 
ter  communications,  and  rivers,  forming  the  said  boundary, 
do  respectively  belong,  in  conformity  with  the  true  intent 
of  the  said  treaty  of  peace  of  one  thousand  seven  hundred 
and  eighty-three ;  and  to  cause  such  parts  of  the  said  bou.i- 
dary,  as  require  it,  to  be  surveyed  and  marked.  The  sasd 
commissioners  shall,  by  a  report  or  declaration  under  their 
hands  and  seals,  designate  the  boundary  aforesaid,  state 
their  decision  on  the  points  thus  referred  to  them,  and  par 
ticularise  the  latitude  and  longitude  of  the  most  north- wes 
ternmost  point  of  the  lake  of  the  Woods,  and  of  such  other 
parts  of  the  said  boundary  as  they  may  deem  proper.  And 
both  parties  agree  to  consider  such  designation  and  deci 
sion  as  final  and  conclusive.  And  in  the  event  of  the  said 
Jwo  commissioners  differing,  or  both,  or  either  of  them  re 
fusing,  declining,  or  wilfully  omitting  to  act,  such  reports 
declarations,  or  statements,  shall  be  made  by  them,  or  eith 
er  of  them,  and  such  reference  to  a  friendly  sovereign  or 
state,  shall  be  made  in  all  respects,  as  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  fourth  article  is  contained,  and  in  as  full  a  manner  as  if 
the  same  was  herein  repeated. 

ARTICLE:  THE  EIGHTH. 

The  several  boards  ot  two  commissioners  mentioned  in 
the  four  preceding  articles,  shall  respectively  have  power 
to  appoint  a  secretary,  and  to  employ  such  surveyors  or 
other  persons  as  they  shall  judge  necessary.  Duplicates  of 
all  their  respective  reports,  declarations,  statements,  and  de 
cisions,  and  of  their  accounts,  and  of  the  journal  of  their 
proceedings  shall  be  delivered  by  them  to  the  agents  of  his 
Britannic  majesty,  and  to  the  agents  of  the  U.  States  who 
jmay  be  respectively  appointed  and  authorised  to  manage 
the  business  on  behalf  of  theirrespective  governments.  The 
said  commissioners  shall  be  respectively  paid  in  such  man- 


APPENDIX. 

4 

tier  as  shall  be  agreed  between  the  two  contracting-  parties, 
such  agreement  being  to  be  settled  at  the  time  of  the  ex 
change  of  the  ratifications  of  this  treaty. — And  all  other 
expences  attending  the  said  commissioners  shall  be  defray 
ed  equally  by  the  two  parties.  And  in  the  case  of  death, 
sickness,  resignation,  or  necessary  absence,  the  place  of  ev 
ery  such  commissioner  respectively  shall  be  supplied  in 
the  same  manner  as  such  commissioner  was  first  appointed, 
and  the  new  commissioner  shall  take  the  same  oath  or  af 
firmation,  and  do  the  same  duties.  It  is  further  agreed 
between  the  two  contracting  parties,  that  in  case  any  of  the 
Islands  mentioned  in  any  of  the  preceding  articles,  which 
Mere  in  possession  of  one  of  the  parties  prior  to  the  com- 
me -cement  of  the  present  war  between  the  two  countries, 
should  by  the  decision  of  any  of  the  boards  of  commission 
ers  aforesaid,  or  of  the  sovereign  or  state  so  referred  to  as 
in  the  four  next  preceding  articles  contained,  fall  within, 
the  dominions  of  the  other  party,  all  grants  of  land  made 
previous  to  the  commencement  of  the  war  by  the  party  hav 
ing  had  such  possession,  shall  be  as  valid  as  if  such  Island 
cr  Islands,  had  by  such  decision  or  decisions,  been  adjudg 
ed  to  be  within  the  dominions  of  the  party  having  had  such 
possession. 

ARTICLE  THE  MXTH. 

The  U.  States  of  America  engage  to  put  an  end,  im 
mediately  alter  the  ratification  of  the  present  treaty,  to  hos 
tilities,  with  all  the  tribes  or  nations  of  Indians  with  whom 
they  may  be  at  war,  at  the  time  of  such  ratification,  and 
forthwith  to  restore  to  such  tribes  or  nations,  respectively, 
all  the  possessions,  rights  and  privileges,  which  they  may 
have  enjoyed  or  been  entitled  to  in  1811,  previous  to  such 
hostilities:  provided  always,  that  such  tribes  or  nations  shall 
agree  to  desist  from  all  hostilities  against  the  U.  States  of 
America,  their  citizens  and  subjects,  upon  the  ratification 
or  the  present  treaty  being  notified  to  such  tribes  or  nations, 
and  shall  so  desist  accordingly.  And  his  Britannic  ma 
jesty  engages,  on  his  part,  to  put  an  end,  immediately 
after  the  ratification  of  the  present  treaty,  to  hostilities, 
with  all  the  tribes  or  nations  of  Indians  with  whom  he 
may  be  at  war,  at  the  time  of  such  ratification,  and  forth 
with  to  restore  to  such  tribes  or  nations  respectively,  all 
the  possessions,  rights  and  privileges,  winch  they  may 
have  enjoyed  or  been  entitled  to  in  the  year  1811,  previous 


376  APPENDIX. 

to  such  hostilities  :  provided  always,  that  such  tribes  or  na 
tions  shall  agree  to  desist  from  all  hostilities  against  his  Bri" 
tannic  majesty  and  his  subjects,  upon  the  ratification  of  the 
present  treaty  being  notified  to  such  tribes  or  nations,  and 
shall  so  desist  accordingly. 

ARTICLB  THE  TENTH. 

Whereas  the  traffic  in  slaves  is  irreconcilable  with  the 
principles  of  humanity  and  justice,  and  whereas  both  his 
Majesty  and  the  United  States  are  desirous  of  continuing' 
their  efforts  to  promote  its  entire  abolition,  it  is  hereby 
agreed  that  both  the  contracting  parties  shah  use  their  best 
endeavors  to  accomplish  so  desirable  an  object. 

ARTICLE  THE  ELEVENTH. 

This  treaty,  when  the  same  shall  have  i.-een  ratified  on 
both  sides,  without  alteration  by  either  of  the  contracting 
parties,  and  the  ratifications  mu  tally  exchanged,  shall  be 
binding  on  both  parties,  and  the  ratifications  shall  be  ex 
changed  at  Washington,  in  the  space  of  four  months  from 
this  day  or  sooner  if  practicable. 

In  faith  whereof,  we,  the  respective  Plenipotentiaries,  have 
signed  this  treaty,  and  have  thereunto  affixed  our  seals. 
Done,  in  triplicate,  at  Ghent,  the  twenty-fourth  day  of 
December,one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  fourteen. 
(L.  s.)  GAVIBFER, 

(L.  s.)  IIEiNRY  GOULBURN, 

(L.  s.)  \\  I LLI  AM  ADA  VI S, 

(i,.  s.)  JOHN  Q.  ADAMS, 

(i..  s.)  .1.  A.  BAYARD, 

(L.  s.)  H.  CLAY, 

(:L.  s.)  JONA.  RTSSELL, 

(i,.  s.)  A    GALLATIN. 

Now  therefore,  la  the  end  that  the  said  treaty  of  peace  and  amily  may 
be  observed  with  good  faith,  on  the  part  of  the  U.  States,  1,  James  Madi 
son,  President  as  aforesaid,  have  caused  the  premises  to  be  made  public  ; 
and  I  do  hereby  enjoin  all  persons  bearing  office,  civil  or  military,  with- 
in  the  U  States,  and  all  other  citizens  or  inhabitants  thereof,  or  bf  ing 
within  the  same,  faithfully  to  observe  and  fulfil  the  said  treaty  and  every 
C  -use  and  article  thereof. 
In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  caused  fhe  seal  of  the  U.  States  to  be  affix- 

(L.  s.)     ed  to  these  presents,  and  signed  the  same  with  my  hand 
Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  eighteenth  day  of  February,   in  the 

year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  fifteen,  and  of  the 

sovereignty  and  independence  of  the  U.  States  the  thirty  ninth. 

By  the  President,  JAMES  MADISON. 

JAMES  MONROE,  Ming  Secretary  of  State. 


LIST  OF  VESSELS 

TAKEN    FROM  GREAT    BRITAIN,    BY  THE   PUBLIC  AND 
PRIVATE  ARMED  VESSELS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

DURL\G  THE  WdR. 


Names  of  vessels.     | 

£ 
§ 

Taken  by  the 

Arrived  at 

\ 

schY  Whiting* 

, 

i    2 

Dash 

Hampton  Roads 

2 

brio;  Ulysses 

Paul  Jones 

Norfolk 

3 

briu;  Gypsey 

do. 

New-York 

4' 

brig  Pickering 

do.            [Gloucester 

5 

•*hip  Roba  &.  Bt'fsej 

- 

do.            (Charleston 

6 

ship  Margaret 

X 

,     1 

Teazer 

Portland 

7 

transport  No.  60*     ;  i 

|  f 

'     ' 

Madison 

Gloucester 

8 

brig  Bloodhounds     ,12j   61 

Cora 

Annapolis 

9 

sloop  — 

N.  Y  Militia 

Putneyville 

10-2o 

1  i  transport  boats* 

do.            lOgdensburg 

21 

ship  Concord               4; 

Fame          iSalem 

22 

!>rig  E'be 

do.                 do. 

23 

brig  Herman 

Dolphin. 

do. 

24-2; 

a  brig;  and  sch'r 

do. 

do. 

26 

ship  Jane                     14 

Madison        [Gloucester 

27 

ship  Emperop 

Gun  Boatsf     St,  Mary'* 

28 

ship  Experiment 

do. 

do. 

29-32 

i>  ships  and  brigs 

do. 

do. 

33 

ch'r  Wade 

Revenue  Cutterf  lAmelia 

34 

brig  Eliza 

: 

Madison        palem 

35-37 

shallops 

Lion           Marblehead 

38 

rig- 

| 

/Lion  &  Snowbird)        do. 

39 

loop  Endeavor 

Polly            Salem 

40 

rig  Juno 

Madison 

do. 

41 

hip  — 

do. 

Cape  Ann 

42 

ri£— 

do. 

do. 

43-45 

•ch'rs 

Jefferson 

Salem 

46 

rig  Wabisch 

Dolphin             do. 

47 

ch'r  Ann 

Nonpareil       (Charleston 

48 

ch'r  Pindar 

Gun  Boatsf       Amelia 

49 

lip  Jarrett 

g 

18 

Fair  trader      palem 

60-52 

schooners 

do.                 do. 

53 

choooer  — 

Dolphin        (made  a  cartel 

64 

ch'r  Ann 

do.            ISalem 

55-58 

schooners 

feffer  &.  Dolphin 

do. 

59 

riff  — 

Dolphin 

do. 

60 

chooser  — 

Lion 

Marblehead 

61 

chooner— 

Argus 

Portland 

62 

00{)  

Polly 

Salem 

63 

ch'r  Fanny 

Dolphin 

Baltimore 

64-65 

schooners 

Buckskin 

Salem 

1    Ar»/e.     Those    marked  with  a  [#]n>ere  f/.  B.    Majesty's  public  vtwh 
Jlml  those  with  a  f flare  U.  S.  public  vessels* 

48 


378 


APPENDIX* 


66 

brig  Lamprey 

F.  Essex]- 

Baltimore 

67 

'ransporl  bri^i* 

197 

do. 

ansomed 

C8 

sch'r  Marj£  Ann 

Buckskin 

Salem 

69 

ship  Mary 

:  ; 

Dolphin 

do. 

70 

sch'r  — 

Fair  Trader 

Wiscasset 

71 

sch'r  Dilicent 

Polly 

Salem 

72-73 

2  schooners 

Snowbird 

do. 

74          a  snow 

6 

Rev.  Cutterf 

Savannah 

75          ?ch'r  Jane 

Dolphin 

Vlarblehead 

76          ship  Ann  Green 

1C 

Gossamer 

Boston 

77          barrpie  St.  Andrews 

8 

Rapid 

3ort!and 

78         Ibrisr  Shamrock 

6 

10 

Rev.  Cntlerf 

Savannah 

79         jsch'r  Sally 

Teazer 

made  a  carte? 

fW         jsch'r  Nelson 

Buckskin 

Salem 

81          'schooner  — 

Fame 

do. 

82 

sch'r  3  Brothers 

Wiley  Reynard 

Boston 

83 

torque 

Cat  he  ri  he 

Portland 

8-1 

brig  — 

Polly 

ransomed 

85 

'-hip  Henry 

':  .  ' 

Comet 

Baltimore 

86 

sch'r  Alfred 

Spencer 

do. 

87 

sch'r  Eliza 

Polly 

•Salem 

88 

br.  I/id)  Sllerbroke 

-\ 

Marengo 

iN  ew-  York 

89 

br  Eliza  &.  Esther 

Gov.  M'Kean 

Philadelphia 

90 

-hi;j  Boyd 

10 

Globe 

do, 

91 

•  rio;  tlaoa  r 

I 

Mali  Ida 

.  do. 

92 

*ch!r  Polly 

Wilev  Revr  an! 

Boston 

93-95 

•'•  1;  iii;s 

*  do. 

Wiscasset 

05 

-lw:-j»  !\7'«ry  Ann 

Pa  i.l  Jones 

Philadelphia 

97 

H  assail 

I  , 

20 

do. 

Savannah 

:>.ij4-iiarmony 

jj 

2P 

Yankee 

New  York 

99 

brig  —      . 

do. 

made  a  carle' 

100 

-nip  Briganz-a 

12 

21 

^i'om 

Baltimore 

101 

brisi  Waldo 

Teazer 

Portland 

102 

scii'r  Ann 

/, 

Globe 

Baltimore 

103 

sh   Prince  Adolphus 

e 

36 

Gov   M'Kean 

Philadelphia 

104  . 

ship 

Teaz*  r 

Portland 

105 

sch'r  Harriet 

Hi  jib  Flyer 

Baltimore 

106 

brijr  Ceres. 

John 

Salem 

107 

brig—  * 

Lynn 

Gloucester 

108 

iri^  SVilliam 

Rossie 

Boston 

109"1  1£ 

ii{)-  &t  bri^s 

do. 

?>urnt 

116'  1  l  ' 

brig  vX.  schooner 

10S 

do, 

made  a  carte/ 

118 

sch'r  Industry 

Ben]    Franklin 

New  York 

119 

sch'r  Pt  rseverance 

Nonsuch 

Charleston 

120 

ship  Simon  Clark      16 

39 

Globe 

Norfolk 

121 

Honduras  Packet* 

j 

12 

Mary  Ann 

Charleston 

122 

brig  Amelia 

10;  n 

do. 

do. 

123 

-ch'r  Mary 

do. 

burnt 

124 

.schiM>ner  — 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

125 

seh'r  Union 

John 

bale-in 

126 

brie:  Eliz.ibeih 

4 

12 

John 

Salem 

127-129 

brigs 

do. 

ransomed 

130-131 

sch'r  &  sloop 

Orlaudo 

Gloucester 

APPENDIX. 


379 


brig  Gen.  Blake 

Revenue  CuCeif-Chai  lesion 

bnsj  — 

BurkerHill 

do. 

b  iy;  James 

do. 

Fa!  mouth 

*i\i\»  Apollo 

8 

John 

Salt  m 

hip  Royal  Bounty 

(0 

2,'J 

Yankee 

sunk 

*rig  Mary 

47 

do 

made  a  cartel 

•cfir  Venus 

leazer           Portland 

Msip  O-b  ,rn 

;0'    IB 

do. 

do 

nig  Eliza 

Mftreugo 

New  York 

iriv  Richard 

Industry 

Marbleht-ad 

:-ii  Nancy 

Fair  Trader 

Salem 

iris;  —                 v# 

Bunker  Hill     »New  York 

chr.  — 

L^ander         Providence 

trig  Leonirfas 

14 

Mars           Savannah 

chr   Sky  Lark 

Bunker  Hill     New  York 

urk  Lady  Prevost 

Mirengo             do. 

Friends 

Benj.  Franklin  .Boston 

>rif  Mary 

do. 

do. 

hip  Jane 

2 

18 

Rossie          Sa!"m 

-hip  John 

I 

30 

F.  Presidenlf    :PJiiiadelphia 

schi  — 

Teazer         Portland 

?:;ip  Grenada 

1, 

.->o 

Young  Eagle   Charleston 

-ch'r  Shadock 

- 

10 

do. 

do. 

barque  Diana 

Hieh  Flyer      'Savannah 

brig  Ron  buck 

K  >sau;and      Norfolk 

^uip  Guerriere* 

H' 

F.  Constitution!  burnt 

aria;  Lady  Warren 

do. 

do. 

hii-j;  Abona 

do. 

do. 

barque  Harriet 

do. 

do. 

brig  Dutchess 

F.  C'»naressf 

do. 

bri^  Traveller 

do. 

do. 

brs^  Henry 

Yankee       ^Newport 

ship  Hope  A*  ell 

14 

25 

Comet         Baltimoie 

brig  H  »zard 

6 

shin  Waspf     'Boston 

sch'r  Phoebe 

Squaudo       ^Portsmouth 

brig  Thetis 

Yankee          burnt 

brig  Alfred 

do. 

do. 

brig  An  i  elope 

Dolphin        Salem 

ship  Kitty 

Rossie          [Portland 

sch'r  Spunk 

Fair  Trader     Salem 

'sch'r  Providence 

Wiley  Reynard  New  York 

iship  Guayana 

Dromo 

Salem 

jbardoke  of  savoy 

Decatur 

do. 

ship  Pursuit 
ship  Evergreen 

Atla%           Philadelphia 
Do'phin       {Salem 

|brig  Sew  Liverpool 

4 

Yankee        (New  York 

(ship  Mary  Ann 

12    IS 

Hteh  Flyer     'iCharleston 

phi  »  Elizabetli 

iOj 

Surah-  Ann 

do. 

[sch'r  James 

Dolphin 

Baltimore 

'brig:  Pursuit                   l                Rapid 

Poriia&il 

Ibrig  Tay 

do. 

do. 

ship  Britannia           '   ( 
Ibrig  Howe                !  \ 

' 

Thrasher 
Dart 

do 
do 

3*0 


APPENDIX. 


brig  Elizabeth 

Decatur  ''  • 

Vewport 

ship  Jamaica 

7 

2i 

High  Flyer 

Baltimore 

brig  Alert* 

0 

122 

F.  Essexf 

New-York 

transport  ship* 

*78 

do. 

nade  a  cartel 

brig  King  George 

do. 

i  »s  ton 

ship  — 

'i 

25 

Revenge 

J>rtland 

brig  Ocean 

1 

2'o 

Saratoga 

Vew  York 

brig  Tulip 

Atlas 

Philadelphia 

?hip  Esther 

I 

25 

Montgomery 

Gloucester 

sch'r  Venus 

Saratoga 

^e\v  York 

ship  Quebec 

6 

52 

do 

do. 

ship  Richmond 

4   25 

Thomas 

Portland 

ship  Adonis 

2   25 

Montgomery 

Salern 

ship  Patmouth 

4  30 

Thomas 

P(»rtsmouth 

)ri«;Tvvo  Friends 

Benj  Franklin 

dostou 

snow  Two  Friends 

6 

Dart 

do. 

brig  William 

Rossie 

do. 

s  -Vr  Trial 

Leander 

Providence 

sch  John  &f  George 

1 

Regulator 

Boston 

^hip  — 

Poor  Sailor 

Wilmington 

>ri(2;  — 

Dart 

Portland 

srh'i  Mary  Ann 

Black  Joke 

Norfolk 

brig  Laura* 

10    60 

Diligent 

Philadelphia 

sch'r  Rising  States 

do. 

do. 

•ms  Hannah 

j 

Montgomery 

Salem 

-ch'r  .Vlary 

i 

do. 

do. 

bri*  — 

>. 

Dart 

Castine 

brig  Pomona 

2 

Decafur 

made  a  carfe! 

brig   Devonshire 

do.             .France 

odcr  Concord 

do. 

burnt 

Vig  H  >pe 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

-ch'r  Minorca 

Wa«p 

Savannah 

m  qur  Charlotte 

Decatur 

Boston 

-tip  Mariana 

Gov    M'Kean 

Norfolk 

jrig  Diana 

Dartf 

Portland 

.)  "1  J!~~ 

Teazer 

do. 

>rig  Isabella 

do. 

do. 

^'iip— 

Decatur 

Marblehead 

3  vessels 

Dolphin 

turnt 

-  iip  John 

}h 

35 

Comet 

Baltimore 

ship  Commerce 

\\ 

25 

Decatur 

Portland 

>rior  Industry 

10 

2C 

Comet 

Wilmington 

•nvateer  Nassau 

A 

3C 

Dolphin 

Baltimore 

•nvafeer  brig 

8 

4C 

Rapid 

burnt 

;  -jor  Tor  Abbey 

Thresher 

Cape  Ann 

»  ig  Mary 

Beni.  Franklin 

Charfaslon 

-  up  Princs  Amelia 

1  1 

30          Rossie 

Savannah 

schooner  — 

Teazer 

Portland 

brig  — 

Marengo 

>e\vburypor[ 

brig  Orient 

Teazer 

Portland 

Those  in  italic  -^re  Letters  of  M^rqur  vp^sels. 

J  TJiis  Privateer  came  into  t'ne  harbor  <J  Portland  triumphant ly  viOii:i 
fd  on  the  deck  of  her  prize ! ! ! 


APPENDIX. 


381 


237 

schr  Jenny 

Teazer          Portland 

238 

*chr   Adelia 

Rosamond 

New-  York 

239 

(rig  P.>ir.t  Shares 

Baltimore 

Baltimore 

240 

jris  San  Antonio 

Marengo 

Philadelphia 

24  i 

brig  Detroit* 

18 

78     Gun  Boatsf 

liurnt 

242 

sch'r  Caledonia* 

4 

16             do. 

Black  Rock 

243 

*ch'r  Single  Cap 

Matilda 

New  Orleans 

244 

'•ch'r  Fame 

Nonsuch 

Savannah 

245 

*hi»  Phoenix 

12 

17       IMary  Ann 

Charleston 

246 

brig  Concord 

do. 

do. 

247 

brig  Favorite 

2 

Industry 

Lynn 

248 

brig  sir  John  Moore 

do. 

do. 

249 

brig  lord  Sheffield 

Marengo 

burnt 

250 

sch'r  Betsey  Ann 

Fame 

Salem 

251 

brig  William 

Montgomery 

do. 

252 

brig  Henry 

John 

do. 

253 

*ch'r  Four  Brothers 

Fame 

do. 

254 

sch'r  Four  Sons 

do. 

do. 

255-256 

2  schooners 

Dart 

Portland 

257 

-ch'r  Antelope 

Rosamond 

Charleston 

258 

>ch'r  Dawson 

Wasp 

Savannah 

259 

in*  Diamond 

.0 

Alfred 

Salem 

260 

brig  George 

1;! 

do. 

do. 

261 

brig  Neptune 

John 

do. 

262 

ship  Jane 

do. 

do. 

263 

schooner— 

Saucy  Jack 

made  a  carte! 

264. 

^loop  Louisa  Ann 

Be  j   Franklin 

Portland 

265 

ship  Venus 

Tvvo  Brothers 

burnt 

266 

jr  Jas  &,  Charlotte 

America 

Salem 

267 

brig  Fr.  Blake 

Nonsuch 

Chirleston 

268 

brig  Swallow* 

1  , 

30 

F.  Presidentf 

B  tlfimore 

269 

mg  Porgie 

High  Flyer 

Norfolk 

270 

ship  Ned 

10 

1  6  John  Sc  George 

•jnlem 

271 

sch'r  Sisters 

Fame 

do. 

272 

sch'r  Comet 

j 

Rapid 

Savannah 

373 

privateer  Schorcher 

J 

^0 

do. 

burnt 

274 

sch'r  Mary 

do 

-ansoined 

275 

sch'r  Mary  Hall 

ship  Gen.  Pikef 

Sackett's  Harbor 

376 

sloop  Elizabeth 

do. 

do. 

2/7 

transport  schooner* 

do. 

burnt 

278 

brig  Union 

! 

Gen.  Armstrong 

Boston 

279 

sch'r  Neptune 

Revenge 

Cape  Ann 

280 

barque  Fisher 

Fox 

Portland 

281 

brig  Jatnes  Bray 

Bunker  Hill 

Boston 

282 

brio;  lady  Harriot 

Borders  in  Council;New  York 

283-285 

3  vessels 

do 

ransomed 

286 

brig  Freedom 

6 

Thorn 

ttarblehead 

287 

sch'r  America 

Fame  &.  Dromo 

Salem 

288 

>rig— 

JoH  Barlow 

Npw-Lomlon. 

289 

jacket  John  Ball* 

It  ver 

destroyed 

290 

ship  Arg<> 

\t 

28    F    Presidenif 

Baltimore 

291 

F  Macedonian* 

49  303  F  Unitpd  Statesf:Ne\v-York 

292 

ship  J.  Hamilton 

16 

30J       Dolphin         I  Baltimore 

382 


APPENDIX. 


293         .brig  — 

brig  Argupf 

Hampton  Roads 

294?         sch'r  Lorain 

Revenge 

^hiiiadeiphia 

295          brig  Bacchus 

do. 

Salejii 

29ti         prig  Venus 

I 

Polly 

:  \  tu  .;ab 

2i*7  -306'iiine  vessels 

Pa  J  riot 

ii.-k  &.  burnt 

307 

packet  Townsend* 

! 

Wj 

Tom 

•nnsomed 

308 

>acket  Burchail* 

Hit*  Siivcr 

Baiiimuce 

309 

ch'r— 

74 

do.' 

na<!«  a  carte! 

310 

^rig  Criterion 

do. 

Niew.York 

311 

ch'r  iNeptuhe 

Revenge 

na(ie  a  cartel 

312 

jrig  Neptune 

Roba 

Porfland 

313 

ch'r— 

Revenge 

^urnt 

314 

3rig  Fancy 

J'**\  Bariow 

ew  London 

315 

loop  Nelly 

Reveiiyffl 

'hfeiiattejjinia 

3lG 

>rig  Devonshire 

Decatur 

•Vance 

317 

ch'r  — 

Retaliation 

sew  York 

318 

hip  James 

2 

67 

fren    Armstrong 

eSt.ro  ved 

319 

brig  Two  Brothers 

3enj.  Franklin 

New-Y«rk 

320 

irig  Active 

0 

18 

Highflyer 

Charleston 

321 

brig- 

Dart 

'or  Maud 

322 

brig  Pomona 

8 

Lm 

leifa&t 

323 

snip  Betsey 

fl 

Rrvenge 

V^ilmington 

324 

brig  Dart 

8 

America 

Salem 

325 

ship  queen 

40 

Jen.  Annstron 

V  recked 

326 

brig  Charlotte 

0 

America 

Salem 

327 

sch'r  William 

* 

30 

Liberty 

Savannah 

328 

brig  Recovery 

brig  Argu?f 

New  -York 

329 

brig  Lucy  &,  Alida 

Revenge 

Norfolk 

330-333 

.hree  vessels 

Jack's  Favorite 

burnt 

334 

sch'r  Swift 

j 

Rolla 

d$. 

335 

sch'r— 

|5jp 

Holla 

^adoa  cartel 

336 

sloop  Reasonble 

Liberty 

•  !estro}<  d 

337 

sch'r  Maria 

to. 

ransouied 

338 

sch'r  Catherine 

9 

24 

Lad  7  Madison 

Charleston 

339 

sch'r  Maria 

do. 

•nade  a  cartel 

340 

ship  Rio  N  >uva 

18 

26 

Rolla 

New-York 

341 

sch'r  Rebecca 

lack's  Favorite 

New  London 

342          brig— 

Ned 

t)crac(ike 

343         privateer  Richard 

4 

I 

Ho'kar 

Savnsuirth 

344         ship  Hope 

12J 

America 

Marblehead 

345 

ship  Ralph 

10 

do 

Portland 

346 

ship  Euphemia 

10 

<?o. 

do. 

347 

brig- 

Decatur 

France 

349 

schooner  — 

Cl). 

do. 

349 

sch'r  Meadau 

\4 

• 

Sparrow 

ransomed 

350 

ship  Mary 

Holla 

Newport 

351 

sch'r  Erin 

Eagle 

Charleston 

352 

>acket  Nocton* 

\ 

F.  Esscxf 

made  U   .S.  vessel 

353 

)<i:c  Birrossa 

Rolla 

Martha's  Viney  an11 

354 

-ch'r  Mary 

Et*le 

Charleston 

°^5 

hrig  Peiiiiy 

Hui'ter 

Boston 

«j  V  v 

356 

857 

ship  Arabella 
•jrig  Andalusia 

I 

• 
[)    9 

Growler 

D       Yankee 

New  London 
(Savannah 

APPENDIX- 


388 


358-359  brig  &  sloop 

Yanlcee         (ransomed 

3bO 

P.  Java* 

49  -\;'i  l 

r\  Constitution!  burnt 

361 

bri^—  - 

Growler 

ransomed 

362 

ship  Diligence* 

2?'   60 

12'istport  militia 

iMachias 

363 

schooner  — 

Gallinipper 

ransomed 

3o4 

ship  Neptune 

10] 

Decatur 

Portland 

365-366 

two  vessels 

do. 

France 

367 

ship  — 

America 

Kennebunk 

368 

ship  volunteer 

12 

P.  Chesapeakef 

Ports  mouth 

369 

ship  — 

do. 

burnt 

370 

sch'r  Ellen                 '20 

S.  Hornet  f 

New  Castle 

371 

ship  Jane 

Spy 

New-Oriears- 

372 

sch'f  Prof  Wales     ;12 

Growler 

ransomed 

37* 

ship  Aurora 

Holkarr 

Newport 

374-375  two  vessels 

Mars 

made  cartel; 

376         jbri£  Pelic,.n 

do. 

Charleston 

377          ship— 

12 

7*i  Lady  Madison 

New  burn 

378         'brh;  Emu* 

10 

Growler 

Mai  blehead 

379        [brig  Ann 

rt) 

do. 

do. 

380         briu;— 

United  wo  s(and:Savannah 

381         sch'fSabihe 

ErieAIilitia      ;burr,t 

382         transport  Canada* 
88-3          brio;  Isabella 

[2 

120 

Paul  Jones      made  a  cartel 
do.                   do. 

384         brig  3  Brothers 

12 

Dolphin        .New-  York 

385          sloop  Mary  Ann 

4 

Yankee         burnt 

386          privateer  Andalusia 

10100 

do.             Savannah 

387          gch'r  George 

do.             made  a  cartel 

388         ship  Albion 

;j 

-2ft 

Hazard        St.  Mary's 

383          brig  Harriot 

H 

:-e        Boslon 

oUO         ship  Nelson 

Decalur         New  Orleans 

391          shir)  Neptune 

Saraioga                 do. 

392         ship— 

9 

Bona             Newport 

393          briir  — 

12 

Dolphin         New-London 

394         schooner  — 

Lovely  Lass     New-Orleans 

3S5         brig  Shannon 

12 

Yankee        Bristol 

398          brig  Ceres 

Paul  Jones       Chatham 

397          ship  Mentor 

12 

Saury  Jack      New-Orleans 

398         ?ch'r  Huzzar 

Liberty         Savannah 

399         brig  Resolution 

10' 

ship  Hornelf     burnt 

•*00         ship  Peacock* 

22  13'- 

do.             sunk 

4-01          brig  \ntrim 

Saucy  Jack     New-Orleans 

402          brig  Fly 

Yankee          Charleston 

403         ischooner—  - 

do. 

Tarpaulin  Cove 

404 

brig  Earl  Percy 

Chesapeakef 

New  York 

403 

bnor  Hero 

do. 

burnt 

406 

brig  Rover 

8 

Alfred 

Salem 

407 

transport  Alder* 

i 

Yankee 

Bristol 

408 

brig  Rt-  UM 

Paul  Jones 

Chatham 

409 

bri-j;  Tno/nas 

H 

Yaakee 

Boston 

4  10-41  2  three  vessels 

Snap   Dragon 

burnt 

413-415 

hree  vessels 

do. 

made  cartels 

416 

sloop  — 

do. 

made  a  tender* 

417-4-18  two  vessels 

•   1 

Divided-  we  Fail  !  ransomed 

384 


APPENDIX* 


419 

420-42 

2 

423 

424 

425 

426 

427 

428 

429 

430 

m 

431 

I 

4.32 

( 

433 

I 

434 

1 

435 

} 

436 

1: 

437 

s 

438 

h  e-4Q 

!.i 

4OVJ 

440 

s 

441 

B 

442 

1 

443 

• 

444 

1' 

445 

J 

446 

P 

447 

t 

448 

b 

449 

b 

450 

b 

451 

b 

452 

p 

453 

i» 

454 

b 

455 

:: 

456 

i 

457 

- 

458 
459  ' 

•i 

i) 

460 

B< 

461 

,i 

462 

3 

463 

•\ 

464 

:) 

465 

466 

| 

487 

, 

488 

•! 

489 

5l 

brig-^ 

three  vessels 

privateer  Caledoni 

brig  Tartar 

ender  Fox* 

br   London  Packet 

sch'r  Farmer 

schooner — 

mvateer  Crown 
'ship  Francis 
brig  Malvina 
brie;  Charlotte 
Du.  of  Gloucester* 
priv.  sch'r  Richard 
priv.  sloop  Dorcas 

Edward 
sch'r  Hope 
brig- 
ship  Nancy 
schooner — 
sch'r  Delight 
packet  Mary  Anu* 
ship  Dromo 


Divided  we  Fall'sunk 

do.            -ransomed 

5( 

sch'r  Nonsuchf 

Charleston 

Gen.  Armstrong 

Georgetown 

t 

2, 

Hero 

Mystic 

Paul  Jones 

wrecked 

Sparrow 

jrivt-n  up 

Wasp 

Machias 

If 

30 

rnilit  volunteers 

WaidoborougU 

T.  B.  Yankee 

Brest.  (France) 

1C 

30 

Ned 

Wilmington 

Montgomery 

Salem 

111 

ship  Madison 

Hackett's  Harbor 

Holkar 

Savannah 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

8 

Alexander 

Salem 

do 

made  a  cartel 

Fox 

Portsmouth 

It 

York  Town 

Bristol 

8 

-hip  Gen.  Pikef 

Sackett's  Harbor 

Fame 

Vfachias 

;  .. 

38 

Gov.  Tompkins 

Boston 

1 

Thomas 

Wiscasset 

do. 

^oothebay 

1  H 

Young  Teazer 

'ortland 

10 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

Anaconda 

\ew  London 

Globe 

)cracoke 

14 

do. 

Jeaufort 

Rolla 

S"ew  Orleans 

6 

33;         Thames 

'ortsmoulli 

14 

40     Anaconda 

)cracoke 

Gov.  Plumer 

*ortsmouth 

Anaconda 

»H(!e  a  cartel 

8 

do. 

Sew  Haven 

10 

Grand  Turk 

alem 

Anaconda 

lew  Bedford 

Fox 

'orts  mouth 

Liberty 

^avannali 

8 

40 

do. 

nade  a  cartel 

Gov.  Plumer 

urnt 

Sahine 

do. 

Globe 

Ocracoke 

Grand  Turk 

'oriland 

D 

30 

Sire 

Charleston 

H 

Globe 

Beaufort 

, 

Siro 

ranee 

Paul  Jones 

urnt 

Jnvinc.  NapoleanJ. 
packet  Ann* 
sc«'r  Greyhound 
briar  Mary 
br  Kingston  Packet 

)rii»  Mutiny 

>r  S  Geo.  Prevost 

iv.  L.  Packet 
King's  Packet* 

David 
Packet* 
!>hip  Mary 
*hip  William 
Urig  Harriot 
brisr  Mars 
sch'r  Pearl 
privateer  sloop 
rig— 
'•ig— 

)rig  Dinah 

»h'r  Britannia 

hip  Loyal  Sam 

'lip  Venus 

hip  Susan 
ship  Seaton 

J  This  ship  was  originally  a  French  priralf-rr.  and  caplurcd  by  II 'B. 
Majesty's  ship  Mutine  ;  re  caplurp.d  hy  Ike.  Alexander  of  Safein  ;  re  re 
captured  by  his  II.  B  Moje.sly'afigale  Shannon,  and  re-re-re  captured  by 
the  Teazer  of  New-York,  and  sent  tido  Portland !  I! 


APPENDtX. 


385 


4to 

brig;  Margaret 

1( 

America       Salem 

471 

,tns.  Ly.  Murray* 

C) 

22 

L.  of  the  Lakef  Sackett's  Harbor 

472 

»ri«r  Mo»ton 

1  i 

Yorktown 

made  a  cartel 

4/3-475 

vessels 

Young  Teazer 

Portland 

47ti 

orig  Sally 

'i 

Ben)   Franklin 

nnsomed 

477 

brig  — 

Teazer 

New.York 

478 

brig  Hero 

do. 

Castine 

479 

Vie  Resolution 

Nancy 

Portland 

480 

orip;  Bero 

F  EssJxf 

burnt 

481 

>ris[  James  &  Sarah 

do. 

ransomed 

482 

)rig  — 

M'irengo 

New  London 

483 

)rig  — 

6 

Gen    Armstrong 

Martha's  Vineyard 

484 

brig  James 

orders  in  council 

Xew  York' 

486 

brig  Sally 

John 

Boston 

486 

irig  Ann 

Teazer 

Portsmouth 

487 

)rig  Thomas 

Decatur 

made  a  cartel 

488 

brig  — 

•> 

Holkar 

Sew-  York 

489 

oarque 

14 

Dolphin 

burnt 

490 

|-iip  Betsey 

Revenge 

Wilmington 

491 

hip  Eliza 

Yankee 

Boston 

492 

ch'r  Success 

Benj   Franklin 

'arisomed 

493 

ch'r  Lady  Clark 

Bunker  Hill 

\Vw-  York 

494 

ch'r  Sally 

Wiley  Reynan 

Boston 

495 

chV  Blonde 

John 

•ansomed 

496 

ch'r  Ann 

do. 

Salem 

497 

ch'r  Dorcas 

Liberty 

ansomed 

498 

loop  Eagle* 

4 

13     Gun  Boatsf 

\ew-York 

499 

)rig  Union 

T  B.  Yankee 

Prance 

600 

hip  Aurora 

do 

do. 

501 

hip  — 

20 

Rambler 

wrecked 

502 

hip  Integrity 

T   B   Yankee 

Vorwjty 

503 

brig  A  very 

K; 

Yorktown. 

.Vew  Bedford 

504 

hip  Susan 

do 

France 

505 

hip  Fox 

Hi 

20 

brig  Argusf 

sunk 

506 

rh'r  Leonard 

T  B   Yankee 

do. 

507 

brig  Betsey 

Jack's  Favorit» 

Plymouth 

603-4  10 

3  vessels 

America 

nade  cartels 

511 

ch'r—  . 

Fox 

ansomed         * 

612 

rig  — 

Yankee 

Bristol 

513-527 

G  B  &  14  transp* 

4 

65! 

2  row  boatsf 

Sackett's  Harbor 

528 

ch'r  Three  Sisters 

Saucy  Jack 

St.  Mary's 

529 

ch'r  Gen.  Hosford 

Decatur 

Savannah 

530 

>rig  Nelly 

Fox 

>urnt 

531 

loop  Peggy 

do. 

•ansomed 

532 

ch'r  Broth.  &  Sister 

do. 

nrnt 

533 

brig  Louisa 

do. 

•h;  8>med 

534 

loop  Fox 

do. 

Norway 

535 

loop  William 

do. 

France 

636 

loop  Ja  &  Eliza 

do. 

msomed 

537 

brig  Chance 

do. 

Norway 

638         Ibrig  Mary 

do. 

burnt 

539         [ship  Venus 

Dolphin 

Salem 

540         Ibrig  Morton 

Yorktown 

Wilmingtoa 

49 

APPENDIX* 


541 

schY  Dominico* 

15 

88 

Decatur 

Charleston 

542 

•hip  Lon.  Trader 

2 

do. 

do. 

5^3-547 

ive  brigs 

Snap  Dragon 

destroyed 

548 

privateer  Fly 

0 

30 

brig  Enferprizef 

Portsmouth 

549 

sch'r  Ceres 

Yankee 

nade  a  cartel 

550 

barque  Henrietta 

Snap  Dragon 

3eautort 

551 

brig  Ann 

do. 

do. 

552 

sch'r  Flying  Fish 

Saucy  Jack 

ransomed 

553 

sloop  Catherine 

do. 

Jape  Henry 

554 

sch'r  Kate 

do. 

do. 

5»5 

ship  Louisa 

10 

do. 

burnt 

556 

brig  3  Brothers 

10 

do. 

St.  Mary's 

557 

brig  Earl  of  Moira 

Industry 

Vlachias 

558 

schooner  — 

Terrible 

iattport 

559-560 

two  vessels 

Swii'tsure 

Vlachias 

561         jsch'r  Louisa 

I    26 

Expedition 

Newport 

562 

priva.  Kg,  of  Rome 

1040 

brig  Arguslf 

lestroyed 

563 

ship— 

F.  Presidenlf 

France 

564 

schooner- 

*  do. 

do. 

565-567 

three  vessels 

T.  B   Yankee 

do. 

568-569 

fwo  vessels 

t 

'. 

.Leo 

do. 

57U 

brig  — 

Brutus 

fausemci! 

571 

schooner  — 

t*en.  Armstrong 

>urnt 

572 

brig  Boxer* 

1896 

brig  Enterppzt-f 

Portland 

573 

schooner  — 

1  1 

Mate  and  crew 

Castine 

574 

schooner  — 

Terrible 

ransomed 

575 

h:.y;  Jaue 

Snap  Dragon 

N'ewbem 

576 

'>r:t-  — 

(jrairtpus 

burnt 

577   578 

2  vessels 

Terrible 

Salem 

57  a 

,  -Vr  Lilly 

Pilot 

ransomed 

580 

brig  Mary  Ann 

do. 

do. 

581 

brig— 

Gen  Armstrong 

lurnt 

582-583 

n  brig  and  sloop 

Industry 

iVlachias 

584 

packet  Lapwing* 

Rattlesnake 

jnade  a  car 

585  -586 

•2  ships 

T.B.  Yankee 

Prance 

587 

-foop  Traveller 

Lark 

Alachias 

58Q 

Duke  ofMontrose* 

F.  President! 

made  a  carte! 

589 

brig  Jane  snd  Ann 

do. 

sunk 

690 

brig  Daphne 

do. 

do. 

591 

ship  Eliza 

8 

do. 

ransomed 

592 

brig  Alert 

do. 

>urnt 

593 

barque  Lion 

8 

do. 

ransomed 

594 

sch'r  High  Flyer.* 

5 

do. 

Sfewport 

ship  Industry 

T.  B  Yankee 

Norway 

596 

ship  Lond.  Packet 

14 

Argus 

Boston 

597 

brig  Atlantic 

do. 

ransomed 

brig  Jane 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

599 

arig  Jane 

Snap  Dragon 

ransomed 

600 

orig  Venus 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

CO  I 

scti'r  Elizabeth 

do. 

given  up 

602 

b<-ig  Harpy 

do. 

do. 

603 

barque  Reprisal 

do. 

ransomed 

604 

pirvatecr  Dart 

45 

R.  cut.  VigiHanlfi  Newport 

APPENDIX, 


3S7 


tf05 

sch'r.  Salamanca 

6    1G 

brk  Argusf    .destroyed 

60  tf 

brig  Susannah 

do. 

unade  a  carte! 

607 

brig  Richard 

do. 

hvnt 

608 

tmg  Fuwey 

do 

do. 

609 

sloop  Lady  Francis 

do. 

do. 

610 

Uais  Barbadoes* 

do. 

do. 

611 

rans.  Alliance* 

do. 

do. 

612 

•»ch'r  Cordelia 

do. 

do. 

613 

ship  Betsey 

do. 

France 

C14 

shii>  Mariner 

do. 

sunk 

615 

sloop  — 

do. 

France 

6)6 

brig  Helena 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

617 

brig  — 

do. 

burnt 

618 

brig  Diana  &  Betty 

do. 

do. 

619 

hip  Defiance 

do. 

do. 

620 

brig  Baltic 

do,       » 

do. 

6*1 

loop  — 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

622 

brig  Belford 

do. 

sunk 

623 

lilot  boat  sch'r 

do. 

do. 

624 

orig  — 

do. 

do. 

625 

ransport  Julia* 

1  2  202   ship  Madisonf 

Sacketts  Harbor 

626 

eh'r  Growler* 

11    42              do 

do. 

627-6*9 

3  Gun  boats* 

6    45 

do. 

do. 

630 

"31  a  u  boat* 

2    15 

do. 

burnt 

631 

Picket  Morgiana* 

18    50 

Saratoga 

Newport 

632 

nip  — 

do. 

burnt 

6^3 

rig  Sarah 

do. 

do. 

&** 

ch'r— 

Gen.  Stark 

Machias 

€35 

hip  Economy 

Scourge  &  Rat 

Norway 

636 

ip  Pax 

do.  f  tie  Snake 

do. 

637 

Jiip  Diligent 

do. 

do. 

638 

ch'r  Liberty 

do. 

do. 

639 

)rig  Betsey 

do. 

do. 

640 

T\%  Hope 

do. 

do. 

641 

hip  Hull 

do. 

do. 

6*2 

hip  Jol.  Bachellor 

do. 

do. 

643 

hip  Experiment. 

do. 

do. 

644 

brig  Ruby 

do. 

do. 

645 

*iij>  Britannia 

do. 

do. 

646 

ch'r  Prosperous 

do. 

do. 

6*7 

brig  Burton 

do. 

do. 

648 

hip  Latona 

do. 

do. 

649 

hip  Friends 

do. 

do. 

650 

hip  Nottingham 

do. 

do. 

651 

>r   Westmoreland 

do. 

do. 

652 

rii  Brothers 

do. 

do. 

653 

loop  Perseverance 

do. 

do. 

654 

hip  Harford 

do. 

do. 

6o5 

hip  Thetis 

do. 

io. 

656 

>rior  Brunswick 

do. 

do. 

657-669 

13  vessels 

Leo 

burnt 

Ii70 

Gun  boat* 

1 

60 

Morgan's  riflem 

Sacketts  Harbor 

671 

ship  Brutus 

Rattlesnake 

made  a  cartel 

38$ 


AW1SN.DIX. 


672 

ch'r  Fame 

„ 

Saratoga 

wrecked 

6T3 

lip  St.  Lawrence 

America 

'urts  mouth 

674-675 

wo  vessels 

Yankee 

made  a  carte! 

676--69U 

5  vessels 

Lady  Cordelia 

estroyed 

691 

rig- 

do. 

vrecked 

692 

rig  President 

Polly 

Savannah 

6fcU 

rig  Favorite 

180 

Yankee 

uade  a  cartel 

694 

rig  Mary 

do. 

Ohathara 

695.  696 

wo  ships 

Scourge 

Norway 

697 

ch'r  Katy 

Yankee 

New-Bedford 

698 

chooner  — 

Water  Witch 

do 

699 

ch'r  Ann 

Gen.  Srark 

Machias 

700 

loop  Eliza 

Fini.  Pickering 

Eastport 

701 

rig  Dart 

do. 

JSalem 

702 

loop—  - 

Eastport  Fort 

Sastport 

703 

1  G  Hodgkinson 

Saratoga 

vrecked 

704-710 

even  vessels 

Ogdeiisburg  nail 

Ogdensburg 

711 

brig  Edward 

Fox 

?*  >lly  Landing 

712 

brig  Jans  toff 

Washington 

Portland 

713 

>riy;  Loyd 

Saratoga 

Jurnl 

714 

ship  Vesta                  1 

0 

do. 

ahsomed 

715 

ship  Fame 

do. 

New  York 

716 

sch'r  Joseph 

29 

do. 

•riade  a  cartel 

717 

Lady  Cockburn 

do 

ransouied 

718 

Sir  J  Sherbroke       1 

0    40 

Saucy  Jack 

^t.  Mary's 

719 

snip  Manly 

4 

Reve.  g 

Charleston 

720 

brig  — 

Caroline 

burnt 

721 

sch'r  Messenger 

Comet 

Wilmington 

»722 

ship  Montezuma 

2    21 

F.  Essexf 

P    u 

723 

-hip  Policy 

(    26 

do. 

Boston 

724 

<hip  Georgiana 

6    2rt 

do. 

made  ships  ^ 

725 

ship  Atlantic 

8    ^^ 

do. 

of  »»  ar      > 

726 

ship  Greenwich 

0    2  ft 

do 

of  20  guns  ) 

7*7 

•hip  Hector 

j    2ri 

F.  Essex  Junior 

Peru 

728 

ship  Catherine 

8    23 

do. 

do. 

729 

ship  Rose 

8    76 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

730 

brig  Jane                     i 

o  r 

F.  Congressf 

ournt 

731 

brig  Diana                  '' 

0    H 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

732 

ship  Rose 

do. 

sunk 

733 

3rig  — 

Eliza 

Wilmington 

734 

)rii?  Agnes 

Saucy  Jack 

burnt 

735 

blo«.p  John 

do 

ansomed 

736 

brig  Abel 

Caroline 

Wilmington 

737 

brig  Cossack 

Ge/i.  Stark 

Geogeiowu 

738 

sch'r  Jasper 

Caroline 

do. 

739 

sch'r  Rebecca 

Grand  Turk 

Portsmouth 

740 

sch'r  Agnes 

do. 

France 

741 

brig  -Criterion 

Caroline 

Stonington 

742 

sch'r  F  -nny 

Revenge 

Charleston 

743 

scn'r  Henry 

Roger 

do. 

744          sch,r  Maria 

j             do. 

burnt 

745          ship  Nereid 

10 

Gov.  Tompkins 

New-  York 

?i6-753^eight  vessels 

T.  B.  Yankee 

burnt 

APPENDIX, 


389 


754 

-hip  Castor 

\    T.B.Yankee 

given  up 

755 

•ris*  Active 

do. 

France 

756 

;iip  Watson 

do. 

do. 

757 

lip  Cora 

do. 

do. 

758 

>ng  Eliza 

<!o. 

do. 

759 

ch'r  Traveller 

Frolic 

Squam. 

760 

•  V  Ge.'-rge 

Fly 

Ellsworth 

761 

'  )Op  Experiment 

do. 

Machias 

762 

loop  Vigilaut* 

-i 

JO 

Comet 

Wilmington 

7tt3 

schooner  — 

Petapsco 

Savannah 

764 

>r.  Youns;  Hrsband 

Gov.  Tompkins 

Newport 

765-773 

nine  vessels 

Comet         sunk 

774 

brigTulloek 

10 

Fox              Gloucester 

775 

ship  Minerva 

do.              Portsmouth 

776 

ship  — 

Gov  Tompkins  made  a  cartel 

777 

brig  Isabella 

briiiRattlesnakef  Wilmington 

778         jsloop  — 

General  Stark   wrecked 

'sch'r  Harmony 

Terrible         (Portsmouth 

780         si))0p  Humbird 

Surprize        i  Mac  hi  as 

•7Q  1                 L     • 

7oi          brig  — 

IbrigRattlesnakef 

sunk 

7  8  i         bri  £r 

Fox 

burnt 

78i         jsch'r  Mary 

Macedonian 

ransomed 

784 

sloop  — 

Hope 

Philadelphia 

785 

ship  Wanderer 

7 

F.  President 

sunk 

786 

ship  Edward 

6 

do. 

do. 

787 

sch'r  Jonathan 

do. 

do. 

788 

jrig  Britannia 

Mars 

New  Bedford 

789 

sch'r  Curfew 

Alfred 

Marblehead 

790 

irig  Teruila 

do.             jburnt 

791 

ship  Galatea 

Chasseur         'Beaufort 

792 

ship  James 

12 

T.  B.  Yankee  France 

793 

ship- 

(0 

do. 

do 

794-795 

two  vessels 

Frolic 

destroyed 

796 

privateer 

6 

30            Leo 

Cape  Franco!? 

797 

ship  Sally 

Delile 

suiik 

798 

ship— 

brig  Enterprizef 

St.  Mary's 

799 

3  rig  Superb 

Mars 

Charleston 

800 

privateer  Mare 

14 

«°bs.  Ratl.  &.Entf 

Wilmington 

801 

>rig  Juno 

Grand  Turk 

France 

803 

brig;  Friends 

Diomede         wrecked 

803 

sch'r  Sea  Flower 

Tuckafioe 

burnt 

804 

-ch'r  Hazard 

do. 

do. 

805 

brig  Sovereign 

America 

Portsmouth 

806 

ship  Diana 

do. 

burnt 

807 

«ch'r  William 

Diomede 

Savannah 

808 

sch'r  Mary 

do. 

Sfew-York 

809 

hrisBykar 

Fox. 

Gloucester 

810 

*ch'r  Hope 

Diomede 

Bristol 

811 

brig  Rambler 

bs.  Ratl.  &  Ent.f 

burnt 

812 

sch'r  Eliza 

do. 

do. 

813 

ship  Lady  Prevost 

Invincible 

Wilmington 

8i4 

sch  Susan  &  Eliza 

Mars 

do. 

£15 

sch'r—                                        Viper 

Newport 

S90 


APPENDIX. 


816 

schr.  Jane 

Fairy 

Wilmingtoft 

817 

brig  Falcon 

10 

America 

Charleston 

818 

Jrig  Superb 

Mary 

New-York 

8(9 

sch'r— 

Viper 

Newport 

820 

ship  John 

Saucy  Jack 

Charleston 

821 

jrig  Brothers 

America 

Spain 

822 

ship  Victory 

12 

Viptr 

Camden 

823--S26 

four  ships 

Rattlesnake 

Norway 

827 

ship  — 

do. 

France 

828 

>rig  Elizabeth 

Caroline 

Charleston 

829 

ship  Ann  Catharine 

Saucy  Jack 

Savannah 

830 

sch'r  Nimble 

do. 

tfeaufort 

831 

sch'r  Jason 

Caroline 

>urnt 

832 

schr.— 

Kt^mp 

Jape  Francois 

833 

schr.  Tririitaria 

Saucy  Jack 

Savannah 

834-842 

nine  vessels 

Vm.  l^eufchatel 

France 

843-851 

nine  do. 

Comet 

destroyed 

852-855 

four  vessels 

do. 

ransomed 

856-857 

two  vessels 

do. 

Wilmington 

858 

irig  Apollo 

«; 

America 

Salem 

859 

jrig  Anne 

do. 

iaade  a  cartel 

860 

cutter  Patty 

do. 

sunk 

861 

^rig— 

do. 

do. 

862 

»rig  Henry 

6 

Gov.  Tompkms 

New  York 

863 

iirig  Abel 

do. 

Elizabeth  City- 

864 

ship  — 

Invincible 

Wilmington 

865 

sch.  Encouragement 

Frolic 

destroyed 

866 

brig  Two  Sisters 

Wasp 

Philadelphia 

867 

schr.  Hope 

America 

burnt 

868 

schr.  Sylph 

do. 

do. 

869 

sch'r  Eclipse 

Wasp 

Wrecked 

870 

sch'r  Cobham 

Jonqidlla 

Wilmington 

871 

brig;  Louisa 

Kemp 

Elizabeth  City 

872' 

ship  Hive 

Surprise 

Norfolk 

873 

sch'r  Picton* 

8 

20 

1?  .  Constitutionf 

sunk 

874 

ship  Lovely  Ann 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

875 

sch'r  Phoenix 

do. 

sunk 

876 

brig  Nimble 

Invincible 

Teneriffe 

877 

brig  Ceres 

Grampus 

jurat 

878 

sch'r— 

Saratoga 

New-Bedford 

879 

sch.  Friends  Adv'tr. 

Fox 

Wiscasset 

880 

brig  Fanny 

Galloway 

Prance 

881 

brig  — 

F->x 

burnt 

882 

schr.  Eliza 

Snap  Dragon 

Beaufort 

883 

sch'r  Kentish 

Saratoga 

Fairhaven 

884 

schr.  Prince  Regent 

10 

Invincible 

ransomed 

S85 

Butter  Lyon 

do. 

given  up 

886 

brig  Portsea 

-; 

do. 

ransomed 

68t 

brig  Conway 

11 

do. 

Portsmouth 

888 

sch  Francis  &.  Lucy 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

S89 
8^0-591 

brig  James 
two  vessels                    / 

Young  Wasp 
do. 

France 
made  cartel* 

$92 

schr.                        /    /     '      boatAlertf 

Burliugtoa 

APPENDIX, 


-391 


393 

ship  Union 

Rambler 

wrecked 

894 

jrijr  Fair  Stranger 

Fox 

Portsmouth 

895 

ransport  Mary* 

12 

82 

Rattlesnake 

Prance 

896 

-,rjor  

Expedition 

destroyed 

897 

sch'r  Miranda 

Chasseur 

do. 

898 

sloop  Martha 

4 

20 

do. 

made  a  carte! 

899-900 

two  vessels 

do 

destroyed 

901 

sch'r  Adeline 

20 

Expedition 

New-  York 

902 

}rig  Experience 

Caroline 

wrecked 

903 

•shi{>  Experience 

Rapid 

Savannah 

904 

srh'r— 

Perry 

Norfolk 

905 

sch'r  Francis 

Midaa 

burnt 

906 

sch'r  Appellodore 

do. 

do. 

907 

sch'r  William 

29 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

9<iU3 

sloop  Irwin 

30 

do. 

do. 

909 

brig  Bellona 

Globe 

Barracoa 

910 

sch'r  Prince 

ship  Adamsf 

burnt 

911 

sch'r  Industry 

do. 

do. 

9i2 

sloop  — 

do. 

given  up 

913 

brig  Roebuck 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

914 

ship  Equity 

Rattlesnake 

burnt 

915 

ship  Ads  ton 

do. 

sunk 

916 

sch'r  — 

Saratoga 

Fairhaven 

917 

sloop  Regent 

do. 

sunk 

918 

schr.  — 

do. 

ransomed 

919 

sloop  Epervier* 

18 

128 

brig  Peacockf 

Savannah 

920 

sloop  Cygnet 

Saratoga 

Wilmington 

921 

sch'r  Diligence 

York 

destroyed 

922 

sloop  Bonita 

Dclisle 

do. 

923 

brig  Robert 

ZfbecUItor 

Charleston 

924 

brig  Favorite 

Daxid  Porter 

given  up 

925 

brig  — 

10 

do. 

do. 

926 

ship  Susan 

12 

do. 

ransomed 

927 

ship  Doris 

do. 

do. 

928 

brig  Curlew 

do. 

burnt 

929         ibrig  — 

Rattlesnake 

Portsmouth 

930         jship  James 

Young  Wasp 

ransomed 

9il         jbrig  Swift 

4 

15      ZebecUltor 

Baltimore 

932          brig  Camelion 

Ma  m  mouth 

Portsmouth 

933-934  f  wo  vessels 

Caroline 

destroyed 

935-944  10  vessels 

Tom  k  Leo 

France 

945 

sch'r  Hope 

Pike        iSaco 

946 

sch'r  Pickrel 

do.          .sunk 

947 

ship  Pelbain 

12 

Saucy  Jack    jCharleston 

948 

ship  Fortuna 

Roger         Beaufort 

949 

sch'r  — 

Viper 

Newport 

950 

ship  Phoebe 

Hawk 

Wilmington 

951 

brig  Kutust  ff 

K 

40 

Surprize 

Frankfort 

952 

sch.  Young  Farmer 

Henry  Guilder  [New-  York 

953 

sch'r  Miranda 

Chasseur      (burnt 

9^4         |transport  Martha* 

do. 

made  a  carte! 

955 

Ann  Maria 

do. 

burnt 

956 

schr.  William 

do. 

do. 

392 


APPENDIX. 


657 

hip  Joanna 

Chasseur 

un& 

958-959 

wo  vessels 

James  Monroe 

urnt 

960 

ch'r  Brilliant 

0 

Scourge 

Sostot- 

961 

hip  Symmetry 

do. 

urnt 

962 

hip  Winchester 

do. 

do. 

963 

brig  Union 

do. 

do. 

964. 

hip  — 

do. 

do. 

965 

loop  — 

do. 

(ink 

966 

>rig  Dove 

Fox 

burnt 

967 

hip  Jane 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

968 

)rig  Balize 

19 

do. 

'ortsmouth 

969 

hip  Mermaid 

Gen.  Pike 

)amarescotta 

970 

hip  Commerce 

Lawrence 

Portland 

971 

hip  Upton 

6 

04 

Diomede 

Wiscasset 

972 

hip  Hero 

4 

20 

rrizeship  Upton 

nade  a  carte? 

973 

brig  Providence 

Diomede 

unk 

974 

Jrig  Harmony 

do. 

do. 

975 

)rig  Recovery 

do. 

do. 

976 

>rig  Melpomene 

JB 

Chasseur 

Newport 

917 

)rig  Britannia 

do. 

Jeaufurt 

978 

>rig  — 

Roger 

Norfolk 

979 

chooner  — 

Leo 

Newport 

980 

hip  Henry  Dundas 

Rattlesnake 

nadp  a  cartel 

981 

brig  Indian  Lass 

• 

30 

Grand  Turk 

Baltimore 

982 

brig  Catherine 

do. 

jurnt 

9»3 

loon  Caroline 

do. 

aniomed 

984-988 

5  Gun  Boats* 

0 

180 

Appling'sn/fowi 

Sackett's  Harb 

989 

ch'r  Traveller 

Diomede 

Phornastown 

990 

brig  Ceres 

Lawrence 

3ort!and 

991 

hip  Cod  Hook 

Diomede 

Castiue 

992 

sch'r  Vittoria 

Hero 

Charleston 

993 

ship  Joachim 

Ca  PI  line 

d->. 

994 

sch'r  Rob  Hartwell 

Hero 

^ewbern 

995 

brig  Liddelle 

16 

Amelia 

made  a  carl  el 

99fc> 

brig  Jesrie 

» 

20 

do. 

burnt 

997 

sch'r  Ann 

18 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

998-  999 

two  vessels 

Hero 

ransomed 

1000 

sch'r  Octavia 

Harrison 

Charleston 

1001 

bng  Little  Fox 

sloop  Frolicf 

destroyed 

1002 

schooner  — 

do. 

do. 

U'03 

sch'r  Funchell 

Hero 

Newbcro 

1004 

ship  London  Packet 

I! 

Chasseur 

Portsmouth 

1005 

brig  Astrea 

] 

Midas 

Savannah 

1006 

privateer  Dash 

40 

do, 

do. 

1007 

sch'r  Union 

Amelia 

ransomed 

1008 

G  B  Black  Snake* 

20 

barge 

Sackett's  Harb 

1009 

>hip  Friendship 

Revenge 

ilestroyed 

1010 

*chY  Alert 

do. 

do. 

1011 

schY  Active 

Fairy 

do 

1012 

sch'r  Mary  Ann 

Revenge 

made  a  cartel 

1013 

brig  Lord  Nelson 

Zeber,  Ultor 

burnt 

1014 

sc  .'r  Nancy 

do. 

do. 

1015 

schooner— 

do. 

do 

APPENDIX. 


utter  Jubilee 

1167  fceh'r  Alexandria 

1 1 68  [brig  Irish  Miner 

1169  brig  Mary 

1170  [brig  Eliza 

1171  Isch'r  Esperance 
H72           Lhip  London 
H73           khip  Postetiiwell 

1 1 74  [brig  Nancy 

1175  kloop— 

1176  khip  Detroit* 

11 77  thip  Q.  Charlotte* 

1 1 78  [brig  Lady  Prevost* 

1179  prig  Hunter* 

1180  feloop  Little  Belt* 

1181  Iseh'r  Chippeuay* 
H82  ftp.  ConSauce* 
1183  forig  Linnet* 
ll«4           feloop  Chub* 
1185           (sloop  Finch* 

1 186-11 881  iGun  Boats* 

1 1 89  transport  Farmer* 

1190  {brig  Britannia 
llyl-1193|lhree  brigs 

.  Fortune  of  War 
I1 95  (ship  Corontaudel 

rig  Cyrus 
loop  Regulator 
rig  Q.  Charlotte 
hip  Miines 
rig  Lively 
ch'r  P  Regent 
hip  Dorris 

brig  Willing  Maid 

brig  Polly 
ch'r  Sally 

>rivateer  Lively 

1207  [ship  Caledonia 

1208  brig  Eagle 

1209  Ibrig  Traveller 

rig  Wellington 
rig  Eliza 
kch'r  Ann 

I2 1.3  transport  Stranger* 

I2l4-1216  three  vessels 

Kelch  Expedition 
ich'r  Charlotte  Ann 
ch'r  William 
brig  Eclipse 
rig  Cathprine    . 
sch'r  Retrieve 
packet  Leith* 
schr.  William 


1199 
1200 
1201 


12Q4 


1218 
1219 

1220 

1221 
1222 
1223 


Whig 

made  a  cartel 

do 

jrut 

do 

«ade  a  cartel 

do 

estroyed 

do 

•  ri  rte  a  carte! 

1 

do 

ink 

do 

do 

do 

do 

Portsmouth 

rtland 

do 

dde  acartcl 

j 

Perry's   Fleet 

in  in-Bay 

*  I 

do 

do 

t*  1 

do 

do 

1 

do 

do 

1  ** 

do 

do 

•     1  o 

do 

do 

Lv 

OQ  WBono's  Fleet- 

Platts  burgh 

(10 

20            ^^ 

do 

In 

40           do 

do 

|i  i 

40           do 

do 

I  6 

27            do 

sunk 

1 

Mammouth 

do 

do 

do 

| 

do 

burnt 

•  I  S 

0      -Gun  Boats 

Sapelo 

1  2 

6         York 

alii  more 

do 

ade  a  cartel 

do 

hatham 

Surprize 

estroyed 

2 

5            do 

burnt 

1 

do 

do 

I 

do 

do 

do 

do 

| 

do 

do 

I  4 

5           do 

do 

do 

do 

|   1 

7           do 

aalem 

do              i 

ansomed 

| 

do 

do 

0           do 

nade  a  carte* 

I  4 

15            do 

do 

J 

32            do 

do 

j 

do              £ 

Salem 

66   c 

>0         Fox 

do 

I 

Spark          g 

iven  up 

j 

Grampus 

Jew-Yrork 

1 

Surprize        ^ 

aco 

1 

Viper 

aiem 

fl4 

Chasseur        > 

ew-York 

G  ampus 

rpcked 

|          r  x             b 

urnt 

/sloop  Peacockf 

do 

do. 

do 

996 


APPENDIX. 


1225 


1227 


1229 
1231 
1232 


1234 
3235 
1236 
1237 
1238 
1239 


1241 

1242 
124S 
1244 
Iii4<5 
1246 
1247 
1248 


1250 
1251 


3254 
1255 
1256 
1258 
1259 
1260. 
1266 
1267 
I2b8 
I*b9 
12?0 


r.  Pegey  &  Ann 
utter  Fly  ing  Fish 
rig  Akron 
rig  Harvest 
1  230  two  vessels 
rig  Steady 
ch'r  James 
brig  Coaliers 
rig  Harmony 
rig  Elizabeth 
hip— 

Princess  ?ilary 
ch'r  Eliza 
:mg  Stranger 
schooner  — 
hip  Hermesv; 
ioop  Jane 
brigTritor 
rans  ship  Aaronca 
brig  Apollo 
cutter  Gen.  Doyle 
sloop  George 
br  Bos  wick  Packet 
brigSibron 
brig  Nymph 
brig  Albion 
ship  Harmony 
brig  Charlotte 

rig  Mary  Ann 

ng  Douglass 
1257    Lauiicnes* 

nenlo. 

)iip  Neptune 
.  1265  6  transports^* 

ch'rAnn 

ria  Susan 

hip  James 
brig  Jane 


1274 
1275 
1276 

^277 
1278 

127i) 
12«0 
Ii8i 


ransport 


o  — 

jrig  Concord 
brig  Speculation 
br  Sir  J.  Shrrbroke 
ihip  Adv  nturer 
;hip  Farmer 
sctTr  Ann  &L  Eliza 
ship  Urania 
ship  Anisba 
brig  Eliza 
ship  Dobson 
ship  Sallust 
fsloop  Christiana 


[sloop  Peacockf  b 

urnl 

Sabine         £ 

aco 

do. 

do. 

York           i 

lacbias 

Green          <J 

estroyed 

jPrin.  Neufchatel^burttt 

do. 

do. 

Amelia 

do. 

do.             « 

oade  a  cartel 

do.           ! 

>urnt 

8'                   do.           1 

Baltimore 

Whig 

i'.i  rut 

do            i 

nade  a  carte! 

teloop  Peacockf  iburnt 
Leach         (ransomed 

28  175     Mobile  Fort    iblown  up 

Prin.  Neufchatel;burnt 

2                   do. 

unk 

4                   do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

t|     J  65]             do. 

nade  a  carteH 

do. 

unk 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

4;                   do. 

mrnt 

4                   do. 

ansomed 

8 

do. 

>urnt 

do. 

do. 

10 

do. 

Nan  tucket 

81             do. 

do. 

20            do. 

sunk 

8 

Amelia 

New-  York 

6 

37  Chauncey's  Gig 

Sackett's  Harb, 

her  own  crew 

.Machias 

Fox 

burnt 

Portsmouth 

Portsmouth 

Dash 

ransomed 

Leo 

Wilmington 

brig  Eaglef 

Pittsburgh 

2^ 

130'    ship  Wasp 
Siro 

sunk 
made  a  cartel 

Grampus 

do. 

e  12                 Syren 

burnt 

brig  Syren 

do. 

Mam  mouth 

do. 

i 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

do. 

burnt 

do, 

made  a  cartel 

50      Chasseur 

do, 

APPENDIX, 


1016 

ich'r  Sambo 

zebec  Ultor 

burnt 

1017 

schooner  — 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

1018-i01» 

two  vessels 

Yankee 

Portland 

1020 

ship  St.  Jose 

do. 

do. 

1021 

privateer  Amnesty 

1 

24 

Zebee  Ultor 

jurnt 

1022 

sloop  Tickler 

do. 

Wilmington 

1023 

sch'r  Rambler 

Perry 

do. 

SQ34 

sch'r  Fairy 

8 

do. 

do. 

1025 

sch'r  Baiaboo* 

6 

>o 

do. 

do, 

102  6-  1043  eighteen  vessels 

do. 

lestroyed 

1044           ship  Frendship 

Herald 

Wilmington 

1045 

bomb  vessels* 

OtiAimr.ey'8  gigf 

^resque  Isle 

1046 

ship  Hugh  Jones 

Ymkee 

Bristol 

1047 

sch'r  Fox 

Surprize 

nade  a  cartel 

1048 

S)rig  David 

do. 

lestroyed 

1049 

brig  Fidelity 

do. 

burnt 

It.  50 

tender* 

1 

l£ 

Gun  Boat  No.88 

Portsmouth 

1051 

sch'r  Ellen 

Herald 

Beaufort 

1052 

bria  Duke  of  York 

Gen.  Armstrong 

uurnt 

1053 

sloop  George 

do. 

do. 

1054 

brigStfift 

do, 

lade  a  cartel 

1055 

brig  Defiance 

do. 

fiurnt 

1056 

brig  Friendship 

do. 

do. 

1057 

brig  Stag 

do. 

do. 

1053 

ship  Dorcna 

do. 

-unk 

1059 

sloop  Henrietta 

do. 

Egg  Harbor 

1060 

ship  Berry  Castle 

G 

Yankee 

ransomed 

1061            [sch'r  Linnet 

Snap  Dragon 

Newbern 

10G2           'sch'r  James 

do.   : 

i>urnt 

1063-  1  068  six  vessels 

Prtn.  Neufchatel 

France 

1069           Render* 

1   i20 

N".  London  mii.  New  London 

1070           'ship  Melville* 

14 

5C 

Fort  Niagara  ^ 

)Iown  up 

1071            brig— 

Rambler 

ransomed 

1072-1  073  britj;  £»  schooner 

brigRattlesnakef 

sank 

J074            brig  Fortitude 

Surprize 

Jnion 

1075            sch'r  Geo.  Canning 

Gen.  Armstrong 

i'homastown 

1076            ship  Pizarro 

Midas 

avannah 

1077  •        ;  Espiranza 

do. 

do. 

1078            brig  Elsinore 

do. 

do. 

1079-1082  Pour  vessels 

Harrison 

ansomed 

1083           (schooner— 

do. 

Amelia 

1084           (brig  Betsey 

York 

Boston 

1085            ship  Alfred 

Harpey 

Wilmington 

1086            ship  Antonio 

do. 

do. 

10«7-l08^two  brigs 

do. 

hurnt 

1089           sch'r  Henry 

Saratoga 

Mew  Bedford 

1090          -packet  Elizabeth* 

1 

4! 

Harpey 

\nsomed 

1091           (ship  Hero 

i 

Ida 

riyannis 

10*2           Coun'ss  of  Hercourt 

6*0 

Sabine 

Wilmington 

1693           packet  Landraile*       4  S3          Syren 

New  York 

i  094-1  09g 

two  vessels 

do. 

destroyed 

1096-  U09 

fourteen  vessels 

Gov.  Tompkins 

burnt 

111! 

brig  Betsey  ty  Mary 

v     Kemp 

burnt 

APPENDIX, 


fin 

ship  Calypso 

Kemp 

given  up: 

li  '2 

bnu  Caledonia 

do. 

ransomed 

1113 

br.  New  Frederick 

do. 

do. 

1114 

scbr.  Contract 

Rogei^ 

Wilmington 

115 

transport  Doris* 

li 

55 

Grampus 

Marb  It-head 

t  lt> 

shin  'Hoppet 

Saucy  Jack 

Savannah 

117 

brig  Kliza 

do. 

do. 

1I8--U  19 

two  ships 

brig  Syrenf 

burnt 

120 

barge* 

Stonington  MilitiiStonington 

121 

schooner 

a  barge                  do. 

122 

ship  James1 

Portsmouth     Portsmouth 

11  23 

achr   Wary 

Shark         iNew  Orleans 

1124 

jrii  Hunter 

if 

20corvelte  Adamsf  sunk 

1125 

brig  'Mary 

do. 

do 

1126 

scnr.  Favorite 

do. 

do 

1127 

s;»ip  Paris 

do. 

do 

1128 

schr.  Maria 

do. 

do 

1129 

brio;  Wirman 

Yankee 

Hyannis 

1130 

cu>  f  r  Wasp 

Rattlesnake 

burnt 

1131 

bri.,  D^ver 

do 

do 

1132 

brijr  Pickle 

Pike 

do 

1133 

schooner 

do 

made  a  car 

1134 

?ch   Industrious  Bee 

do 

burnt 

1135 

achr.  Venus 

do 

do 

1136 

3chr..L<jrd  Nelson 

do 

do 

113* 

schr.  Hope 

do 

do 

1138 

schr.  Jane 

250 

do 

made  a  cartel 

1139 

brisj  Orient 

do 

sunk 

11  M) 

brlsr  J  >hn 

do 

burnt 

1»41 

br.  Kingston  Packet 

Fox 

Portland 

11  ^-1143 

two  vessels 

Herald 

Ocraeoke 

1144 

shi.  Sam  Cumming^ 

Pike 

wrecked 

f!45 

ship  Fiv**  Sistf  rs 

Dtuh 

ransomed 

1146 

,'i;»rq  i*   INeptune 

sloop  Waspf 

destroyed 

1U7 

brig  William 

do 

do 

1148 

jiria;  Pallas 

• 

do 

do 

mv) 

galliot  Flenrietta 

do 

made  a  cartel 

11.50 

ship  Orange  Borer 

8 

do 

destroyed 

1151 

brig  Regulator 

do 

do 

1152 

schr.  Jenny 

0(0 

do 

1  1  53 

sloop  Reindeer* 

>A 

118 

do 

burnt 

H54 

schooner 

Leach 

ransomed 

1155 

brig 

fHeio 

Newbern 

1156 

brig  Mars 

David  Porter 

Boston 

1157 

brig:  Cornwallis 

do 

made  a  carteS 

11-58 

ship  Vester 

6 

do 

Boston 

1159 

brig  Horatia 

do 

ransomed 

1160 

ship  Tjiddle" 

Amelia 

made  a  carte? 

1161 

ship  Jesse 

do- 

burnt 

1  1  62            transport  M  nk* 

ship  Lawrence^ 

Erie 

1  :63 

trans.  Perseverancex 

do 

destroyed 

1164 

schr.  Nancy* 

' 

2C 

do 

do 

1165 

tran?,  Endeavof* 

Surprize 

do-    g.  : 

APPENDIX. 


• 

3rig  Gen.  Maitland 

Dash 

Portsmouth 

sloop  Mary 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

<chr  — 

Fame 

Thorn  as  town 

schr.  Pf£gy 

Caroline 

made  a  cartel 

*lo(fp  Ehza 

do. 

sank 

schr  Mariner 

do. 

nade  a  cartel 

brig  Stephen 

4- 

30 

do. 

do. 

sloop  Trinidad 

Jonquilla 

jurat 

brig  Equity 

Orlando 

Boston 

br.  Lord  Wellington 

Diamond 

given  up 

brig  Margaret 

Young  Wasp 

Philadelphia 

ship  Hero 

1     ! 

27 

IllO 

Boston 

brig  Coliers 

Amelia 

burnt 

schr  Nancy 

do. 

raasomed 

brig  Harmony 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

tran?.  Elizabeth* 

30 

do. 

burnt 

schr.  Neptune 

P 

18 

do. 

ransomed 

ketch  Caroline 

10 

do. 

do. 

ibrig  Susan  nail 

21 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

schr.  Mary 

1C 

22 

do.              'Philadelphia 

brig  Pallas 

8?  21 

do.              i    do. 

^hip  Gea.  Wellealey 

8.   36 

Yankee        wrecked 

*}rig  — 

Paul  Jones     Portsmouth 

Gutter  Eliza 

106 

Lawrence      made  a  cartel 

brig  Good  Intent 

do.           burnt 

Cutter  Dart 

do, 

do. 

bria;  Christian 

do. 

do, 

?chr.  Atalanta 

do. 

do.         ! 

br  Lord  Wellingtoi 

Expedition 

do. 

ketch  Expedition 

do. 

wrecked 

schr.  Gold  Finder 

Young  Wasp  Elizabeth  City 

transport* 

250 

Cadet  &,  S.Jack  wrecked 

sloop  Gov.  Hodgdon 

Dash          [given  up* 

brig  Onty  Son 

i 

10 

do.              do. 

tender* 

! 

36 

Bargef        Charleston- 

transport* 

NLQrlpansinHitia  burnt 

vYip  Jane 

Harpey 

do. 

brig  Wm.  Neilsoa 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

schr.  Nine  Sisters 

do. 

burnt 

brig  Louisa 

do. 

ransomed 

ship  Wm  &c  Alfred 

do. 

do. 

transport  Jane* 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

brig  Courtney 

Yankee 

ransomed 

ship  St  Andrew 

c 

do. 

do. 

brig  Speculator 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

brig  Patriot 

Brutus 

Charleston 

brig  Dantzic 

Paul  Jones 

Machias 

tender* 

; 

2l 

Virginia  militia 

Norfolk 

transport  Cyrus* 

\n 

L  N.  Orleansf 

burnt 

-1449'seven  transports  * 

12 

11 

3  Launphesf 

Lake  Borgne 

bris  Petef 

Lawrence 

Beaufort 

bri  -r  John 

Perry 

Baltimore 

brig  Nancy                                       do. 

made  a  rartsl 

400 


APPENDIX. 


<453 

schr.— 

Warrior 

wrecked 

1*54.    i  H 

ship  William 

Charles  Stewart 

Bafh 

1455 

brig— 

Harrison 

ransomed 

1456 

schr  — 

do. 

do 

1457 

ship  Mary 

8 

Little  George 

Marble  head 

1458 

feeder  sciir.  Brest* 

2 

14 

Boatsf 

Charleston 

1459 

brig— 

Kemp 

Osracoke 

1460 

sloop  Enterprise 

Whig 

nade  a  carte? 

1461 

brig  Brunswick 

do. 

<urnt 

1462 

schr  Britannia 

do. 

do. 

1463 

brig  Race  Horse 

do. 

do. 

1464 

sehr.  Mary 

Surprise 

do. 

1  465 

schr.  Good  Intent 

do. 

do. 

1466 

schr.  Nancy 

.    do. 

do. 

;4«7 

schr.  Hazard 

do. 

do. 

]468 

schr.  Sea  Flower 

do. 

do. 

1  469 

schr.  Lucy  Ann 

do. 

made  a  carte" 

1470 

brig  Forth 

do. 

burnt 

*471 

ship  Star     < 

0 

26 

do. 

Baltimore 

1472-1473 

two  vessels 

Roger 

burnt 

1*74 

ship  — 

Ranger 

do. 

1475 

brig  Athill 

18 

Lawrence 

France 

1476 

schr.  George 

David  Porter 

made  a  cnrte? 

1477 

iris;  William 

Lawrence 

Beaufort 

147S 

brig- 

Champlain 

Portsmouth 

1*79 

ing  Susanna 

Sine  qua  non 

do. 

1480 

brig  Flying  Fish 

David  Porter 

New  Bedford 

1481 

ship  Corona 

8i 

Chasseur 

WilniingtoH 

t482 

>ack  Lady  Pelham* 

10 

40 

Kemp 

do. 

1483 

>rig  Sarah 

Warrior 

>?unk 

1484 

brig  Ly  Troubridg? 

8 

[no 

burnt 

1485 

ship  Mary  &  Susan 

Chasseur 

Savannah 

I486 

sch'r  Arrow 

America 

Salem 

1487 

sloop  St.  Lawrence* 

14 

85 

Chasseur 

made  a  cartrl 

1488 

ship  Adventure 

do. 

Charleston 

1489 

schr.  Robert 

America 

destroyed 

1490 

sloop  Jubilee 

do. 

do. 

1491 

sch'r  Hope 

do. 

Salem 

1492 

ship  Emulation 

Syren 

Gracioso 

1493 

schr.  — 

Macdonough 

burnt 

1494 

schr.  Ceres 

Reindeer 

do. 

!495 

chr.  William 

do. 

1o. 

1498 

loop  Unity 

do. 

made  a  carte? 

1497 

mg  Daphne 

r 

do. 

ransomed 

1498 

br.  Crown  Prince 

Portsmouth 

Sedgwick 

1499 

ransport  Juno* 

do. 

nade  a  carte! 

1500 

brig  Ocean 

do. 

burnt    • 

1501 

brig  Langton 

do. 

ransomed 

1502 

brig  Adeona 

America 

Salem 

1503 

ch'r  Sultan 

Morgiana 

Wilmington 

1504 

brig  Sarah 

Warrior 

Hirnt 

1505 
150ft         '$ 

irig  Legal  Tender 
^rig— 

David  Porter 
Piin.Neufchattel 

Machia? 
sunk 

i285 
1286 
1287 
1288 
1289 
1290 

1292 
1293 

1^95 
1297 


1300 
1301 
1^02 

1^04 
1*1)5 

1307 
1*08 
1*09 
1310 


1315 
1316 
1317 


1320 

1321 

1322-132 

1324 

1325 

1326 

1327 

1328 

1329 

1330 

l3.il 

1332 

1333 

1334 

1355 

13  >6 

1337 


Prudence 
loop  Favorite 
brig  Cornvvallis 
ing  Alert 
irin  Harmony 
iiip  Carlbury 

beaflower 
Kig  Stranger 
loop  Fortitude 
rig  Venus 
rig  Diana 
loop  Leith  Packet 
ir.  William  &,  Ann 
.rig  Pegg)  &  Jane 
}arque  William 
hip  Sir  Ed  Pellew 
rig  Btllona 
rig  Tritton 
uig  Duck 
hi;>  Mary 

,jr.  thinks  I  to  myself 
h'r  Britannia 
rig  Halifax  Packet 
rig  Harvest 
rVr  Prince  Regent 
riva   Retaliation 
•rjg  C  uuinerce 
.loop  Farmer 
brig  Britannia 
,ch'r  Two  Brothers 
brig  Ann  Eliza 
>rieUniza 
brig  Anslf  y 
brig  Sarah 
brig  Sir  H  Popham 
sch'r  Rapid 
ship  Champion 
two  vessels 
sch'r  Thomas 
ch'r  Good  Intent 
brig  Joseph 

Eliza 
sch'r— 
brig  Atalanta 
brig  Europa 
brig  Canada 
sch'r  Fox* 
brig  William 
brig  Lulice 
brig  Bon  Accord 
transport  Mary* 
r>rig  Three  Brothers 
brig  Bacchus 


Chasseur 

burnt 

do. 

do. 

00 

do. 

made  a  carte! 

do. 

Mirnt 

43 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

do. 

Baltimore 

4 

16 

ship  Peacockf 

destroyed 

8 

20 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

6 

20 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

do. 

lestroyed 

10 

40 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

4 

20 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

11 

do. 

destroyed 

10 

do. 

do. 

14 

do. 

do. 

15 

do. 

do. 

2 

20 

Dash 

'orland 

19 

Harpy 

)urnt 

40 

do. 

'ortsmouth 

York 

do. 

Dash 

Portland 

5 

20 

Two  Friends 

Jarnstablf 

Chasseur 

Charleston 

Mammouth 

sunk 

do. 

burnt 

50 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

do. 

burnt 

do. 

do. 

do. 

scuttled 

do, 

burnt 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

60 

do. 

made  a  cartei 

do. 

destroyed 

40 

do. 

made  a  cartei 

48 

do. 

do. 

102 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

do. 

*iven  up 

C.  House  barge 

Camden 

sloop  Waspf 

Savannah 

10*  22 

Petapsco 

Wilmington 

io; 

Lawrence 

do. 

2 

26 

by  her  own  crew  !Newbern 

Chasseur           do. 

7 

sloop  Waspf   turnt 

7 

dot              'sunk 

2 

10 

do.               burnt 

7 

do. 

do. 

2 

H 

do. 

do. 

398 


APPENDIX. 


ship  Ann  Dorothy 

Saratoga 

Boston 

tmg  Hiram 

David  Porter 

.ansomed 

brig  Nancy 

Scourge 

>ew  York 

ship  Lord  Hood 

do. 

uurnt 

bjrig  Belrield 

do. 

do. 

brig  Susan  fy  Jawie 

Fox 

do. 

scnY  Retrieve 

do. 

do. 

brig  Concord 

do. 

nade  a  cartel 

brig  Cossac 

£»jrprize 

Boston 

sch'r  Pink 

Grand  Turk 

-unk 

brig  Brothers 

do. 

do. 

brigBelgr  ade 

5i 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

brig'Robert  Stewart 

do. 

burnt 

schr  Commerce 

do. 

do. 

sohY  Mary        ^>- 

3  urj>rize 

-uuk 

schY  Bird 

Grand  Turk 

aalem 

trans,  ship  Ocean* 

Gen.  Putnam 

do. 

schY  Georgiana 

Grand  Turk 

do. 

sloop  — 

Scorpion 

do. 

sch'r—  . 

do. 

-uuk 

sch'r  Eugene 

Midas 

do. 

sen*  Stringer 

do. 

do. 

:  u<  i 

»chY  Betsey^*  Jam 

Cadet 

Thomas  town 

brig- 

JonquHlc 

ransomed 

sloop  — 

Saucy  Jack 

do. 

sch'r  Mary 

do. 

do- 

sch  KingstonPackef 

do. 

made  a  fender 

sloop  Cyrus 

Packet  tender 

burnt 

-loop  Jane 

Saucy  Jack 

made  a  carte! 

ship  Amelia 

1240 

do. 

urnt 

schY  Weasel 

do. 

St  Mary's 

sch'r  Jane 

do. 

avaunah 

brig  Louisa 

Macedonian 

urnt 

brig  Britannia 

do. 

do. 

-hip  Sir  Ed  Pettew 

2  19 

do. 

uuk 

schY  Mariner 

,22 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

schY— 

j 

Resolution 

Charleston 

brigS.  B. 

212 

Kemp 

Charleston 

-hip  Rosabel! 

6o5 

do. 

do. 

brig  Ports  ea 

826 

do. 

do. 

*hip  Princess 

2.i4 

do. 

do. 

,ch'r  — 

Young  Wasp 

Ocracoke 

sch'r  Hazard 

Surprize 

burnt 

13&S 

two  vessels 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

-ch'r  Mary 

do. 

urnt 

brig  Courtney 

Yankee 

^airhaven 

sch'r  Polly 

Dash 

Joston 

sch'r  swift 

Expedition 

iachias 

ship  Amiable 

Roger 

Vilmingtoit 

n;tfr  

Hero 

Seaufort 

ransport  ship* 

Fort  Bowyer 

lobile 

chY  Ma  -v  Ann 

Cadet 

'homastown 

>chY  St.  John 

Janqmtta 

ansorned 

scfaY— 

do. 

nade  a  cartel 

APPENDIX. 


401 


ship  Antigua 

Fox           ;Portsnnouth 

ship  Limerick 

Moryiana 

New  York 

>rig  Helen 

do. 

do. 

»rig  Piutus 

Youn<r  Wasp 

given  up 

ship  Mary  Ann 

do. 

do 

brie  Lord  Duncan 

Morsiana 

burr-t 

)ri2  Cossac 

6 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

scb'r  Rebolution 

K*  mp 

Beaufurt 

-loop  — 

do. 

triven  up 

s-hip  Otway 

;> 

do. 

ransomed 

)rig— 

18 

42 

do. 

do 

brie:  Alexander 

Leo 

wrecked 

>Hg;  Eagle 

Lawrence 

do 

irig  Susannah 

F.  Constitutionf 

New  York 

brig  ton!  Nelson 

do. 

burnt 

hip  Arabella 

Rambler 

Macoa 

>rig  Madeira 

do 

i'ven  up 

<Hp  Anne 

| 

26 

Zebec  Ultor 

Sew  York 

chr.  Perseverance 

do. 

nurnt 

>rig  John 

do. 

do. 

irig  Maria  Arabella 

do. 

do. 

loop  Twins 

do. 

do. 

loop  L'Esperance 

do. 

do. 

loop  Constitution 

do. 

do. 

brie  Mohawk 

do. 

Baltimore 

hip  — 

Avon 

Mntomed 

hip  — 

Jacob  Jones 

do 

rigate  Cyane* 

M 

7- 

ri^Constitulioirf 

New-York 

brig  Baltic 

Grand  Turk 

>7recked 

loop  Busy 

America 

fiirnt 

ch'r  Black  Joke 

do. 

do. 

loop  Enterprise 

do. 

Tiadc  a  cartel 

jack,  ship  Elizabeth 

a 

31 

do. 

do. 

schr  Patriot 

Rev.Cut  Jeffer'. 

Norfolk 

>ilot  Boat 

Custom  Hoiisf 

Eastpoit 

sch'r  Ontario 

N    Y.Militn 

St.  Vincents 

ship  William 

bris;  Vixei-f 

New  York 

ship  Hero 

TebKer 

Vlachias 

1546 

two  sch'rs 

Buskin 

Salem 

brig— 

Paul  Jones 

Norfolk 

brig  Resolution 

Nnnt'.y         Portland 

b^g  Ranker 

K 

*•>•  i 

Matilda       [Philadelphia 

sch'r  Peggy 

Wiley  Reynard  Portland 

ship  Continentia 

Wasp         Charlestou  ' 

ship  King;  George 

Essexf 

Boston 

sch*r  Two  Brothers 

United  we  stand 

Newport 

-hip  Commerce 

Dec, 

*'  »rtiand 

ship  Diaiia 

do 

do. 

brig  Concord 

Mart 

fork 

ship  — 

Industry 

head 

ship  Ned 

10  '6 

Rt  v«                >lem 

Sloop  Bi*:;. 

•  Bar.                    ,arleston 

;a!iy 

Gei.Wiiscin§toc|    do. 

51 

402 


APPENDIX. 


1561 

brig  John 

1C 

I? 

Benj.  Franklin 

Charlfstoii 

15  62 

schr.  Robin 

Revenge 

'or!  land 

1563 

sloop  Caroline 

Retaliation 

New-Yurk 

1564 

brig  Ann 

Growler 

Salem 

1565 

ship  Mentor 

Jack's  Favorite 

Vew-Orleans 

1566 

brig  Antrim 

do 

do. 

li>67 

brig  Emma 

Holkar 

Newport 

1563 

sch'r  Be  :sey 

I8w^w.  Prisoner* 

Campeachy 

1569 

sh.  Ralph  Nickerson 

America 

Salem 

is;o 

sloop  — 

Ontario 

-'ackett's  Harl 

1571 

sloop  Earl  Camden 

Yankee 

France       * 

1572 

brig  Elizabeth 

2    8 

do. 

do 

1573 

brig  Watson 

3 

11 

do. 

do 

1574 

brig  Mariner 

do. 

do 

1575 

schr.  — 

Saucy  Jack 

?iven  up 

1576 

ship  Grotms 

Frolic 

•Salem 

1577 

brig  Jane  Gordon 

i'j 

2t 

do. 

burnt 

1578 

schr.  Hunter 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

1579 

schr  Susan 

do. 

do 

1580 

schr  Vigilant 

do. 

ransomed 

1581 

brig  Maria 

i^rig.  President-)-  France 

1582 

sch'r  Falcon 

do.           i     do. 

158* 

>rkr  Jane 

Cordelia 

burnt 

1684 

sloop  Little  Phoenix 

do. 

do. 

1585 

slo  >p  Fame 

do. 

do. 

1586 

slooj»  Chance 

do. 

do. 

1587 

sch'r  D*ep  Nine 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

15,^8 

sloop  Watt 

do. 

do. 

1589 

slo  Charming;  Elisa 

do. 

sunk 

1690 

sloop  Jamaica 

do. 

do. 

1591 

sch'r  Phoenix 

do. 

made  a  cartel 

1692 

brig  Marquis 

Yankee 

New-Bedford 

159S 

brig  Concord 

Rattlesnake 

Norway 

1594 

schr  — 

Frigate  Essexf 

sunk 

1595 

Tender* 

Virginia  militia 

Norfolk 

1596 

ship  Barclay 

P  Es^exf 

Peru 

1697 

ship  Ashum 

T  B  Yankee 

^rance 

1548 

brig  Trident 

Scourge 

burnt 

1199 

hris  Haddock 

do 

do. 

1600 

sch'r  Columbia 

Portsmouth 

\  ewburyport 

1601 

orig  Fire  Fly 

Sabine 

Wilmington 

1602 

brig  Mary 

Argo 

wrnt 

1603 

chr  Eliza 

Portsmouth 

Machias 

1604 

t>rig  Argo 

Surprise 

3ortland 

16/5 

:>rig— 

Grampus 

do. 

1606 

trans  Lord  Keith 

4 

Mars 

Newport 

1607 

sdi'r  Elizabeth 

Globe 

burnt 

1608 

ship  Pelham 

do. 

do. 

1  609            brig  Penguin* 

22 

[82        Hornetf 

unk 

1610          |*hip  Union 

(Peacockf    burnt 

1611             khip  Venus 
16/2            phip  Brio 

do.          made  a  cartel 
do.           burnt 

Z6i3            (brig  Nautilus* 

4  iSO            do.          given  op 

NEW  BOOKS* 

FOR  SAUE  BY 

B.  &  J.  RUSSELL, 

State-Street—  Hartford, 

Sacramental  Meditations  a  nil  Advices,  (by  Willison) 

price  87  1-2  cents. 

A  System  of  Family  Duty — price  75  cents 
Lite  and  Prayers  of  Miss   Rachael    Baker,    the   sleeping 

preacher, — Price  $  1. 
Hitchcocks  Poems,— Price  75  cents. 
Selector,  a  Poem — j  rice  75  cents. 

The  Mmstrel   and  Wreath  ;  a  Poem. — price  62  1-2  cents. 
History  of  the  Greek  Church  in  Russia,  &  1. 
Mason,  on  self  Knowledge, — price  02  1-2  cents 
Masons'  Select  remains, — price  37  1-2  cents. 
Life  of  Capt.  James  Lawrence. — price  37  1-2  cents. 
The  Christians  Pocket  Companion, — price  25  cents 
Pious  Reflections,  for  every  day  in  the  month,  by  Fenelou9 

price  25  cents. 

The  Christians  Directory,  by  Willison, — price  12  l-2cents. 
Life  of  Bonaparte,  from  his  birth  to  his  arrival  on  board  the 
Bellerophon, — price  37  1-2  cents. 

Large  and  small  Bibles,  Testaments,  Psalm  Books, 
Hymn  Books,  American  Orators,  Murray's  Grammar, 
English  Readers,  Introduction  to  the  Reader,  Dictionaries, 
Account  Books,  Memorandum  Books  and  Chap  Books, 
Primers,  toy  books,  &c.  &ctbythe  Thousand,  Gross , Dozen* 
or  single. 


VALU1BLE  BOOKS. 

Bells'  Anatomy — 2  vols.  price  $11 
Smith's  Wealth  of  Nations, — 2  vols.  $  5 
Jamieson's    Sacred    History, — 2  vols*   in 

one,  price  &  3. 

Collyer's  Lectures, — price  2  Dollars  50  cts 
Vincents  Catechism. — -price  One  Dollar 
Sellons*  Holy  Scriptures  75  cents. 
Faber  on  the  Prophecies — Three  Dollars, 
Fullers  Essays, — price  One  Dollar 
Solitude  Sweetned, — price  One  Dollar. 
Henry  on  Prayer, — price  62  1-2  cents* 
Life  of  Col.  Gardinier,— price  One  Dollar. 
New-England  Fathers, — One  Dollar  25cts. 
Trial  of  Virtue, — price  75  cents. 
Rows*  Exercises, — price  75  cents. 
History  of  the  Pirates, — price  Si,  25  cts. 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 
Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


REC'D  LD 


REC'D  LD 


(C7097slO)476 


General  Library 

University  of  California 

Berkeley 


IP 


M181975 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


